Intrinsic Religious Motivations Influencing Advance Care Planning in Japan: A Mixed-Methods Study.

This study aims to identify the dual melodic structure of the Beopseong-ge (also known as Hwaeom-won-yung-chan), composed by Uisang of Silla and preserved in three types of Japanese Shōmyō notations from the 13th and 14th centuries. An analysis of the Hwaeom-won-yung-chan notations housed at Shōmyōji Temple reveals that the left and right-hakase notation is a combination of the lefthakase and right-hakase notations. The distinct differences between the left and right melodies confirm that Beopseong-ge was performed in two different melodic styles in medieval Japan. The left-hakase notation features a limited variety of hakase (2 types) with simple melodic structures (1–4 notes per unit) and a repetitive structure in every six phrases. This indicates a style intended for easy recitation and communal chanting by the general public. In contrast, the right-hakase notation consists of a wider variety of hakase (40 types) and complex melodies (1–8 notes per unit) incorporating decorative techniques. Its lack of repetitive patterns and metric indication suggests a structure suited for experts or professional ritual monks. These differences between the left and right melodies correspond to the aspects of Silla Beompae performed at Chuksan-won in Shandong during the 9th century. The simple left-hakase melody aligns with the characteristics of the Silla-style Beompae sung collectively, while the complex right-hakase melody evokes the Tang-style Beompae-characterized by intricate melodic curves -typically performed solo by an expert monk. There are historical limitations, such as the temporal gap between 9th-century Beompae and 14th-century Shōmyō and the influence of Japan’s New Buddhism. Given that Shōmyōji was an important center of Nanto and Hwaeom Buddhism, these musical records are significant in that they suggest one aspect of Silla Beompae. Future integrated research involving comparative studies with other medieval Japanes Shōmyō notations and the discovery of additional sources is expected to contribute to the expansion of the comparative studies in Korean and Japanese Buddhist music.

Until recently, our view of Chinese Buddhist history was overly influenced by sectarian categories inherited by Japanese Buddhism, which clearly distinguished Zen/Chan, Pure Land, and esoteric Buddhism (mostly Shingon 真言). Recently, scholars have begun to study syncretistic trends known as “esoteric Zen” and “esoteric nenbutsu.” However, the latter has so far been mostly examined within the framework of Shingon Buddhism. This paper will emphasize the importance of nenbutsu in the esoteric Tendai school (Taimitsu 台密), particularly in a secret ritual called “Genshi Kimyōdan” 玄旨帰命壇.

In 1934, D. T. Suzuki visited China and met the renowned Pure Land Buddhist Master Yinguang, who was then retreating at Baoguo Temple in Suzhou. They conversed in-depth on the practices of the Pure Land and Chan/Zen traditions in China and Japan. This conversation deepened their respective understandings on the diverse developments of Pure Land and Chan in both countries. In this article, we introduces the historical context of Suzuki’s visit to China and his encounter with Yinguang, and then describes Suzuki’s impressions of Chinese Chan Buddhism during his visit. what is more, we compares and contrasts Yinguang’s and Suzuki’s views on Chan and Pure Land in China as well as their views on Pure Land and True Pure Land in Japan. Finally, we critically examines Suzuki’s view on the “Other-Power” (他力, 彼の力) and speculates on the significance of this dialogue in the history of the exchange of Buddhism between China and Japan.

This article examines how, in the late nineteenth century, Japanese Buddhists reinterpreted the European Reformation and repurposed it as a tool for their own renewal. While “Reformations East and West”—a 1911 short essay by historian Hara Katsurō (1871–1924) that systematically compared German Protestantism and Japanese Buddhism—is often cited as the foundational work in this discourse, earlier examples abound. Although sixteenth-century European missionaries had noted similarities between Martin Luther’s movement and certain local religious groups, by the mid-nineteenth century, it was Japanese Buddhists themselves who began emphasizing these parallels. Unlike early modern Catholic priests, who viewed Protestantism as a dangerous heresy, these Buddhists framed it as a positive and progressive force. Focusing on the mid-to-late 1880s, this article traces the genealogy of this association, examining how Japanese Buddhists appropriated the image of Luther and the trope of “reformation” to advance their own agendas. From early figures like Kitabatake Dōryū (1820–1907) and Mizutani Jinkai (1836–1896) to intellectuals such as Inoue Enryō (1858–1919), Takahashi Gorō (1856–1935), and Nakanishi Ushirō (1859–1930), Japanese thinkers integrated various strands of social evolutionism into their discourse, asserting that religion must adapt to the times. This trend ultimately culminated in the popularization of the idea of a “New Buddhism,” characterized by an emphasis on progress, openness to lay participation, and individual faith. In short, this study explores how Japanese Buddhists’ engagement with the European Reformation helped shape the trajectory of modern Buddhism during the Meiji period and beyond.

