Japanese Officials Research Articles

A Study of the Pirated Distribution of Japanese Variety Shows in China and the Chinese Audience --Take the Chinese Special Episodes of Monday Late Show as an Example

In today’s cultural global village, Japanese variety shows have always had a large audience on Chinese networks, among which Monday Late Show has a group of loyal Chinese fans. This study investigates the process of the distribution of Monday Late Show’s Chinese special in China by analyzing the three dimensions of the viewers (university students), the producers of the content (Chinese producers of the Chinese special episodes), and the intermediary of the cross-cultural distribution (subtitle groups). The study found that Chinese producers, Chinese viewers and the subtitle team formed an organic link from bottom to top. Viewers interacted with the producers and the subtitle team through social networks and provided suggestions and feedback on the content of the programme, participating in the production of the Chinese special episodes in real-time. However, the subtitle team still acted as an intermediary in the dissemination of the pirated version of the programme, the invisible recognition of the producers reflected the helplessness of the Japanese officials who had a weak awareness of the copyrights in the Chinese market. In the future, there is still a need to raise Chinese viewers’ awareness of copyright and strengthen intellectual property protection to promote the dissemination of Japanese variety shows through legal channels in China and the healthy development of cross-cultural exchanges.

Law’s Logistical Media: The Installation of the File System in the Postwar Japanese Prosecutor’s Office

AbstractThis article traces the fraught history of the file system’s adoption by the Japanese Public Prosecutor’s Office (PPO) from the late 1940s to the early 1950s, when the U.S. General Headquarters (GHQ), the Supreme Commander for the Allied Powers, decentralized the PPO’s power and transformed it into a “democratic” judicial agency. This is also a postwar history of the introduction of Taylorism-derived scientific management to white collar office work and Weberian visions of bureaucratic rationality into government offices, as part of the democratization of public administration steered by various sections within GHQ. Among the key changes was a guarantee of the right to receive a “speedy trial.” The essay argues that, while that guarantee was meant to secure human-rights protections for the accused, the file system introduced to the PPO translated the constitutional imperative of the rights of the accused into the pursuit of efficient scientific management, in which democracy was an operationalized socio-technical achievement. This logistical channel led to the co-emergence of democracy and modern rational bureaucracy, with each evincing mutual cause and effect. American reforms invested technicality with the promise of “democracy,” but as this essay shows, senior Japanese officials envisioned it as a means to rebuild a centralized information network.

1910년대 일본의 재만 조선인 회유와 유교 지도자의 귀국

The dynamics of Korean Confucian movement found in colonial Korea in the late 1910s and early 1920s were the result of the rapid response of domestic confucian intellectual groups to domestic and international situations, but it was also the result of the return of the Confucian leaders. After returning home, they revitalized the Confucian community by urging the conservative Confucian intellectuals to participate in the independence movement and leading the establishment of Confucian organizations.
 The return of the Confucian leaders was closely related to the Japanese government’s conciliatory policy. In August 1918, Suenaga Misao, a ronin of Japan, and Jang Woo-geun, a pro-Japanese Korean, wrote ‘an opinion on the conciliation and unification of Koreans abroad’ together and proposed a conciliation for Korean leaders in Manchuria, China, through observation groups. In fact, between 1919 and 1920, Maeng Bo-soon, Lee Sang-gyu, and Jeong An-rip, who had participated in the Observation Group to Yeosun and Dalian or had often met with Japanese officials and exchanged opinions, returned home, and became a new leading group of the Confucian movement in 1920s.

