Japanese Colonialism Research Articles

일제강점기 부산 교파신도(敎派神道)의 현황과 활동양상

일제강점기 부산 교파신도(敎派神道)의 현황과 활동양상

1910년대 일제강점기 민족운동 고찰 - 춘원의 상하이 · 블라디보스토크 · 믈린 · 치타에서의 활동

1910년대 일제강점기 민족운동 고찰 - 춘원의 상하이 · 블라디보스토크 · 믈린 · 치타에서의 활동

일제강점기 일본인경찰관에 대한 한국어교육 연구 - 특수목적 외국어교육의 관점에서 -

일제강점기 일본인경찰관에 대한 한국어교육 연구 - 특수목적 외국어교육의 관점에서 -

일제강점기 무라야마 도모요시(村山知義)와 재일본 조선인 연극

일제강점기 무라야마 도모요시(村山知義)와 재일본 조선인 연극

Religious Freedom in Colonial Korea: The Conflicting Interpretations of Protestant Missionaries and Japanese Colonialists

Religious Freedom in Colonial Korea: The Conflicting Interpretations of Protestant Missionaries and Japanese Colonialists

How colonial legacy shapes the impact of inward FDI on GDP? Evidence from China

ABSTRACTUsing panel data covering 30 provinces from 2000 to 2016, we study how colonization shapes the effect of inward FDI (foreign direct investment) on GDP in China. We find that western colonization influence strengthens the positive effect of inward FDI on GDP by approximately 4–5% whereas the Japanese colonization influence overturns such effect with a negative impact around minus 20%.

The exploration of relationship between land subsidence and landscape transformation

Maintenance of groundwater level is an important issue toward resolving land subsidence problems in delta regions; this process includes two major mechanisms: recharge and discharge. However, the overuse of groundwater in coastal aquaculture or agriculture, from the perspective of discharge, is still viewed as the major issue which causes the problem of land subsidence in many Asian countries. This article focused on the significant decrease in infiltration in history, from the perspective of recharge, to explore land subsidence. Through the three-by-three layer approach, we demonstrated that decisive intervention by man-made landscapes, including dike construction, river reclamation, and establishment of built areas, which can date back to the Japanese colonization about 100 years ago, has significantly changed waterways in Taiwan. This intervention induced a tremendous reduction in groundwater infiltration and subsequently has a close relationship with the serious land subsidence that is occurring in the southwestern coastal regions. The abuse of groundwater by fishermen for aquaculture in recent decades might just be the last factor in a series of events to cause a sinking land. This paper argues that a certain ratio of land should be restored for the purpose of groundwater recharge to amend the effect of the man-made intervention on the natural water system. In addition, in accordance with the sedimentation features of deltas, areas located at the top of the alluvial fan of a delta, which have porous soil structures, bear greater responsibility for infiltration.

Yeo Woon Taek v. New Nippon Steel Corporation

On October 30, 2018, the South Korean Supreme Court, in an 11–2 decision, upheld the judgment of the lower court, which ordered New Nippon Steel Corporation, a Japanese company, to provide KRW 100 million (approximately USD 84,000) in compensation to each of the four plaintiffs, who were forced to work at Japanese steel mills during World War II. In an earlier 2012 decision, the Supreme Court remanded the case after holding that the claims were not precluded by the Agreement on the Settlement of Problems Concerning Property and Claims and the Economic Cooperation Between the Republic of Korea and Japan (Claims Agreement). The Supreme Court held that the Claims Agreement was not a result of negotiation about compensation for Japanese colonization, but rather was a political agreement the purpose of which was to resolve the financial and civil debt/credit relationship between Korea and Japan. On the final appeal, the Supreme Court concluded that plaintiffs’ claims were directly related to the illegality of Japan's colonial rule over the Korean Peninsula and that the rights of the victims of forced labor to make a compensation claim did not fall within the scope of the Claims Agreement.