In terms of his reception in East Asia and the legacy of his commentaries and compendia in translation, Vasubandhu 世親 (ca. 320–400 centuries CE) is among the most important figures in the textual history of Indian Buddhism. Although perhaps best known by modern scholars through his works concerning abstruse intellectual ideas presented from the Yogācāra or mind-only and Abhidharma perspectives, his legacy is arguably best represented as an authoritative voice concerning the Pure Land of Amitāyus buddha. Both Nāgārjuna 龍樹 (ca. 150–250 CE) and Vasubandhu are considered to be patriarchs (soshi 祖師) for Jōdo Shin 浄土真宗 Buddhists, following Shinran’s 親鸞 (1173–1263) teachings. In this paper I investigate the textual history of these two Indian masters who are considered to be patriarchs by Pure Land and Shin Buddhists in Japan. No one believes these individuals transmitted some sort of true mind or essential teaching from one to another as in the Chan or Zen 禪宗 tradition; they are recognized because of fundamental texts with key ideas that are ascribed to them. These key texts were never singled out in any Chinese or Indian set of special texts, nor were they highlighted in various catalogs to the Buddhist “canon.” This research demonstrates how the sacred teachings ascribed to Vasubandhu, and to a certain extent Nāgārjuna as well, by Pure Land and Shin Buddhists reveal how and why Pure Land practices were expected to be seen as mainstream Mahāyāna Buddhism and nothing at all like a reformation for a later age.

The Japanese scholar and art critic Okakura Tenshin traveled to colonial India from January to September 1902 and made three visits to the Buddhist holy site of Bodh Gaya. There, he attempted to purchase a piece of land from the landowner, the Mahant, to build a vihāra (resthouse) for Japanese Buddhist devotees. His purchase request was rejected by the British colonial authority for his foreigner status, despite no legal prohibition against land sales to foreigners under Bodh Gaya’s land management laws at the time. The year after his journey to India, Okakura Tenshin published The Ideals of the East, wherein the renowned declaration that “Asia is one” subsequently evolved to be the intellectual cornerstone of twentieth-century Asianism (or Pan-Asianism). How did Okakura’s Indian journey and his experience of the failed attempt to purchase land in Bodh Gaya catalyze his conception of “Asia is One”? This essay first traces the Buddhist revival movements in late nineteenth-century India and Japan, elucidating how Buddhism helped forge a sense of transnational solidarity between the two nations, which Okakura also embraced. It then examines Okakura’s trip to India and his plan to purchase land at Bodh Gaya, uncovering the underlying geopolitical struggle between the British Empire and the New Asian Power Japan. In this context, the analysis will show that Okakura’s frustrating experience of failed land purchase underscored for him the necessity for the solidarity between Japan and India and the need for a unitary idea of Asia to articulate that solidarity. Finally, a comparative textual analysis between The Ideals of the East (1903) and Okakura’s “History of Japanese Art” lectures given at the Tokyo Fine Arts School before his trip to India explicates how Buddhism, which was being revived by a collective of various groups in and outside its place of origin India, served as a cohesive discursive agent in Okakura’s construction of the narrative of an Asian unity. This Buddhist framework helped Okakura to reconstruct the interlinked cultural histories of India, China, and Japan into a unified notion of Asia within which he crystallized a unique and favored cultural identity for Japan.