To Assure and Conceal: Revisiting Secret Agreements (Mitsuyaku) in the U.S.-Japan Alliance

ABSTRACT Informed by the concept of plausible deniability and newly-declassified U.S. and Japanese documents, this study explores the interconnectedness between public and private security assurances made during the 1957-1960 revision of the U.S.-Japan Security Treaty. The role of secret agreements is conceptualized as a form of covert operations in U.S.-Japan allied secret diplomacy. The revised security treaty and joint communiques announced by President Dwight D. Eisenhower and Prime Minister Nobusuke Kishi were reinforced by secret agreements. Dual confidential arrangements enabled the transit of nuclear-armed U.S. vessels and warplanes into Japanese territorial waters and airspace, along with the free-use of U.S. bases in Japan for Korean contingencies. The U.S. employed overt and covert mechanisms to preserve its extended deterrent capabilities in East Asia as well as to meet Congressional and military requirements to preserve U.S. base rights in Japan. Japanese officials utilized covert strategies, including concealing the existence of secret agreements, thereby denying alleged public deception and ensuring their political survival for decades. In essence, secret agreements lay at the heart of the U.S.-Japan asymmetric alliance.

Patriarchal State Projects and the Exploitation of Women: A Case Study of Japan’s Sex Industry (1870s-1950s)

ABSTRACT This case study employs intersectional gender theory and adopts the critical perspective in human trafficking literature to explore how Japanese officials have exploited prostitution and sex industry-related legislation to further their political, economic, and military interests, both in peace and war time, over the 1870s-to-1950s time span. In particular, this paper investigates how sex work and sex trafficking have been understood, how and why these exploitative systems morphed over time, and who benefitted. It finds that sex-trade related legislation has largely been coopted by the state’s leading actors to bolster their power and influence, control women, and improve their international standing. Historical and cultural attitudes toward race, women, and sex continue to exercise a significant influence on Japanese officials, impeding efforts at effective prosecution of sex crimes and severely hindering the protection of individuals involved in the sex trade. Notably, the criminalization of prostitution undermines women’s human and labor rights, complicates anti-trafficking efforts, and renders victims more vulnerable by making them largely invisible and labeling them “criminals.” To craft effective solutions to sexual exploitation, it is crucial that policymakers explicitly address gendered and racial biases and acknowledge how masculinized control of femininities and women have affected and continue to influence exploitative systems.

Приоритетные направления политики «мягкой силы» Японии в XXI веке

The article analyzes the term ‘soft power’ policy, developed by J. Nye, in relation to Japan as the country with the largest resource of its application due to the need of national business to adopt foreign cultural experience. The limitations of its use in the country’s foreign policy are associated with the internal conservative orientation of Japanese culture and society, Japan’s militaristic past, demographic problems and the language barrier, as well as competition with other states. The spheres of implementation of the ‘soft power’ policy are economic, ideological, diplomatic, and cultural. According to the statements of Japanese officials, the following priority areas and goals for applying the ‘soft power’ policy in the 21st century are highlighted: expanding cooperation with the world community, including investments; promoting Japanese pop culture and promoting the national language on the world stage through educational organizations and funds. Organizations that implement ‘soft power’ policy in the country are the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, the Advisory Council, the Japan Foundation, the Japan-Russia Youth Exchange Center, etc. These organizations offer programs for academic and student exchange, acquisition of educational materials, grants for holding events and translations of different kinds of literature, attracting foreign labor to the country and developing diplomacy. In order to achieve the goal set by the Japanese government, international competitions in the Japanese language, an international exam for knowledge of the Japanese language, and Japanese centers abroad are created, financed by the state and receive various subsidies and benefits. The main feature and trump card of Japan is that the country acts within the framework of the promotion of values that are reflected in the status of the country through humanitarian assistance, a positive image of the state and positive education. In the conclusion, the authors highlight the fact that Japan managed to create a positive image of the country in the international arena; strengthen economic, political and cultural ties at different levels; reinforce the position of Japan in the world community as one of the leading countries; export the Japanese traditions and culture to other countries.

