Japanese War Research Articles

A Study on the Historical Experience of Cadre Education of the Communist Party of China during the Anti Japanese War

During the Anti Japanese War, the CPC's cadre education thought reached an unprecedented height. In the long-term practice of revolution and construction, the Communist Party of China has a profound and unique understanding of cadre education, and has found a way of cadre education with its own characteristics. Throughout the basic experience of the party's cadre education during the Anti Japanese War, we can see that the CPC attached great importance to and supported it; the party's systematic education management and implementation organization; adhering to the school running policy of proceeding from reality and the teaching principle of integrating theory with practice; and maintaining the excellent quality of self-reliance and hard struggle. Summing up and studying the experience of cadre education during the Anti Japanese war is of great realistic and practical significance for the party to carry out large-scale cadre education and training.

Asian American responses to Donald Trump’s anti-Asian rhetoric and misuse of the history of Japanese American incarceration

ABSTRACT Since 2015, Donald Trump, his administration and supporters have repeatedly abused the history of Second World War Japanese American incarceration. In contrast to preceding Presidents who recognised the miscarriage of justice authorised by Franklin Roosevelt, Trump and his administration have used this history to justify racism. All post-war presidents before Trump, regardless of political affiliation, agreed what happened under Executive Order 9066 was wrong and should never be repeated. Donald Trump and his administration have, by contrast, not only failed to condemn the incarceration but instead attempted to use test cases brought against the United States government during the war as questionable legal precedent to justify racist policies. The travel ban for those travelling to the USA from Muslim majority countries was compared to Executive Order 9066; Trump’s policy of separating migrant children from their parents and placing them in separate detention centres was disturbingly similar to the internment of orphans of Japanese parentage at Manzanar children’s village; and Trump’s use of terms like ‘China virus’ during the Covid-19 pandemic resulted in attacks on Asian Americans. This article considers Asian American responses to these three case studies of Trump’s anti-Asian rhetoric and abuse of the history of Japanese American incarceration.

Asia. Japanese war criminals: The politics of justice after the Second World War By Sandra Wilson, Robert Cribb, Beatrice Trefalt and Dean Aszkielowicz New York: Columbia University Press, 2017. Pp. 417. Notes, Bibliography, Index.

Asia. Japanese war criminals: The politics of justice after the Second World War By Sandra Wilson, Robert Cribb, Beatrice Trefalt and Dean Aszkielowicz New York: Columbia University Press, 2017. Pp. 417. Notes, Bibliography, Index. - Volume 51 Issue 3

Sentences to japanese war criminals

The article examines the key aspects of sentencing Japanese war criminals. Particular attention is paid to the study of the Tokyo process and its results. The paper also details the participation of the Soviet Union in the investigation of crimes committed by Japanese soldiers during the Second World War.

Russian Russian-Japanese war of 1904–1905 in the works of Russian literature of the beginning of the XX century (on the example of L. Andreev's story “Red laughter” and the story of V. Veresaev “On the Japanese war”)

In the paper, the author considers the reflection of the Russo-Japanese War of 1904–1905 in the works of famous Russian writers of the 19–20th centuries. The heavy and ill-prepared military campaign against Japan, which Russia waged in Manchuria, led to unjustified losses and unsuccessful battles for the Russian army.

The Second World War Japanese Occupation of Singapore

Japan's Second World War occupation of Singapore was marked by acute shortages of food and basic consumer goods, malnutrition, rampant black markets and social breakdown. We argue that the exploitation of Singapore was extreme and fully accorded with pre-war Japanese policy. Japan used Singapore mainly as a communications centre and port to ship Indonesian oil. Mid-1943 attempts to add manufacturing to the city's role had limited success. Acquiescence of Singaporeans to Japanese rule was a notable aspect of occupation. While part of the explanation is that the occupation was a reign of terror, the economics of shortage conferred on the Japanese considerable leverage in maintaining social control.