This study aims to examine the potential contributions of the similarities between sufism and Japanese Buddhism to the culture of coexistence among communities with different beliefs. The article is based on the central premise that the commonalities between these two religious traditions can strengthen an environment of tolerance and dialogue. It is hoped that this study will offer an original contribution to the field of comparative history of religions. The research focuses on the similarities between the generally accepted approaches of sufism, a mystical interpretation of Islam, and the teachings and practices of Zen Buddhism and Jōdo (Pure Land) Buddhism, which are representative sects of Japanese Buddhism. It is noted that while Buddhism has been widely practiced in Japan alongside Shintoism, a syncretic relationship has developed between the two. The study utilizes a comparative history of religions methodology and a descriptive approach to present the data impartially and objectively. In its concluding section, the article discusses how the similarities between the teachings of sufism and Japanese Buddhism can foster a dialogue based on tolerance, respect, and cooperation. It is argued that these commonalities can encourage a more tolerant approach to different religious beliefs and help establish stronger relationships between societies. Furthermore, by drawing attention to the shared goals of both traditions, it is emphasized that these common points can support individuals' quest for inner peace and happiness and promote a more simple and balanced lifestyle. Finally, the potential of these shared aspects to contribute to the development of a culture of coexistence for people of different faiths and to serve as a global example is evaluated.

This comparative study applies Joseph Campbell’s monomyth theory to examine how the classic hero’s journey—comprising the stages of departure, initiation, and return—manifests in Semitic and Japanese religious traditions. Campbell’s paradigm of a universal hero narrative provides a framework to compare the prophetic narratives of the Abrahamic faiths with the hagiographies of Japanese Buddhist founders. The article analyzes the life stories of key figures from the Semitic tradition (Moses, Jesus, and Muḥammad) alongside those from the Japanese tradition (Kūkai, Shinran, and Nichiren) to illustrate the monomyth’s three stages in each context. Despite vast cultural and doctrinal differences, these accounts exhibit striking structural similarities and shared motifs: each figure undergoes a departure from ordinary society, faces transformative trials or visionary encounters often set on a sacred mountain or in a cave (signifying a form of symbolic death and rebirth), and ultimately returns to establish or renew a religious community. Notably, Moses, Jesus, and Muḥammad are depicted as guided by direct divine revelation, whereas Kūkai, Shinran, and Nichiren derive insight through meditative visions; nonetheless, all six figures fulfill an analogous departure–initiation–return cycle. For instance, Moses’s revelation on Mount Horeb, Jesus’s crucifixion and resurrection, and Muḥammad’s first vision in the Cave of Ḥirāʾ find parallels in Kūkai’s enlightenment on a sacred peak, Shinran’s exile and spiritual rebirth, and Nichiren’s near-execution miracle, respectively. Such parallels highlight a common departure–initiation–return pattern underlying disparate traditions, demonstrating the model’s cross-cultural applicability in the study of religious founders. In conclusion, the analysis underscores the sacred mountain as a liminal threshold between human and divine and affirms the universality of the monomyth pattern, suggesting a Sophia Perennis—a perennial wisdom—shared across cultures. It further shows how individual mystical experiences are transformed into institutionalized traditions, as each hero’s personal journey becomes the foundation for enduring communal practices and beliefs.

In the second half of the nineteenth century, Buddhist higher educational institutions in the Jōdo Shin Ōtani and Sōtō Zen sects became sites of dramatic student protests. This article situates these movements within three overlapping contexts: student strikes in Japan, parallel activism in the United States and parts of Europe, and institutional changes that contributed to the professionalization of the Buddhist priesthood. Student-priests, emboldened by a growing conviction that they had the right to participate in institutional governance, challenged traditional authority and staged collective actions, which were far from isolated incidents. Instead, these protests reflected a broader national and global phenomenon of late nineteenth-century student activism and a shift in attitudes toward educational and religious authority. Student-led campaigns resulted in significant reforms, including the removal of lay administrators and the establishment of public discussion halls. Drawing on frameworks from sociology and the history of higher education, this study argues that such activism was pivotal in the modernization of Japanese Buddhism. These protests not only catalyzed institutional change but also played a crucial role in establishing academic freedom within Buddhist universities and reshaping the relationship between religious authority and educational independence, leaving a lasting impact on Japanese Buddhism.

