January Uprising Research Articles

Pokłosie powstania 1863–1864 r.: nieortodoksyjna refleksja

Today, in Lithuanian, Polish, Belarusian and even Ukrainian society, the January Uprising has become a symbol of the ‚ fight for freedom’. This article attempts to answer the question: did/do Polish, Lithuanian, Belarusian and Jewish societies really have anything to glorify? In other words, from the perspective of nineteenth and early twentieth century nationalisms (and therefore not from an academic perspective), was the uprising in any way useful to them? Or to put it another way, did it do more good or harm? For all non-dominant ethnic groups, the uprising brought new repression and discrimination (although sometimes discrimination against one group objectively benefited another group), and with the exception of the Poles, it is difficult to see the impact of this historical event as a positive image in the process of nationalising the masses until World War One. The fact that such an image was created later is simply an‚ invented tradition’. The fact that a positive image of the uprising was ‚invented’ later in Lithuanian or Belarusian societies does not mean that it did not (or does not now) influence the mobilisation of the masses, but it is not a direct consequence of the uprising, but a narrative constructed by later generations.

Russian embassy in Brussels and the January Uprising, 1863–1864

Following the conclusion of the Crimean War, Russia adopted a policy aimed at the abolition of the Treaty of Paris of 1856, which it perceived as humiliating. To this end, Russia commenced a process of rapprochement with France, resulting in the signing of an agreement in 1859. However, having secured Russian neutrality during the 1859 Italian War, France was reluctant to honour reciprocal commitments supporting Russian efforts to abrogate the terms of the 1856 Treaty. It became increasingly clear that Napoleon III’s policy was lacking in sincerity when the Polish question reached a new level of aggravation. In a joint initiative with the United Kingdom and Austria, France launched a comprehensive political and diplomatic offensive against Russia with the intention of exerting pressure and transforming the Polish question into an international issue. Russia, on the other hand, required peace to enable the continuation of internal reforms. Consequently, it sought to identify strategies to resist the interference of the great powers. Belgium, neighbouring France, emerged as a key player in this endeavour. King Leopold I, motivated by the objective of maintaining European equilibrium, wary of the French emperor, and intent on demonstrating that the Polish question could not impinge upon the bilateral relationship between Russia and Belgium, proved to be a pivotal intermediary in the diplomatic negotiations with Paris, London, and Vienna. The reports of the Russian envoy to Belgium, Nikolai Orlov, served to supplement the information that had been transmitted by other Russian embassies in Europe. However, adhering to the instructions that had been provided by the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, Orlov, who was known for his independent views and sympathetic attitude towards the fate of Polish émigrés, openly expressed his own judgements on the possible solutions to the Polish question in his dealings with Russian and European statesmen, as well as with representatives of the Tsar’s family. Consequently, during the Polish crisis, Napoleon III endeavoured to engage Orlov in the diplomatic process. In the article, the author analyses the activities of the embassy in Brussels in 1863–1864 drawing on a hitherto unexamined set of archival documents. In addition, she examines the extent to which the mission of Nikolai Orlov as a diplomat was successful. Furthermore, the article reveals new details of the diplomatic negotiations between European states that took place during the period of international tensions in the early 1860s.

Fashion and Politics, The Politics of Fashion: Józef Simmler’s Portrait of Emilia Włodkowska, Society Portrait and Haute Couture

The article proposes an analytical approach tuned to 19th-century society portraiture and tests it on Józef Simmler’s Portrait of Emilia Włodkowska (1865, National Museum in Warsaw). The pictured ball gown was likely by Worth and presented as being worn in Paris rather than in Warsaw to respect the politically-motivated Polish national mourning (1861–1866), culminating during the January Uprising (1863–1864) against Russian rule, that precluded organizing and attending balls at home. The portrait was an act of public performance—and indeed it was publicly exhibited at the artist’s posthumous exhibition in Warsaw in 1868. Its staging and costuming reflected the sitter’s particular agenda fine-tuned to multifarious current contexts: she promoted her Warsaw fashion house and herself as a respectable society lady and competent agent of French fashion in the period of political turmoil and resultant expectations concerning Polish women’s dress and conduct. The portrait showcases Simmler’s juste milieu approach and illustrates a very current shift in the fashionable female silhouette, advocated by Worth, while referencing the dress and artistic tradition of the 17th and 18th centuries and drawing inspiration from the new medium of photography.