The Gateway to the Pacific: Japanese Americans and the Remaking of San Francisco

The Gateway to the Pacific: Japanese Americans and the Remaking of San Francisco

일제하 사립고등보통학교의 재단법인화와 재단 운영 - 조선인 설립학교를 중심으로 -

The Foundation of private secondary schools under Japanese colonial rule had an identity as an educational institution for Koreans. However, there were differences in the foundation’s operating structure and composition depending on the subject of the school establishment. Sookmyung Girls’ School, a school related to the royal family of the Korean Empire, had a broad stipulation on the role of the foundation, and the foundation was operated by Japanese officials. Choongang Academy Foundation was run by Kim Sung-soo and his close aides. However, Koreans tried to keep school operators in check based on the perception that private secondary schools are public institutions in the Korean community. On the other hand, Osan School, established with the cooperation of local residents, allowed a large number of people in the local community to participate in the operation of the school through the council.

일제강점기의 제사상속론 비판

During the Japanese colonial period, the concept of the succession of ancestor-worship was recorded as a customary law of Joseon. If it is expressed as succession to the son who performs the ancestral rites after the deceased father, then there is no big problem. The problem lies in creating the term of the‘succession of ancestor-worship' and assigning it a kind of private rights to it as an inheritance object. It is very difficult to understand the thesis logically. Therefore the author traces the thesis and critically examines the discourse on the‘succession of ancestor-worship' which was basically formed by Japanese judicial officials during the Japanese colonial period. In Part II, four specific examples of the Joseon Dynasty that may have provoked discourse on the‘succession of ancestor-worship' were presented as a cornerstone of criticism of the theory formed during the Japanese colonial period. Although there was a possibility that the descendants who were identified as jeoktong (嫡統) or jongtong (宗通) could be conferred official posts, it is not 100% conferred. No public office is conferred unless recommended by a high-ranking central official or directed by the monarch. In such a situation, it is doubtful what kind of profit would be acceptable to the descendants who were identified. In Part III, the definition of inheritance developed by Japanese jurists around the 1900s was reviewed. They did not attempt to define inheritance (succession) as an abstract concept beyond ethnocentrism. In this position, it is difficult to objectively objectify the reality of Joseon history and culture. In Part Ⅳ, the records of the resolution of the government-level institutional inquiry committee in 1923, 10 years after the Japanese colonial rule began to manage the Joseon Dynasty, were reviewed. The content of this resolution was not much different from the description of the customs investigation report of the 1910s. Part V is the conclusion part. Distortion theory and creation theory have been proposed regarding the results of the survey on customs of Joseon, recorded and organized by the Japanese. Not all of the results of the survey on Korean customs recorded and organized by the Japanese are distortions or creations. However, it is true that there have been some distortions and creations. The fundamental reason for distortion and creation lies in the colonialist assimilation policy. Another factor is the lack of abstraction ability for colonialists to properly read the history and culture of the colonized area.

The United States at the Center of the Action

The United States at the Center of the Action

Human security and Japanese refugee policy: explaining the ‘flux’

Japan is one of the richest democracies of Asia, a pillar of the international liberal order in the region, and a strongly pacifist nation with the only anti-war constitution in the world. It is also one of three major countries which have elected to incorporate human security principles as intrinsic components of foreign policy. However, its implementation of human security principles in some areas, especially refugee policy, belies its rhetorical commitments; it boasts the lowest number of refugees among all industrialised nations. What explains this discrepancy? Through a comparative study of the Indochinese and the Rohingya refugee crises, this study aims to offer a corrective and a supplement to Sarah Tanke’s work (2021) by arguing that despite Japanese officials’ championing of a human security narrative in the international arena, the gap between declaration and implementation, especially regarding the human security of displaced persons in the Asia-Pacific region and beyond, points to their instrumental use of such a narrative to avoid international censure and free ride on the international asylum regime. It further investigates the domestic political, social and psychological factors modulating this behaviour, and argues for a broader role for international pressure in order to bring about policy change.