Redefining North China during the Sino–Japanese War: The Jin–Xi Incident, 1939–1940

ABSTRACT In late 1939 and early 1940, during the Sino–Japanese War, the Chinese Communist Party entered into a civil war with both the Shanxi provincial warlord, Yan Xishan, and Chiang Kai-shek’s Nationalist Party. This is usually referred to as the Jin–Xi Incident – the “first anti-Communist upsurge” the Nationalists launched during the war with Japan. However, compared to the “second anti-Communist upsurge” (also known as the New Fourth Army Incident of January 1941) in Anhui Province, which has attracted great scholarly attention both inside and outside China, the Jin–Xi Incident has been to a large extent neglected. Previously, it was regarded as a local crisis for the Chinese Communist Party’s united front in Shanxi, but newly available evidence suggests that the incident had wider significance. This article illustrates how the Jin–Xi Incident reshaped resistance activities against the Japanese in both Shanxi and North China more broadly, and laid the foundation for the CCP’s victory over the Nationalist Party following the Sino–Japanese War.

On Global Time in Revolutionary Japan

This article reveals how Japanese anti-regime rebels in the mid-1870s deployed news of the Ottoman Empire and the Russo-Turkish War of 1877 in a burgeoning national public sphere to justify and encourage violent revolution against the Meiji government. It focuses especially on commentary in Hyōron shinbun and its successor publications Chūgai hyōron and Bunmei shinshi, short-lived radical newspapers linked to what became the Kagoshima and Kumamoto rebel factions in the Japanese civil war of 1877. Anti-government agitators drew from French and American theory and history and constructed Turkey as a hidebound violator of freedom and civil rights, casting the Turkish case as a parable for what would befall the Meiji government, supposedly a similar wielder of despotism. They inveighed at the same time against European powers for seizing on “Asian” weakness to expand their empires in Asia. Newspapers thus produced a sense of global simultaneity, intimating to readers that they lived in the same empirical moment as people across the world, but as they constructed this empirical simultaneity, they produced also a sense of theoretical nonsynchronicity, in which the histories of some nations acted as the futures of others. Violent revolution, the journalists suggested, provided the best means of reconciling these dual temporalities of global time.

Nanban World Map Screens

The following paper investigates the ways in which European cartography blended with Japanese Buddhist cosmology and created a hybrid form of maps during the period of Japan’s first cultural encounter with Europeans in the second half of the 16th century and the early 17th century. The maps of Dutch cartographers heavily influenced these so-called nanban world-map screens created by Japanese artists. Nevertheless, their companion screens often depicted a local map of Japan in the gyoki tradition deeply embedded in the Buddhist faith system. With a focus on a seventeenth-century pair of folding screens, called the Nanban-Bunka-kan, the study argues, on the one hand, that Japanese artists used the European world map model to reinvent Japan’s global significance, which had been diminished by Buddhist cosmology. On the other hand, the companion screens express Japan’s desire to retain its traditions within the Buddhist realm, and they also emphasize its rejection of any possible foreign colonization. The placement of these seemingly two contrasting world views side-by-side supported the nationalistic ideals of Japanese war lords, who exploited these hybrid maps to validate their unification goals of the archipelago and conquests of foreign lands based on Japan’s newly acquired significance.

대일전범재판에 나타난 일본군 ‘위안부’의 ‘강제동원성’ —도쿄재판의 전범기록을 중심으로—

This paper aims to prove the "coerciveness" of the Japanese "comfort women" system by selecting and analyzing "comfort women" materials in the war crimes trials against Japan. Through the Kono statement(1993), the Japanese government acknowledged "military involvement＂ and the "coerciveness"of the Japanese "comfort women" system. However, the current Abe government, claiming to inherit the Kono statement, is trying to blur "comfort women" issues by repeatedly questioning the "Forced mobilization" of the Japanese "comfort women" system.<BR> Thus, this paper tries to prove the "Forced mobilization"of the Japanese "comfort women" system by gathering the Japanese war crimes trials materials, including bills of indictment, written judgments, and statements of witnesses, and by checking and analyzing the original texts. As a result, it proved the "coerciveness" of the "comfort women" system in a narrow sense, the "forced mobilization" of kidnappings of comfort women, which the Abe government denies.