The quiet revolution: grassroots theatre and solidarity in post-revolution Egypt

ABSTRACT This article looks at the meaning of solidarity as related to the Egyptian uprising of January 2011. Through participant interviews, field notes, and observations, the author examines the role of grassroots theatre in enabling the aspirations of the revolution to live on amongst its players, and despite more stringent state control over the arts and freedom of expression. The author examines how solidarity can take different forms through silence, witnessing, and embodied creative works.

Why Did Cyprian Norwid Wear the konfederatka?: The Crime of Wearing a Black Dress

After the partitions of Poland between Russia, Prussia and Austria, Poland disappeared from the maps of Europe. The failure of the November Uprising of 1830 against the Russian occupiers led to harsh repressions imposed by the tzarist rule on the Polish people. Many insurgents were imprisoned, or sentenced to death, or forcibly deported to Siberia, their manors and estates were confiscated, and family members were persecuted. As a result, the revival of patriotic attitudes among the subsequent generation in the Kingdom of Poland led to outburst of opposition to the imposed Russian authorities. On the 30th anniversary of the Battle of Grochów, the citizens of Warsaw organized a demonstration in the Castle Square. The Russian soldiers attacked the protesters and killed five. Around that time, a national mourning was secretly announced, and women decided to wear black dresses and silver or bone jewellery in the form of a cross or a crown of thorns, thus sending a hidden message to compatriots and to the Russians. As a result, the decree was issued against the black garments, stating that only personal mourning was allowed based on an official certificate of a family member’s death, otherwise the mourners could be imprisoned. Therefore, other colours, white and violet were introduced as a sign of resistance as well. Black dresses and the konfederatka caps meant not just fashion during the years of the January Uprising; they gained recognition as a hidden patriotic code among Poles living both in the occupied country and in emigration. Poet-emigrant Cyprian Norwid explained the importance of wearing the special type of men’s headgear, referring to the great history of his enslaved country and arguing that symbols and power of thought are powerful weapons in the modern world.

It Is High Time for Serious Women

Abstract This article aims to highlight aspects of female emancipation in the Kingdom of Poland in the second half of the nineteenth century that gave this movement a specific, national character. The political and economic consequences of the January Uprising (1863–1864) hit the landed gentry particularly hard. As a result, many gentry women faced the necessity of earning a living and this forced a change in their way of life and aspirations. The traditional model for elite women did not match the economic challenges, and with this in mind, the Polish press, especially magazines for female readers, aimed to create a new model of gentry womanhood. Most periodicals agreed that women's emancipation was on a certain level necessary. But to what extent? This question has been a subject of dispute. Some columnists postulated to limit women's professional aspirations to manual occupations in order to preserve the domain of prestigious intellectual labor exclusively for men. This conservative movement succeeded only partially, with some upper-class women devoting themselves to handicrafts while others, against conservatives’ wishes, graduated from universities abroad and obtained qualifications for performing previously male professions. The majority of these educated women combined paid labor with social work. They were strongly influenced by the promoted ideal of a “new Polish woman” who was to be hard working, constantly improving her mental faculties, and engaging in activities that benefitted Polish society and the nation. This model contributed significantly to the formation of a new generation of distinguished female activists.

Religijność przyszłych stańczyków w okresie młodości a ich późniejsze wyobrażenia religijne

This article discusses the religious views of Stanisław Koźmian, Ludwik Wodzicki and Stanisław Tarnowski, as well as the shape of their piety before the January Uprising. The religiousness of their youth was confronted and compared with their later religious views, which allowed for a change in their views over the years.This work begins with a discussion of the spiritual formation of the heroes of this article, which was greatly influenced by the family environment in which they were brought up - an environment of patriotic nobility and aristocracy, sincerely devoted to Catholicism (for personal and national reasons). However, despite their attachment to religion and fulfilment of religious practices (especially in the case of Stanisław Tarnowski and Ludwik Wodzicki), the future Staśniks were not uncritically inclined towards the Catholic Church. On the contrary - just like the majority of the generation to which they belonged - they often expressed negative opinions about the moral condition of the clergy, and were opposed to the secular power of the Pope, which put them in opposition to ultra-Montane members of their families and some members of the Hotel Lambert - the organisation with which they were ideologically and politically associated.After the January Uprising there was a gradual evolution of their views towards almost complete obedience to the institutional Church. Nevertheless, for several more years their religious outlook was marked by a certain liberalism, and their views on the behaviour of the Catholic Church were often critical, which resulted in accusations of moderantism being levelled at them by the ultramontane milieu of the "Przeglad Lwowski".