The Place of Students and Workers Activism in Politics: A Historical Reflection

History has revealed that overtime Students and Workers through their activism have played a significant role in politics as they have acted as checks in any political dispensation that is against the common interest. This is because while the proletariats (workers) produce the wealth plundered by those in authority, the students form the literati, on whose shoulders rest the conscience of the society. It was in line with this mandate that in the 19thCentury, Russian students were at the forefront of the struggle against the Czars’ exploitative and dictatorial social system. Similarly, Chinese students constituted the most active groups in the fight against feudalism and Japanese colonization. In the 1960s, students took up arms in opposition to inhumane Western consumer societies and their exploitation and repression of the poor, black and yellow races. Also, American students were actively involved in the civil right movements, especially in the Southern parts. Under the Students for a Democratic Society (SDS) they created a climate of opinion about the Vietnam War which the American people could not ignore. In Africa, outbursts in Mali, Zaire, Kenya, Sierra Leone, Liberia, Nigeria and South Africa have shown students and workers as an important factor in decolonization politics. This is because the oppressive policies of the state have most often further impoverish them both physically and psychologically. However, with the attainment of Independence, this role has been crippled by the forces which they paper intends to interrogate. Data obtained from primary and secondary sources were deployed to carry out the study with an analytical and narrative historical method. Findings indicate that oppressive politics has been the major factor that stimulated their role in politics especially during the decolonization process and that in the neocolonial state, emerging forces and policies of the government are directed at destroying this role. Keywords: Workers, Students, Governance, Politics

일제 강점기 민족운동과 새로운 ｢국가 건설론｣ - 김승학의 ｢倍達族理想國建設方略｣ 중심으로 -

조선이 일제 식민 지배를 받게 되자 우리 한민족은 나라가 없는 국민이 되어 만주와 중국 그리고 연해주와 멀게는 중앙아시아, 유럽과 미국을 떠돌며 살게 되었다. 더러는 타국의 낯선 곳에서 정착하며 살아가기도 하고 더러는 조국의 해방을 위해 독립운동 전선에 뛰어들기도 했다. 일제 식민통치시기에 애국지사들과 한민족은 각기 조국의 해방을 염원하며 독립투쟁을 벌이면서 근대화된 조국의 이상을 상상하고 이를 실천하고자 많은 노력을 하기도 했다. 특히 민족의식을 고취시키고 조국의 광복과 독립을 위해 투쟁해 온 애국지사들 가운데 대종교지도자들은 공통적으로 대종교적 역사인식의 공유 속에서, 조국광복을 넘어 백두산 남북마루를 중심으로 한 ‘배달국이상향’을 도모했다. 대표적인 새로운 민족국가의 미래를 향한 이상은 김승학의 ｢배달족이상국건설방략(倍達族理想國建設方略)｣이다. 김승학이 자신이 구상한 ｢배달족이상국건설방략｣은 일제 강점기에 만주에서 독립운동을 하며 조국 광복과 함께 한민족의 미래를 위한 새로운 이상 국가를 건설하고자 한 자신의 의지와 뜻을 자세히 설명해 놓았다. 알다시피 만주의 드넓은 땅은 고대로부터 우리 민족과 뿌리를 같이 한 동이족의 터전이었다. 중국도 명나라 때에 이르러 북방의 동이족의 침략을 막기 위해 지금의 북경에 수도를 정하고 북방 민족을 경계해 왔다. 역사적으로 만주가 중국의 일부가 된 것은 청나라가 중원을 점령하여 그것을 지배해 오면서 시작됐다. 사실상 청나라가 멸망했을 때에도 만주는 중국의 땅으로 인식되지 않았으며 그곳에 군벌과 비적들이 활개를 치며 지배를 해 오던, 말하자면 주인이 없는 땅이 되어 버렸다. 일제가 이러한 역사적 근거에 의하여 수립한 만주국은 사실상 외형만 갖추었을 뿐 국가로서 실체가 없었다. 그리하여 만주에서 활동하던 한국 독립투사들은 만주가 단순히 주인이 없는 땅이 아니라 고대로부터 역사적으로 우리 민족과 뿌리가 같은 동이족 즉, 배달족의 삶이 이어져 왔던 터전임을 잘 인식하고 있었다. 특히 1909년 나철의 대종교는 1910년대와 1920년대 만주에서 전개되어 온 무장 항일투쟁에서 민족의식을 강화시키고 독립투사들의 정신적 지주 역할을 해왔다. 따라서 단군을 핵심으로 한 민족주의 정신은 만주의 독립투사들 중심으로 크게 확산되어 갔다. 이들 민족주의 독립투사들은 만주와 한반도 전체가 포괄된 광대한 영역을 우리 민족의 강토로 인식하고 고유한 민족의 문화와 찬란한 역사를 다시 복원하고자 했다. 동이족의 땅은 백두산 남북에 이르는 넓은 만주 지역이었다. 따라서 민족주의자들에게 백두산과 만주는 성스런 땅이며 우리 배달족이 꼭 회복해야 할 땅으로 인식되었다. 이처럼 만주에 대한 우리 민족의 이상은 곧 그 곳을 다시 민족의 땅으로 되찾아 배달족의 이상 국가를 건설하는 것이었다. 이러한 이상국가론은 석농 유근을 비롯 이시영, 백암 박은식, 수당 맹수천 한글 학자 이윤재 등 대종교 계열 민족주의자와 독립투사들에게 공통된 정서였다.