Diaspora’s Dharma: Buddhist Connections across the South China Sea,1900–1949

ABSTRACT The restoration of Nanputuo Monastery (Nanputuo si 南普陀寺) in Xiamen and the revival of its South China Sea Buddhist networks in recent decades are significant factors in the religious resurgence in southeast China since the reform and open-door period. This article looks at an earlier role of such networks in this region, using Nanputuo Monastery as a case study, to explore the transregional Buddhist connections between southeast China and the Chinese diaspora from the turn of the twentieth century to 1949. It argues that new patterns of Buddhist mobility contributed to the circulation of people, ideas, and resources across the South China Sea. I show that, on the one hand, Buddhist monks and religious knowledge moved along these networks from China to Southeast Asia, while money from wealthy overseas Chinese was channelled along the networks for temple building in China; on the other hand, Buddhist monks relied on the networks to support China’s war effort and facilitate their relocation to Southeast Asia during the Sino–Japanese War. Examining these networks also explains the emergence of modernist Chinese Buddhism throughout Southeast Asia in the early to mid-twentieth century.

What Is Criminal and What Is Not: Prosecuting Wartime Japanese Sex Crimes in the People's Republic of China

AbstractThe Chinese Communist Party (CCP) prosecuted Japanese military servicemen for war crimes committed during and after the Sino-Japanese War. This paper examines written confessions left by those Japanese war crimes suspects and considers to what extent they were used by the CCP to prosecute sexual violence during the trials. The historical analysis is contextualized by an examination of the representation of the CCP's legal approach to sexual violence in articles from thePeople's Daily. This paper finds that although accounts of sexual violence are found in the confessions written by suspected Japanese war criminals, the courts did not make rape a focal point of the prosecutions and did not pursue the so-called “comfort women” issue. Furthermore, no victim of rape was called to testify before the court. The CCP's approach to the issue of sexual violence in the 1956 trials closely corresponded to the discourse and propaganda in thePeople's Daily.

전후 중국의 일본전범 재판 연구

전후 중국의 일본전범 재판 연구

Japanese War Criminals: The Politics of Justice After the Second World War by Sandra Wilson et al.

Japanese War Criminals: The Politics of Justice After the Second World War by Sandra Wilson et al.

The use of affidavit in practice of the International Military Tribunal for the Far East

The U.S. lawyers played the leading role in organization and arrangement of the International Military Tribunal for the Far East (IMTFE) intended for trial of the main Japanese war criminals. Tribunal was established by a charter issued by the U.S. Army General Douglas MacArthur, who was appointed as a Supreme Commander for the Allied Powers in Japan. Therefore, prevalence of Anglo-Saxon legal family is evident in the practice of tribunal. One of them is the use of affidavit in the Tokyo International Military Tribunal. The article applies the method of comparative legal studies; conducts analysis of the legal norms stipulated in decrees of the tribunals. Dogmatic method is employed for interpretation of legal norms presented in the decrees. The author examines the practice of presenting and usage of affidavit in the course of judicial procedure in the International Military Tribunal for the Far East. Affidavits were provided into the tribunal by prosecution witnesses, as well as by defendants themselves. The article also demonstrated the use of affidavits by the U.S. administration for political purposes. &amp;nbsp;

Russian Orthodoxy and the Russo–Japanese War by Betsy C. Perabo

Russian Orthodoxy and the Russo–Japanese War by Betsy C. Perabo

Лояльность вооруженных сил и ее эмпирическое исследование: русско-японская и Первая мировая войны

Лояльность вооруженных сил и ее эмпирическое исследование: русско-японская и Первая мировая войны

The Japanese Military ‘Comfort Women’ Issue and the 1965 System: Comfort Women of the Empire and Two-fold Historical Revisionism