The January uprising of 1863-1864 in the memoirs of August Ivansky

The purpose of the article is to analyze the memories based on the memoirs and other sources of August Ivansky, namely to focus on the period of his life associated with the events of the January Uprising. Show how he was involved in organizing the resistance, what happened to him during the uprising itself and how the consequences of his participation in these events affected his later life. The methodological basis of the research is general historical methods (analysis and synthesis), as well as the principles of scientificity, historicism, and objectivity. The scientific novelty is that the article analyzes the everyday life of a Polish nobleman during the January Uprising. The life of prisoners in the Kyiv fortress is shown through the eyes of a Polish nobleman. The article is part of a broader study of the history of everyday life of men of noble families of the Kyiv province in the 19th century. Conclusions. Memories, memoirs, diaries, and other ego-documents are very important in recreating everyday life. Their analysis makes it possible to more comprehensively investigate and highlight various aspects of everyday life. The memoirs of August Ivanskyi are filled with various descriptions and interesting characteristics of the events of the 1960s, which are important in the context of the study of everyday history. In the article, based on memoirs and other sources, which eliminated factual inaccuracies, a segment from the life of August Ivanskyi dedicated to the January Uprising was reproduced. His participation in the preparations for the uprising, imprisonment and exile are detailed in the memoirs. However, Augustus tries not to describe the course of the uprising, referring to the work of other participants in those events, such as Tadeusz Bobrovsky. Memories, memoirs, diaries, and other ego-documents are very important in recreating everyday life. Their analysis makes it possible to more comprehensively investigate and highlight various aspects of everyday life. The memoirs of August Ivanskyi are also a valuable source for reproducing the everyday life of a Kyiv region nobleman in the second half of the 19th century.

Działania medyczne w notatkach lekarzy z okresu powstania styczniowego

Medical activities in doctors’ notes from the period of the January Uprising The work shows one of the less known issues related to the January Uprising, regarding helping insurgents injured in the fighting. These activities were much more difficult, which prompted Polikarp Girsztowt and other members of the Medical Commission to establish the institution of “wandering surgery”. It also presents profi les of doctors and documentation of their work, which in various forms was transmitted even to foreign periodicals - here Austrian ones, which allowed wider circles of European society to become familiar with the problems they encountered.

ІММІГРАЦІЯ ЧЕХІВ НА УКРАЇНСЬКІ ЗЕМЛІ В ДРУГІЙ ПОЛОВИНІ ХІХ СТ.

The late 60s and early 70s of the nineteenth century were a favorable period for the settlement of Czechs in the Volyn lands. The immigration of Czechs from Moravia to Volyn was caused primarily by economic factors. The impoverishment of Czech peasants, artisans, and workers forced them to seek a better life outside of the Czech lands. Ukrainian lands, in particular Volyn, became one of the destinations of emigration at that time. The appearance of Czech settlers in Volyn was connected with the desire of some Polish nobility to get rid of their property and leave the Russian Empire. The situation in the Ukrainian lands after the January Uprising opened up the possibility for Czechs to buy land for settlement. At first, land purchases were uncontrolled and often took place in violation of the law. Unfair treatment by intermediaries who tried to profit from those wishing to buy land was not uncommon. For the Russian authorities, the appearance of Czechs in Volyn became a form of pressure on Catholic Polish people. Support, benefits, preferences, and accelerated acquisition of Russian citizenship by the Czechs were steps taken by the Russian government. Separate settlements and districts were created for the Czechs. As for the religious issue, there was a “soft coercion” to convert from the Roman Catholic to the Orthodox Church. However, the Czechs were not particularly concerned about the religious issue, as the arrangement of their own economy, the establishment of private small industries, and the creation of decent living conditions were the priority tasks they set for themselves. Over time, the Russian authorities began to gradually limit benefits and reduce concessions to the Czechs. Seeing that the political plans to create a powerful anti-Catholic force out of the Czechs did not materialize, in 1884 a decree was issued prohibiting Czech immigrants from buying land in Volyn. For a time, Czech immigration to Ukrainian lands stopped, but at the same time, Czech immigrants who had already settled down became an important component of the development of industry and entrepreneurship in the late nineteenth century.