한말, 일제시기 의복의 변화와 생활양식 — 양복의 도입을 중심으로

한말, 일제시기 의복의 변화와 생활양식 — 양복의 도입을 중심으로

Eastward Ho! Japanese Settler Colonialism in Hokkaido and the Making of Japanese Migration to the American West, 1869–1888

This article examines how Japanese colonial migration to Hokkaido in the first two decades of the Meiji era paved the way for Japanese trans-Pacific migration to the United States in the 1880s. It elaborates how Japanese leaders carefully emulated the Anglo-American settler colonialism in Japan's own expansion in Hokkaido by focusing on the emergence of the overpopulation discourse and its political impact in early Meiji. This colonial imitation also inspired the Japanese expansionists to consider the American West an ideal destination for Japanese emigration in the late nineteenth century. This study thus challenges the nation-centered and territory-bound history of the Japanese empire by showing that Japan's colonial expansion in Northeast Asia and Japanese trans-Pacific migration to North America were intertwined since the very beginning of the Meiji era.

Aspirations for the Pure Land Embodied in a Modern Korean Temple, Anyang’am

A binary model of patronage has often guided previous studies on modern Korean Buddhist paintings from the metropolitan area around present-day Seoul. This model sharply contrasts works sponsored by the royal court at the end of Chosŏn with those commissioned by abbots of prominent temples during the colonial period. In this model, formal features of paintings are aligned with social status and the political stance of patrons; court-sponsored works are considered as displaying conventional style and iconography, while those sponsored by abbots who collaborated with Japanese colonialists show new painting techniques and iconographic motifs. Yet the complex history of Korean Buddhism and its visual culture complicates any attempts to address the history of Korean Buddhist art at the turn of the twentieth century from a monolithic and linear perspective. The Buddhist art and architecture of Anyang’am, founded in 1889 by a devout layman who later became fully ordained, provide a case study for rethinking this binary model of art and patronage. My investigation reveals that the Buddhist art and architecture of the temple, dating from the 1890s to 1910s, show stylistic, iconographic, and spatial affinities with those sponsored in the region by the court a few decades earlier. I argue that the patron emulated royal sponsorship to promote the newly founded temple through visual representation. This study challenges the presumed relationship between art and patronage, while arguing that differences of painting styles and iconographic motifs are modulated by far more diverse factors rooted in the changing religious and cultural context.

Binding Perceptions: Images of Korea in Japanese Colonial Documentary Photography

Binding Perceptions: Images of Korea in Japanese Colonial Documentary Photography

Ideology, nationalism, and education: the case of education reforms in the two Koreas

This research explores the influences of ideology and nationalism on education reforms in South and North Korea through a comparative historical analysis of education reforms during the transition period from Japanese colonialism to the period of US and Soviet military government control. Ideas of modern education and nationalism had already emerged among Koreans before 1945 when they achieved independence from Japanese colonization. In this sense, during the US and Soviet military regimes, education reforms were conducted in light of already existing efforts for nation-building by indigenous Korean leaders. The hopes and desires of the leaders of the two Koreas, as expressed by their adoption of new ideologies within the newly established military governments, represented a clear break from the past—be that Japanese colonialism or Confucian traditionalism—and a firm determination to change the present for the future in accordance with these ideologies. In the field of education, this change occurred with the introduction of John Dewey’s liberal educational philosophy to rebuild the education system in South Korea, and with the adoption of socialist educational philosophies such as polytechnicism and collectivism in North Korea.

1919 in Korea: National Resistance and Contending Legacies

This excerpt, written in 1920 by a then seventeen-year-old girl, Yu Kwansun, while imprisoned at Seodaemun Prison, is a powerful expression of Korean national resistance against Japanese colonialism. As a student at Ehwa Haktang in Seoul, Korea, she joined other protesters on March 1, 1919, shouting “Mansei!” (“Long live Korean independence!”), which became the first nationwide protest movement against Japanese rule. After being convicted of sedition, Yu was sent to Seodaemun Prison in Seoul, where she demanded the release of other prisoners and continued to express her support for Korean independence, even organizing a large-scale protest on the first anniversary of the movement. She was transferred to an underground cell, where she was repeatedly beaten and tortured for speaking out. She reportedly wrote the excerpt above before dying of her injuries on September 28, 1920, at the age of seventeen.