Japanese Temple Buddhism: Worldliness in a Religion of Renunciation, transformed the study of Buddhism in modern Japan.Among other things, it gave us "Temple Buddhism, " a useful term for "Buddhism as lived by the members of those sects of Japanese Buddhism that were founded before the 1600s" (Covell 2005, 4).Before this work was published, contemporary forms of Japanese Buddhism had been largely neglected by scholars who assumed it to be a degenerate, hollowed-out form of Buddhism as it must have existed in Japan's more religiously vibrant medieval past.Covell's quantitative and qualitative research illuminated the current concerns, struggles, and strategies of Buddhist practitioners in contemporary Japan, particularly those in the Tendai school with whom Covell spent the most time.This landmark contribution opened up new territory for scholarly investigation, laying the ground for a burgeoning field of scholarship on various facets of Temple Buddhism.To name just a few monographs that took up Covell's call to take Temple Buddhism seriously: Jrn Borup ( 2008) delved into the lived tradition of Myshinji in the Rinzai Zen sect; Mark Rowe (2011) examined changing death practices and work by temple priests to maintain the "bonds" of the dead; John Nelson (2013) explored the experimentation of temple priests in response to societal and economic changes; Niwa Nobuko (2019) highlighted the performance of gender by female resident priests in Nichiren temples; and my own ethnographic study of temple families focused on the domestic mode of doing Buddhism in contemporary Jdo Shinsh temples (Starling 2019).Still more recent work by scholars such as Monika Schrimpf (2021), Paulina Kolata and Gwendolyn Gillson (2021), and Hannah Gould (2023) has shed further light on material culture, food, gender, and emotion in shaping Buddhist institutions and practices in contemporary Japan.Covell's newest monograph, The Teaching and Teachings of Temple Buddhism in Contemporary Japan, contributes to this now well-established field an

Abstract In October 1920, American Unitarians celebrated the tercentenary anniversary of Plymouth Colony’s founding—but in no ordinary way. Avoiding a narrow Christian nationalist reading of the Pilgrim history, they stressed the “liberal” Pilgrims whose legacies like free inquiry, progress, and tolerance were inherited by all modern religious progressives across nations and traditions. What resulted was a uniquely international, inter-religious celebration of Plymouth history, where even a Japanese Buddhist and an Indian Hindu were invited.

Focusing on Jingju Temple (淨居寺) in Jinan, Shandong Province, from 1920 to 1948, this paper examines the complex interactions among Chinese Buddhism, Japanese Buddhism, and governmental authorities. As one of the key religious sites in Jinan during the Republican era, Jingju Temple traces its origins back to the Song dynasty. Although it was repeatedly destroyed and rebuilt, the temple was restored in the 1920s by Pan Shoulian 潘守廉 (1845–1939) of Jining, becoming a “public monastery” (shifangcongli 十方叢林). Beginning in the 1930s, the Japanese government and its puppet regimes integrated Japanese rituals into Chinese Buddhism and established the Buddhist Tongyuan Association (Fojiao tongyuanhui 佛教同願會). By examining inscriptions, gazetteers, newspapers, and other historical records—focusing on negotiations between Jingju Temple, the association, and the Japanese Buddhist community—this study sheds light on the distinctive and multifaceted religious–political dynamics that arose as the temple was situated amid conflicting forces: the Japanese government, the puppet regimes, and the Republic of China. These findings provide a new perspective for understanding Buddhist interactions across East Asia and open avenues for further inquiry into this complex historical period.