“Nation of Poland, Lithuania and Ruthenia, to arms! […] the last battle of European Civilization with the wild barbarism of Asia” – reflections on the 160th anniversary of the January Uprising

“Nation of Poland, Lithuania and Ruthenia, to arms! […] the last battle of European Civilization with the wild barbarism of Asia” – reflections on the 160th anniversary of the January Uprising

ODESA HIGH SCHOOL STUDENTS AND THE JANUARY UPRISING OF 1863-1864: MATERIALS OF ONE CRIMINAL CASE

The article proposes for the first time the publication of the documents of one criminal case, which reveal the impact of the events of the January Uprising of 1863–1864 on the students of the private men's gymnasium in Odessa. It was found out that the students of the gymnasium discussed and worried about the events of the uprising in Poland and even dreamed of joining the Polish units. Youthful dreams and other life events led to the suicide of one of the students. The published documents help reveal the everyday life of high school students and the history of a particular educational institution. A circle of Polish families cheering on their children's actions is also shown. The attitude of the Russian administration towards students of Polish origin was noted.

North-Western Provinces Russifi cation under the Rule of Count M.N. Muravyov-Vilensky

In the article the author examines the reformist activities of M.N. Muravyov-Vilensky as the Vilna Governor-General of the Russian Empire to introduce russifi cation in the territory of the former Grand Duchy of Lithuania after the suppression of the anti-Russian January uprising of 1863. The author comes to the conclusion that Muravyov’s reforms were of great importance for the restoration of Russian national, religious and cultural identity in this territory.

Aleksander Łappa (1802-1869) – ostatni marszałek szlachty guberni mińskiej z wyboru. Część II: Gubernialny marszałek szlachty (1859-1863)

Alexander Łappa held the rank of the Minsk Governorate Marshal of Nobility during a period of widespread social transformations in the Russian Empire and a national and political crisis in the Kingdom of Poland and the Western Governorates. Trying to promote his multifaceted program of reforms in the Belarusian-Lithuanian lands, he relied on deep dialogue with the liberal bureaucratic circles of the Imperial Government and, at the same time, rejected conspiratorial, armed and other kinds of adventurous forms of the national liberation struggle. The polarization among the nobles of the Minsk Governorate increased after the scandalous Noble Elections of 1862. It was aggravated after the outbreak of the January Uprising in the Kingdom of Poland and, connected with it, the growing repressive policy of the civil and military authorities. All of these factors caused Łappa to lose influence in the socio-political life of the nobility and voluntarily resign from his position as marshal.

Wilno w okresie popowstaniowym we wspomnieniach Ludwika Czarkowskiego i Władysława Zahorskiego

The purpose of this article is to present Vilnius in the period after the January Uprising, its monuments as well as the public and social lives of its inhabitants, as portrayed in the memoirs of two doctors and social activists, Ludwik Czarkowski (1855–1928) and Władysław Zahorski (1855–1927.) Both authors are thought to have written their memoirs in the 1920s. Czarkowski’s memoirs were published in Pamiętnik Wileńskiego Towarzystwa Lekarskiego [Journal of the Vilnius Physicians Society] in 1929–1930 with the use of notes his family made available to the Journal. Zahorski’s family was in possession of the manuscript containing his memoirs after his death. After World War II they brought it to post-war Poland, and presently it is kept in the Manuscript Department at the National Library in Warsaw. In 2018 the first volume of Zahorski’s memoirs was published in Warsaw. The memoirs of both these men are an important information source on life in Vilnius during the first ten years after the suppression of the January Uprising, which coincided with their childhood and early youth.

Ewa z Rościszewskich Lorentowiczowa (1869–1943)

This article discusses the life and work of Ewa Rościszewska‑Lorentowiczowa, painter and book‑binder, and her relationship with her daughter, painter and stage‑designer Irena Lorentowicz. Rościszewska came from a traditional, gentry family, impoverished after the January Uprising. Although initially, like many girls in her world, she was meant to become a governess or teacher, she decided to take up an artistic training. She studied painting in Warsaw and Paris. At the same time, she started to work as a book‑binder. She did not give up her artistic career after her marriage to the celebrated writer Jan Lorentowicz (1903) or after the birth of her daughter (1904). I analyze the creative personality of Rościszewska‑Lorentowicz, her oeuvre as well as texts relating to her, especially those pertaining to family life. In the biographies of women artists, there is often information about the negative influence of the subject’s mother. If the artists themselves became mothers, they have been seen as cold, neurotic, putting art and their own careers first, to the detriment of children. The relationship between Ewa Rościszewska‑Lorentowicz and Irena Lorentowicz has been described in this way. I point out the stereotypical nature of these beliefs and the much more complex nature of the relationship between the two artists, mother and daughter.