Since its publication in 2013, Park Yuha’s book Comfort Women of the Empire (Cheguk ŭi wianbu) has become a major point of contention for those concerned with the “comfort women” issue. However, while this book has been frequently cited amidst the recent maelstrom of Japan–Korea relations, the actual content of the book has received insufficient scrutiny. The aim of this article is to concretely examine the content and problematic aspects of Park’s book, building on research that has been carried out since the 1990s into the ‘comfort women’ issue and the question of post-war reparations. Based on the assumption that the Japanese government does not have any legal responsibilities, Park’s book claims that: 1) the “comfort women” victims do not have any right to claim compensation for damages from the Japanese government; 2) even if they did have such a right, the government of the Republic of Korea gave up all rights of claim at the Japan–Korea negotiations that concluded with the Treaty of 1965; and 3) the “economic cooperation” funds that the ROK received as a result of this Treaty were in fact a form of post-war reparations related to the Sino–Japanese War. However, Park has been unable to provide satisfactory grounds for these claims, due to the fact that her book Comfort Women of the Empire does not have an accurate understanding of the preceding research it uses. I argue that Park’s work contains serious methodological flaws, including a failure to define core concepts, such as reparations; the existence of mutually contradictory passages; the arbitrary selection of evidence to support her arguments; and the misuse of previous research. As a result, the book has critical flaws from the standpoint of its fundamental stated aim of promoting historical reconciliation.

The Historical Meaning about the Changes of Administrative Districts in Gyeongbuk Area during the Japanese Colonial Era

일제는 러일전쟁 시기에 더욱 조선 침략을 본격화하였다. 국내 주요도시와 공간에 일본인 주도의 식민도시가 형성되기 시작하였다. 대구와 김천, 포항의 경우 1914년 지방행정구역 개편과 함께 일본인 주도의 식민도시로 전환되었다. 대구부와 김천면, 포항면은 행정, 경제, 교육 등 모든 측면에서 일반 군과 면과 두드러진 차이를 드러냈다. 그것은 식민도시로서의 성격이었다. 일본인 인구의 비중이 조선인에 비해 적으면서도 지역사회에 미치는 영향력은 막대하였다. 또한 여타 군과면에 비해 일본인 인구의 비중은 상당히 높았다. 이에 1914년 지방행정구역의 개편은 일제가 조선을 효과적으로 지배하는 수단이 되었다. 결국, 대구부와 김천면, 포항면은 일제의 조선 지배 거점이 되면서 일본자본주의의 이익을 담보하는 기제로 작동하였다.Japanese imperialism began to accelerate the invasion of Korea(Joseon Dynasty)during the Russo - Japanese War . Japanese-led colonial cities began to be formed in major cities and spaces in Korea. In the case of Daegu and Gimcheon, Pohang, they was converted into Japanese-led colonial cities in 1914 with the reorganization of local administrative districts. Daegu-bu and Gimcheon-myeon, Pohang showed a remarkable difference as compared with general gun & myeon(counties) in all aspects of administration, economy, education, etc. . It had the characteristics as a colonial city. The proportion of the Japanese population was small compared with that of the Koreans, but the impact on the local community was enormous. In addition, the proportion of the Japanese population was significantly higher than in other gun & myeon(counties) . Thus, in 1914, the reorganization of the local administrative district became a means by which Japanese imperialism could effectively control Korea. As a result, Daegu-bu and Gimcheon-myeon, Pohang became the bases of Korea(Joseon Dynasty) domination of Japan and operated as the mechanism to secure the interests of Japanese capitalism.

State Patriotism and Jewish Nationalism in the Late Russian Empire: The Case of Vladimir Jabotinsky’s Journalist Writing on The Russo–Japanese War, 1904–1905

AbstractIn his autobiographical writings, the Russian-Jewish author and the founder of Zionist Revisionism Vladimir Jabotinsky constructed a retrospective self-image, according to which ever since becoming a Zionist early in the 20th century he exclusively clung to a Jewish national identity. This one-dimensional image was adopted by the early historiography of the Revisionist movement in Zionism. Contrary to this trend, much of the recent historiography on Jabotinsky has taken a different direction, describing him, particularly as a young man during the period of his early Zionism in Tsarist Russia, as a Russian-European cosmopolitan intellectual. Both these polarized positions are somewhat unbalanced and simplistic, whereas the figure of Jabotinsky and his worldview that emerge from reading his rich publicist writing in late Tsarist Russia present a far more complex picture of interplay between his deep ethnic-national primordial Jewish affinity, on the one hand, and an array of his different attachments to his non-Jewish surroundings including local, cultural, and civil identities, on the other. Focusing on Jabotinsky’s unexplored journalist writings that address the Russo-Japanese war of 1904–1905, the article discovers a previously unknown identity pattern of the young Jabotinsky—his Russian state patriotism—and traces its relationship to his Jewish nationalism.