Toward a genealogy of the police idea in imperial Japan: a synthesis

AbstractThis paper explores how Japanese officials and others conceptualized police power at particular junctures in imperial Japanese history (1868–1945). It does so by synthesizing prior scholarship on the Japanese police into a broader genealogy of the police idea in prewar Japan, beginning with the first translations and explanations of police in the Meiji period, the changing perceptions of the police in the 1910s, and the evolution from the “national police” idea in the 1920s to the “emperor's police” in the late 1930s. The essay proposes that the police idea in Japan (and elsewhere) can be read as a boundary concept in which the changing conceptions of police power demarcate the shifting relationship between state and society. Indeed, it is the elusiveness of this boundary that allows for police power – and by extension, state power – to function within society and transform in response to social conditions. Approached in this way, the essay argues that the different permutations of the police idea index the evolving modality of state power in prewar Japan, and thus allows us to reconsider some of the defining questions of imperial Japanese history.

일본 공무원 정년 후 재임용제도(再任用制度) 연구: 조직정당성 관점에서

한국의 공직사회에도 급속한 고령화의 그늘이 드리우기 시작했다. 무엇보다 2022년부터 본격화 될 ‘공무원연금 지급연령 상향에 따른 공무원연금 수급 불일치 문제를 어떻게 해결할 것인가?’에 대한 논의가 시급한 상황이다. 본 연구에서는 이에 대한 답을 찾기 위해 한국보다 먼저 해당 문제를 경험한 일본의 공무원 정년 후 재임용제도에 대해 살펴보았다. 조직정당성 관점에서 2001년부터 시행되어 온 일본의 공무원 정년 후 재임용제도의 도입 및 운영 과정을 분석한 것이다. 그 결과 해당 제도는 20여년의 시간동안 점차적이고 순차적으로 도입되었으며, 정년퇴직공무원과 현직공무원의 수요를 충분히 반영하여 운영되고 있음을 알 수 있었다. 또한 공무원 정년 후 재임용제도가 아마쿠다리(天下り)라는 관료부패를 해결할 수 있는 정책수단으로 간주되는 등 일반 국민들의 순응도 확보하고 있음을 알 수 있었다. 본 연구의 결과는 고령화와 공무원 연금문제를 동시에 경험하고 있는 한국의 공무원 사회에 실천적으로 적용을 고려해 볼 수 있는 중요한 함의점을 제공할 수 있을 것이다.

Staging Personhood: Costuming In Early Qing Drama by Guojun Wang

Reviewed by: Staging Personhood: Costuming In Early Qing Drama by Guojun Wang Tan Jing STAGING PERSONHOOD: COSTUMING IN EARLY QING DRAMA. By Guojun Wang. New York: Columbia University Press, 2020; pp. 312. Taking costuming as a central object, Guojun Wang seeks to explore the sartorial significance embedded in dramatic texts in his monograph Staging Personhood: Costuming in Early Qing Drama. Under an interpretive framework posed by the interplay between onstage costume and offstage clothing, Wang explores multiple tensions between texts and theatre, onstage performance and offstage social context, and literary writing and individual person-hood during the period of Ming/Qing transition in Chinese history. In his introduction, “Costuming as Method,” Wang carefully defines terms central to his conceptual framework and methodology. Clothing and clothes refer to “items of apparel in society,” while costume refers to “pieces of clothes used in drama and theatre” (3). Costuming is used in reference to “the theatrical appropriation of body and clothing in drama texts, performances, and different types of visual representations” (3–4). Costuming may be understood in a narrow sense as production and stage use of costumes, and in a broad sense that includes dressing, undressing, and cross-dressing in theatrical practices (10). In the period covered by Wang’s monograph, this distinction between clothes and costumes marks the space of a heated sociopolitical struggle over the nature of the self. In classical Chinese drama before the Qing dynasty, onstage costumes were the same as social clothes, except for those adopted in historical plays. Under the nascent Manchu regime, the newly out-of-power Han Chinese, whose traditional culture placed great value on the intactness of the body to present filial piety to parents, were forced to shave their heads and change to Manchu clothing. However, theatrical costume retained the Han style of the recently collapsed Ming dynasty rather than Manchu clothing, while plays depicting current events were banned. Thus the sartorial discrepancy that motivates Wang’s study, that between Han-style costumes onstage and Manchu-style clothes offstage, was formed. To better understand this discrepancy and to interpret how early Qing dramas were presented as a result is Wang’s chief critical and historical concern. In the process, he reveals how the anxiety of “personhood,” generated from inevitable incoherent roles, identity crises, and political and cultural oppression experienced by the Han Chinese under the changing regime, may be exposed by the historian of costuming. [End Page 578] Chapter 1 explores how different audiences experienced and interpreted the sartorial discrepancy that appeared onstage and offstage in the early Qing period. Records left by spectators, including Korean envoys, Japanese officials, British diplomats, Ming loyalists, and Qing literati, are used to describe the effects of the spectacle in relation to segregation and political edicts enforced by the Manchu reign. In chapter 2, Wang delineates the complicated cultural and political dress codes across genders and ethnicities embodied in the early Qing drama Lovebird Reversal (Dao yuanyang倒鴛鴦), which depicts a young male scholar and a young lady who exchange clothes with each other to survive the Manchu invasion, before they finally redeem their original genders years later when their parents, coincidentally, arrange for them to be married. Wang argues that the disruption and restoration of social order corresponds with the destruction and restoration of gender relations in this play of cross-dressing, and the playwright structures the play within a philosophical and cosmological view of balance between the binaries of the opposites—for instance, genders and social order. The analysis of A Ten-Thousand-Li Reunion (Wanli yuan萬里圓) in chapter 3 reveals how the Confucian ethics of filial piety (paid only to parents) and political loyalty (paid exclusively to one master or one regime) were split among Han Chinese males as the orthodox Han regime was replaced by the invaded Manchus. Wang explores in depth the production history of this drama to delineate the fragmentation of theatrical costuming in relation to the identity crisis of Han Chinese as simultaneously members of a family and subjects of changing states. Chapter 4 takes up two early Qing dramas based on the historical event of Lady Hai, who committed suicide after suffering an attempted sexual assault. The plays focus...