Kopiariusz akt komisarza pełnomocnego Rządu Narodowego w księstwach naddunajskich Michała Mrozowickiego 18 VI 1863 – 10 X 1864 Część I: 18 VI 1863 – 20 I 1864

During the January Uprising, the territory of Romania played a significant role in Polish military plans and served as a base for fighting units. It was a route for the transfer of weapons and ammunition, and also housed Polish volunteers and soldiers who couldn't cross into Russian territory to support the uprising. Acting on behalf of the National Government, commissioner Michał Mrozowicki was tasked with organizing the transfer of arms and ammunition, as well as taking care of soldiers and volunteers in the camps. His correspondence and reports to the National Government provide an account of events from June 1863 to October 1864, offering detailed information about his activities, the fate of Poles under his care, the challenges he faced as an official of the National Government, and the financial state, among other things.

„Czytelnia Niedzielna” (1856–1864) – wiodące pismo Aleksandry z Pogodinów Pietrowej

The periodical „Czytelnia Niedzielna” was published in Warsaw in the years 1856–1864. Its initiator, publisher, and editor was a Russian woman, but a „Pole by convictions and language”, Aleksandra Petrov née Pogodin (1815–1883). Petrov was the daughter of a tsarist general and the wife of a high-ranking official of the tsarist administration, but she was remembered as a true friend of the Polish nation oppressed by the invaders, among whom she spent most of her life. She worked generously on many levels: charity, educational, political, publishing, editorial and journalistic. Until now, her editorial, publishing, and journalistic activities were ignored, although apart from „Czytelnia Niedzielna” she was involved in the creation of the underground „Strażnica” – an organ of the „Red party”, and „Wiadomości z Pola Bitwy” – the periodical of the National Government during the January Uprising. „Czytelnia Niedzielna” was a periodical with a catholic and folk profile, and Petrov initiated it following the idea of spreading education among peasants and the petty bourgeoisie.

Pana Władysława opowieść o powstaniu styczniowym. Żmudzkie wątki w tetralogii Stanisława Vincenza „Na wysokiej połoninie“

The article undertakes a topic that is omitted in the studies of the January Uprising in Polish literature. Also in the studies of Vincenz’s works this topic has not been discussed so far. It accounts for the mysterious figure of Mr Władysław – the“guiding spirit” of the fourth volume of the tetralogy Na Wysokiej połoninie [On the High Uplands] – and his story of the January Uprising, which he had experienced in his native Samogitia. The main protagonist of the story is the, arguably fictional, character of Mr Kołaszko, a patriot, a social activist and a friend of the Russians. He does, however, take up arms on the side of the insurgents and even organises his own unit. During one skirmish, he lets a captured Russian go free, and the captive comes back to join the unit along with a few more companions. Fatally wounded in the battle, he resists the hatred towards his enemies. In this way, Mr Władysław’s story becomes an explication of Vincenz’s own ethical programme. He was fascinated by Gandhi and the essential message of the Gospel about loving one’senemies. Mr Władysław himself is an authentic character, but the authenticity ofhis story is difficult to judge. The picture of Samogitia is fragmentary and the place names are not reflected in the topography. It is significant, however, that although almost the entire Vincenz’s tetralogy is set in the Hutsul region, this significant episode is located precisely in the northern borderland. In this way, the author extends certain aspects of his work to the area of the entire former Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth.

Spowiedź Sadyka

CONFESSION OF SADYK: THE LAST LETTER OF MICHAŁ CZAYKOWSKI TO HIPOLIT BŁOTNICKIMichał Czaykowski (Sadyk Pasha) is a figure whose assessment remains challenging to this day. His path to national and religious apostasy was complex and winding. At the beginning of his emigration, his dedication to the Polish cause earned him applause and recognition among fellow emigrants. He tirelessly worked in emigrant diplomacy, establishing the extensive Eastern Agency of the Hotel Lambert as a Polish agent in the East. After the Crimean War, he gradually distanced himself from Polish affairs. He deemed the January Uprising unnecessary and increasingly leaned towards Pan-Slavic ideals. Upon returning to Russia and his original name, he lost his old friends and failed to find new ones. It’s hard not to notice that he became a pawn in the hands of the Russians. The published letter from July 17, 1874, is addressed to Hipolit Błotnicki, whom he regarded as a friend, often signing letters to him as his cousin. This is the last preserved letter in their long-standing correspondence. In it, he attempts to justify his actions to his former friend, explaining his attitude towards Polish identity, the shift in his feelings towards the recently hated Muscovites, and the reigning autocrat. He tries to convince and argue why he chose Christianity again and joined the Orthodox Church. The letter seems to be an attempt to convince not only H. Błotnicki but also to justify himself to Władysław Czartoryski, to whom this letter was undoubtedly shown.