Zhikong's self written “Diary of Zhikong Master in Guanglong Temple” and “Ode to Juexi”, as well as Zhikong's writings “Key News of Anle Collection” and “Annotations on the Wuliangshou Sutra”, are helpful in examining Zhikong's knowledge preparation before reprinting Qian Qianyi's “Lengyan Mengchao”. Zhikong's reprinting Qian Qianyi's “Lengyan Mengchao” was carried out in the atmosphere that Daiya Benyuan Temple advocates cultivation. Related to the promotion of the Kepan of Changshui's “Shoulengyan Yishu Zhujing”, Zhikong's “Lunzhuyijie” and Qian Qianyi's “Lengyan Mengchao” are quite similar in their emphasis on the theory of Changxingjiesong, which suggests that Changshui's Kepan and the theory of Changxingjiesong are important knowledge preparations for Zhikong to reprint the “Lengyan Mengchao”. In the 17th and 18th centuries, both Chinese and Japanese Buddhist studies showed a trend of close interaction between Buddhist commentaries and Stylistics. 知空自筆《光隆寺知空師追日記》和《絕息頌》､ 知空撰《安樂集鑰聞》､ 《無量壽經論注翼解》等史料, 有助於考察知空翻刻錢謙益《楞嚴蒙鈔》之前的知識準備｡ 知空翻刻錢謙益《楞嚴蒙鈔》的舉措, 是在淨土真宗的大谷本願寺一派崇尚修學的風氣下進行的｡ 與推崇長水《首楞嚴義疏注經》的科判相關聯, 知空《論注翼解》與錢謙益《楞嚴蒙鈔》在重視長行偈頌論方面頗為接近, 這就提示了長水科判和長行偈頌論是知空翻刻《楞嚴蒙鈔》的重要知識準備｡ 十七至十八世紀中日佛學都呈現出佛典註疏與文章學密切互動的趨勢｡

The Ōbaku Edition of the Buddhist Canon, initiated and spearheaded by Tetsugen Dōkō (鐵眼道光 1630–1682), profoundly influenced Japanese Buddhism and printing culture. Although the Ōbaku Edition has long been recognized as a product of cross-border collaboration, earlier studies have primarily focused on its textual features and religious significance after publication. As a result, the specific mechanisms and significance of its transnational nature have remained underexplored. This study revisits the canon’s compilation as a complex trans-sectarian and transnational social practice. Drawing on a variety of sources, it provides new insights into the production of the Ōbaku Canon, showing that this trans-sectarian project was driven by the interplay of several key dynamics: transnational networks supplying its base text, intellectual contributions from Chinese migrants, local social needs in post-fire Nagasaki, and Tetsugen’s personal aim to use the canon in doctrinal debate. Tetsugen’s printing endeavor continued the medieval tradition of kanjin (fundraising), serving as a religious, educational, and institutional undertaking shaped by interactions with broader socio-economic support. Positioned within a wider social framework, Tetsugen’s cross-sectarian activities facilitated the successful circulation and popularization of the canon, promoting a shift in the use of Buddhist scriptures from prayer-centered practice to doctrinal study and reflecting a broader transformation in Japanese Buddhism, from state-supported Buddhism to more popular forms.

Abstract Hōnen (1133–1212) is celebrated as the founder of Pure Land Buddhism in Japan, particularly by the Jōdoshū (Pure Land Sect). Scholar-priests continue to publish on what they see as Hōnen’s revolutionary agenda and promulgation of the correct form of Pure Land Buddhism. Their examination of Hōnen’s doctrines is wide ranging but an area that has received little attention is Hōnen’s understanding of women. This article will analyze some of the only articles on this topic published by Jōdoshū sectarian scholars to argue that even though the authors attempt to champion Hōnen’s advocacy for “gender equality,” their concern is less in promoting or even helping women but instead advocating for Jōdoshū as the true inheritor of Pure Land Buddhist doctrine. Their articles demonstrate part of a broader narrative amongst scholars of Japanese Buddhism that prioritizes the goals of sectarian institutions even when producing secular scholarship.