Japan’s relations with Visegrád 4 (V4) and the Central and Eastern European Countries (CEECs): Adjusting mismatches?

Japan and the Visegrád Group (V4) have enjoyed stable and problem-free relations. However, Japan’s engagement with the V4 countries has lacked dynamism and robustness in areas such as Japan’s foreign direct investment in the V4 countries and visits by highranking Japanese officials to V4. This paper discusses the asymmetric relations between Japan and V4 from the Japanese perspective, focusing mainly on how and why Japan failed to place more emphasis on strengthening its relations with the V4 countries. Three backgrounds for this situation are identified: the US- and China-centric nature of Japan’s foreign policy, Japan’s large-country focus in its outlook and policies concerning Europe, and Japan’s somewhat outdated self-image as a significant donor and supporter of the Central and Eastern European countries.

Российские корееведы о корейском коммунистическом и национально-освободительном движении конца 10-х, 20-х и первой половины 30-х гг.

The colonial history has been a topic for scientific research for Russian and foreign orientalists in the 20th and 21th centuries. At present some of the historical events and processes, the liberation movement in the Asian colonies for instance, are being revised and reviewed. At the same time a search for new sources, documents and information is becoming one of the priorities in historical science. This is true about Korean liberation studies in the former USSR and Russia. Soviet and Russian orientalists carried out a number of significant works on the topic. However, as many scholars say themselves, these publications need revision. Furthermore, formerly in their publications Soviet researchers were obliged to follow the concepts of the official North-Korean historiography, which was to serve the cult of Kim Il- Sung and the “Chuchhe” doctrine and misinterpreted historical events, those related to the 1920-s and the 1930-s particularly. As a result some misinterpreted conceptions, missing and unexplained data about Korea’s liberation movement appeared. Hence there was a necessity to broaden the scientific source of research, a need for new information and data. The article is devoted to Korean colonial history, particularly to the Korean struggle for independence during the first 25 years of Japanese colonial governance. The author seeks to find out the way national liberation and communist movement are depicted in the conceptions of Soviet and Russian orientalists. Korean struggle against Japanese colonial rule has been reflected in special editions for official use of the Japanese colonial administration. These books were written in Japanese by the General-Governor’s office, police and court and were used by senior Japanese officials. They prove to be an original source of scientific research concerning forms and methods of Japanese governance in the colony, general situation on the Korean Peninsula before WWII. These Japanese publications also provide important data that shed light on Korea’s struggle for independence. The author makes an attempt to compare, where possible, the conceptions of Russian orientalists concerning national liberation and communist movement in Korea in the late 1910-s, 1920-s and early 1930-s with the interpretation given in the above mentioned Japanese publications.