Ki-Yong Nam: A Korean Marathon Runner Under Japanese Colonial Rule

This article presents a biographical investigation of Ki-Yong Nam, revealing a little-known story of a Korean marathon runner who lost the opportunity to compete in the canceled 1940 Olympics under Japanese colonial rule. During the Japanese colonial and postcolonial eras, Korean marathoners produced world-class performances in elite events including the Olympic Games and Boston Marathon. Their achievements served as an inspiration to ethnic Koreans during Japanese colonial rule. Today, many Koreans remember these athletes as sport activists and heroes. However, athletes who endeavored to express Korean ethnic identity received scant attention during the war period. This article explores a significant individual whose experiences and ethnic identity were largely erased from history due to the Second Sino-Japanese War and World War II, while also illuminating his life after athletics as a coach and physical education teacher in postcolonial South Korea.

Establishing Children’s Legal Rights: Children, Family, and the State in Taiwan under Japanese Colonial Rule (1895–1945)

Before 1895, traditional Chinese legal culture prevailed in Taiwan, and the legal status of children was governed under the concept of familism and the senior–junior relationship. However, the Japa...

The Rise and Fall of the New Right Movement and the Historical Wars in 2000s South Korea

The present article deals with one of the attempts by South Korea’s privileged stratum to undermine the very basis for any criticisms against the colonial-age behaviour of its institutional—and in many cases familial—forefathers, namely the so-called New Right movement. Simultaneously an academic and political movement, it was launched in 2004 and had been acting as advocates of a new, post-nationalist neo-conservatism until its recent decline, more or less concurrent with the demise of Park Geun-hye (Pak Kûnhye) regime amidst the candlelight vigils and million-strong demonstrations in downtown Seoul in 2016–2017. On the academic plane, New Right aimed at shifting the axiological basis of South Korean nationalism from ethno-nation (minjok) discriminated and oppressed by the Japanese colonialists, to the capitalist ‘civilization’ which colonialism had supposedly helped to transplant onto Korean soil, and the South Korean statehood which allowed so many former members of the colonial-period elites to maintain their socio-economic positions. If the new order of priorities, with the market game rules, industrial growth and modern capitalist statehood put ahead of the traditional shibboleth of the ethno-nation (encompassing the majority of population which might not necessarily benefit, at least, immediately, from all these developments), was to be established, the defence of colonial-age collaboration would no longer be an onerous task. On the contrary, collaborators could be, in such a way, re-interpreted as patriots who had acted out of Korea’s long-term interest in ‘civilizing’ itself with the Japanese ‘help’ rather than pure opportunism. However, New Right never succeeded in putting the conventional South Korean historical paradigm—based, eventually, on the vision of Korea ‘under-developed’ by the colonial capitalism and heavily influenced by various left-nationalistic interpretations of Marxism—upside down. The present article aims at exploring how the movement proceeded and finding out what could have been the decisive factors in its failure. Moreover, it will shed the light on the general tendencies in the development of South Korean historiography in the neo-liberal age, in an attempt to understand to which extent the elite interests may be still influencing the historiographical trends, even despite the downfall of the New Right movement.

Unethical Adaptation: Indigenization and Sex in Chan-wook Park’s The Handmaiden (2016)

Abstract In contemporary cultural scenes saturated by ‘intermediality’ and ‘transmediality’, adaptation studies have challenged the distinction and hierarchy between the source and its adaptation, the author and the reader-spectator, and a variety of genres and media. While early critics of adaptation studies centred on fidelity criticism, recently Linda Hutcheon breaks free from literary elitism and emphasizes how stories, ‘like genes’, adapt to new environments ‘by virtue of mutation’. Hutcheon argues, ‘the fittest [stories] do more than survive; they flourish’ in today’s fierce competition for ‘cultural selection’. This postmodernist notion of adaptation as proliferation, however, remains curiously reticent about the ‘value’ of such proliferation. My article argues that in the era of textual proliferation, adaptation has an ethical responsibility to voice the story of the socially and sexually ‘unfit’. I then analyse The Handmaiden as a failed attempt at this ethical project. Directed by Chan-wook Park, a South Korean auteur, The Handmaiden borrows from Sarah Waters’ Fingersmith (2002), a novel about female romantic friendship in nineteenth-century England. Although Park’s visually stunning film epitomizes the indigenization of the ‘fittest’ story, its graphic portrayal of lesbian sex and change of setting leaves the question of sexual objectification of Asian women and Japanese colonization unanswered.