In the late 19th – early 20th centuries, Japanese Buddhism was going through difficult times. Institutional crisis, loss of governmental support, competition with Shinto and Christianity, persecution caused by both political and social factors contributed to the consolidation of Japanese sangha and establishment of close relations with supporters abroad. A significant role in this process was played by the so-called general journals (総合雑誌, sōgō zasshi) – multitopic periodicals comprised of articles on politics, science, society and culture, which functioned as a platform for free exchange of opinions, both open and anonymous. Buddhist-oriented journals thus attracted both religious activists and scholars of Buddhology to their pages, while simultaneously exchanging contacts with foreign periodicals and promoting cooperation.The result was an impressive “Buddhist network” of journals, where representatives of various Buddhist schools could discuss pressing issues together, the works of young Japanese Buddhologists were published, and articles by their Western colleagues reprinted. Letters from Buddhists from other countries, such as India, Siam, and Ceylon, as well as ones by European sympathizers, were also published. Many such periodicals had a relatively short lifespan, but at least 800 journals are known. These included intersectarian and individual schools’ bulletins, regional journals, such as People’s Teaching (国教, Kokkyō), and female-oriented journals, such as Buddhist Woman (佛教婦人, Bukkyō fujin). All of them served as means of building strong horizontal ties and supporting Japanese Buddhism.One of the important functions of the “Buddhist network” was to provide information support for missionary work by Japanese Buddhists and coverage of sangha’s participation in important international cultural events. Paradoxically, despite governmental pressure, Japanese Buddhism managed to spread significantly abroad. This article examines said missions and their coverage.

Little is known about monthly home visits, a traditional Japanese Buddhist custom, wherein Buddhist priests visit their parishioners’ homes every month. This study aimed to explore this custom in terms of community health care. Qualitative data were collected from 14 Buddhist priests from various areas, followed by quantitative data collection on all the temples in the Osaka parish, where 486 questionnaires were distributed and 299 were retrieved. From the interviews, the functions of the monthly home visits were categorized into the following six categories: “finding incidents”, “preventing suicides”, “caring for older people”, “grief care”, “a peaceful passing”, and “connecting people”. Ninety-one percent of Buddhist priests made monthly home visits in the Osaka parish, with a median of 30.0 times per month. The median duration of their visits was 25.0 min. Those who carried out a high number of monthly home visits had more experience in: noticing dementia or physical deterioration; being asked for advice about a serious issue; dealing with the grief of bereavement; finding someone whom they were concerned about, but being unsure to what extent to get involved; finding someone in cardiopulmonary arrest or unconsciousness; and finding someone whom they were concerned about but not knowing where to ask for help.

Buddhism has been an important part of Japanese culture since its introduction. Japan’s Warring States period (in this case, the period from the Ethio Rebellion of 1467 A.D. to the time when the Tokugawa Shogunate fully established its dominance over Japan after the Osaka-Summer Battle of 1615) was characterized by social upheaval and the separation of regimes. The unique social environment and social needs also impacted the development of Buddhism in Japan. The purpose of this paper is to analyze the course of Buddhist culture in Japan and its multidimensional impact on Japanese culture by examining its manifestations during the Warring States period. The paper compares its state of development before Japan entered the historical phase of the Warring States period by using the methods of literature review and comparative study. As one of the important segments of Japanese culture, Japanese Buddhism can serve as a microcosm of the general trend of the times in this era. Through the evolution of Buddhism and its influence on other elements within Japan, the paper provides a glimpse of the character of Japan’s Warring States period.

In 995, Yuanqing 源淸, a renowned master of the Tiantai school in China, requested the Japanese Buddhist community to critique his work, the Guanjing shu xianyao ji 觀經疏顯要記 (Xianyao ji). In response, Genshin 源信 and Kakuun 覚運, two prominent Japanese Tendai scholars, authored the Kan muryōju kyō sho kenyō ki hamon 観無量寿経疏顕要記破文 (Hamon) containing 21 critiques. This paper examines the historical context, content, and influence of the Hamon. The Hamon serves as an important example of Sino-Japanese Buddhist exchange, as it was the Chinese side that first initiated this intellectual engagement with the Japanese monks—and not the other way around. The analysis of the text indicates that the Hamon was not merely a critique but a platform for intellectual exchange. Genshin and Kakuun’s critiques reflect Silla’s Pure Land Buddhism, whereas Yuanqing’s Xianyao ji embodies the Chinese Tiantai commentary tradition on the Guan wuliangshou jing 觀無量壽經. Although not directly recorded in Chinese sources, some records suggest that the Hamon had reached China and potentially influenced Zhili’s 知禮 thought. This study aims to deepen our understanding of Sino-Japanese Buddhist exchanges during the late 10th and 11th centuries, illustrating what may be described as ‘Buddhism on a countercurrent.’