УКРАЇНСЬКИЙ НАЦІОНАЛЬНИЙ РУХ У МАНЬЧЖУРІЇ (на основі праць Івана Світа)

In the Manchurian diplomatic journal “The Political Situation in East Asia”, we find a fairly detailed analysis of the situation in China, the Soviet Union, and the European countries, as well as an overview and analysis of these countries’ ties with Nazi Germany. In the fifth volume of the publication, one of the sections was entitled “Review of Ukrainian National Movements”. From the aforementioned facts, it is clear that the section provided reliable information about Ukraine and its diaspora, as well as gave an objective assessment of the situation in which the Ukrainian community found itself in Manchuria. The author has analyzed this work. With the beginning of the Sino-Japanese war, there were changes not only in the political course of Japan, but also in the bureaucracy of Manchuria. Most Japanese officials had left Manchuria. In 1937, the publication of the Ukrainian newspaper “Manchurian Herald” was stopped. For a long time, the Japanese authorities had greatly supported the editorial board of the “Manchurian Herald”, but suddenly changed their protectorate to censorship, and eventually banned the publication of the Ukrainian newspaper. Against the background of the then turbulent political situation worldwide, the Ukrainian community had lost a rather important channel of information dissemination. Consequently, there were fewer mentions and testimonies of Ukrainian national movements in Manchuria. The author describes the life of the famous Ukrainian journalist, historian, and public and political figure in the Far East Ivan Svit. His relations and contacts with the Japanese colleagues Kitagawa Shikazo and Horie Kazumasa were analyzed. On the basis of the processed source materials and literature, the peculiarities of the Ukrainian national movement in Manchuria, its successes, achievements, main failures, and the reasons of the decline are comprehensively covered. The author explains the role of the exile government of the Ukrainian People’s Republic in Ukrainian-Japanese relations.

Reexamining Threat Perception in Early Cold War Japan

This article discusses whether Japanese military and political elites perceived the Soviet Union and the People's Republic of China (PRC) as threats during the Cold War. Realist scholars have argued that Japan's security alliance with the United States and the global balance of power were such that most Japanese officials did not perceive either of the Communist giants as a serious military threat. Reaching a similar conclusion but for starkly different reasons, constructivist scholars have argued that cultural, normative, and identity factors explain why Japanese elites did not perceive the Soviet Union or China as militarily threatening. Neither of these arguments holds up. Archival data and oral history collections from Japan's Self-Defense Force and National Diet Library reveal that Japan's defense establishment and political leaders perceived both the Soviet Union and the PRC as extremely threatening and that these perceptions fluctuated in intensity over time, across sectors, and among actors. Psychological factors, including affect, behavioral tendencies, and cognitive beliefs (the ABC model), may better explain why Japanese judged the intensity and source of perceived threats in the manner that they did. These findings underscore why threat perception in the international system is best evaluated by aggregating individual judgments and their distribution among larger groups.

일제강점기 일본어 자료에 나타난 ‘울릉도의 屬島로서의 독도’ 인식

Until now, through the results of several previous studies, it is thought that it was fully revealed that Japan did not recognize Dokdo as a territory of Japan before it was forced to annex it to its territory in 1905. However, during the Japanese colonial period, it was difficult to prove that Dokdo was Korean territory because all of the Korean territory became Japanese territory. Nevertheless, history is not cut off from time to time, but still exists under continuity. Even if Japan, by law, made Dokdo one-sided as its territory, the perception that Dokdo is an island attached to Ulleungdo will not suddenly disappear. This study aims to examine how Dokdo's perception appeared in Japanese materials related to Ulleungdo and Dokdo during the Japanese occupation. The data for this study were donated by Nam Hoon Kim, donated to the Independence Hall of Korea in 2017, research papers related to Ulleungdo and Dokdo written by Japanese scholars during the Japanese colonial period, Matsue City, Shimane Prefecture It is a document called "About the Incorporation of Takeshima" that I directly collected at the Takeshima Research Institute. The research results are as follows. First, Shiba Kazumori's Japanese History Map (1922) wrote Takeshima(=Dokdo) as the territory of Korea, revealing that it recognized Dokdo as an island attached to Ulleungdo. This was largely influenced by Yoshida Togo's "The Great Japanese geographic dictionary", which was called the Giant of Japanese Geography. This coincides with the perception of Japanese territorial maps before and after the Korean annexation introduced in the "New Japanese history map" published by Yoshida Togo. Furthermore, since Shiba Kazumori's perspective was reflected in the writings of research colleague Akira Fujita. Shiba Kazumori's perception was not limited to him. An example of recognizing Dokdo as an affiliated island of Ulleungdo can also be found in research papers written by Japanese scholars during the Japanese colonial period. In other words, studies by Tabohashi Kiyoshi and Imamura Tomo revealed the perception of Dokdo as a sub-island of Ulleungdo by declaring Ulleungdo as Takeshima(竹島) and Dokdo as Matsushima(松島). Setko Hibata directly determined Dokdo as an island of Ulleungdo. On the other hand, Japanese residents who lived in Ulleungdo during the Japanese colonial period testified that Dokdo was clearly visible on Ulleungdo on a clear day. Despite the fact that Dokdo was incorporated as a Japanese territory in Shimane Prefecture under the name of Takeshima(竹島), Japanese were known as Ryangkodo and Koreans were Dokdo(獨島). The fact that it is called is a part where it can be confirmed that the previous methods and habits continue in life regardless of changes in the system. Also, it is recorded as Dokdo(獨島) in 『島根縣誌』 (1923) and the head of the State Treasury Department of Matsue, Japan (1945), indicating that Japan also recognized Dokdo as an attached island of Ulleungdo. Furthermore, after the administrative district was changed from Oki island governor (島司) to the Oki branch office in 1926, it was left until 1953 without administrative measures for changing the region governing Dokdo. Japan is hiding this fact, but this is an indicator that Japan can guess how Dokdo was perceived during the Japanese occupation. During the Japanese colonial rule, Korea was recognized as the “territory of Japan Empire” by the Korean Merge Treaty, so the Japanese side did not have to separate Dokdo and emphasize it as Japanese territory. In such a situation, regardless of its name, the geographical recognition of Dokdo as a sub-island of Ulleungdo was naturally expressed in Japanese records related to geography. Even Japanese officials have indicated that the island was called “Dokdo(獨島)” by Koreans.

Japan’s Education Policies in Korea in the 1910s: “Thankful and Obedient”

Abstract In the 1910s, Japanese colonial officials worked to legitimize their recently acquired rule of Korea by providing public elementary education, gradually expanding from an initially limited offering. Their public schools existed in tension with Korean-run private schools, which the Japanese barely tolerated. There was also a tension within the Japanese camp over the proper curriculum for the public elementary schools. The Korean Education Ordinance of August 1911 was a compromise between Japanese officials in Korea, who generally favored a gradual approach to colonial rule, and Japanese educators and officials in Japan, who generally were optimistic about Japan’s ability to assimilate the Koreans through education. This article expands our understanding of the process of drafting the ordinance. It examines the Japanese “national language” and “Korean and literary Sinitic” textbooks published during the 1910s, and finds that the compromise resulted in messages of thankfulness and obedience, stressing Japanese superiority and Korean backwardness. Finally, it reviews the Japanese attempts to control Korean-run private schools. This article explicates the creation and implementation of colonial education policy by examining internal and external documents published by the Government-General of Korea and its employees, the textbooks the government published, and Japanese education journals.