Italian Prime Minister Research Articles

Spinoza for Our Time: Politics and Postmodernity by Antonio Negri (review)

Reviewed by: Spinoza for Our Time: Politics and Postmodernity by Antonio Negri Heather Ashley Hayes Antonio Negri, Spinoza for Our Time: Politics and Postmodernity New York: Columbia University Press, 2013, 152 pp. Gilles Deleuze, writing in 2000 about Antonio Negri’s work The Savage Anomaly, argued, “Antonio Negri is authentically and profoundly Spinozian.” Negri had authored Anomaly, his first work dedicated to Baruch Spinoza’s place in philosophy, in prison in 1991 while awaiting trial on the false charge that he instigated the Red Brigades’ assassination of former Italian Prime Minister Aldo Moro. In 2004, Negri wrote Subversive Spinoza, extending his work in Savage Anomaly and continuing his radical renewal of Marxism via new readings of the challenging metaphysics of Spinoza. His third, less ambitious yet piercingly insightful work on Spinoza, Spinoza for Our Time: Politics and Postmodernity, further nuances these previous readings. Negri is not the first to champion a materialist Spinoza. The foundations of this inquiry were laid in part by Deleuze himself publishing Expressionism in Philosophy: Spinoza in 1968 while in 1969 Alexandre Martheron published Individu et communauté chez Spinoza, both texts arguing for serious readings of Spinoza into political philosophy. Deleuze combed the western philosophical tradition for alternatives to Hegel, and found important possibilities in Spinoza. While Louis Althusser wrote little on Spinoza directly, the influence of the philosopher is evident in the work of his students Etienne Balibar and Pierre Macherey, both of whom have penned influential work on Spinoza. As Eugene Holland points out, Macherey’s work frames [End Page 415] “a direct confrontation between Spinoza and Hegel, stressing the degree to which the former eludes the grasp of the latter’s history of philosophy, and therefore represents an important alternative to Hegelian views” (Eugene Holland, “Spinoza and Marx,” Cultural Logic 2, 1 [Fall 1998]). In the first book of Cahiers Spinoza, published in 1977, Maximilian Rubel, Martheron, and Albert Igoin all confront the possibility of Spinoza’s influence on Karl Marx. Particularly, they focus on extensive passages of Spinoza’s Tractatus Theologico-Politicus found hand-copied into Karl Marx’s early notebooks. As Eugene Holland argues, alternatives to Hegel and Hegelian Marxism are desirable for this group of philosophers, of which Negri is perhaps the most enthusiastic. For Althusser, alternatives to Hegelian Marxism became attractive as weapons in the fight against Stalinism within the French Communist Party. For Deleuze and many poststructuralists, Nietzsche (who acknowledged Spinoza’s influence), proved attractive because his method differed markedly from Hegel’s, and to some extent Marx’s. As Holland notes, More generally, the impetus to reevaluate Hegelian Marxism in France arose in response to a number of post-war developments, in the fields of politics and academics alike: the decline of the French working class as a “class-conscious” political actor, and of the French Communist Party as its “revolutionary” vanguard, in Fifth Republic politics and society; but also the demise of Soviet and Chinese Communisms as viable or attractive Marx-inspired regimes; and within academics, the growing dissatisfaction with certain Hegelian elements of Marxism, among historians as well as philosophers themselves. (Holland, “Spinoza and Marx”) Holland helpfully recalls the importance that interpretations of the French Revolution of 1789 took on in disputes among historians, some of whom sought to revise Marxist takes on 1789 as a bourgeois revolution that would serve to spur a future, more proletarian one. For materialist historians, Holland argues, “the problem, in short, was how to square the actual diversity of motives and actions of particular French merchants, lawyers, and statesmen with the unifying notion of the bourgeoisie as a class acting as a (singular) political agent in the historical field.” Here, Spinozan materialism, read as a forerunner to Marx’s materialism, can eradicate Hegelian dialectics. For Negri’s work, the central goal has been to read Spinozan materialism as a mature precursor to Marx’s own materialism and as a result, to relate Spinoza’s central relevance for contemporary Marxism as a true materialist. In Savage Anomaly he noted, “Spinoza’s materialist metaphysics is the potent anomaly of the century: not a vanquished or marginal anomaly but, rather, an anomaly of victorious materialism, of the ontology of a being that...

From ‘foreign body’ to the party leadership and beyond: explaining Matteo Renzi’s path to power through the evolution of his primary election voters

This article examines the path to power of the current Italian Prime Minister, Matteo Renzi, by assessing the evolution of his voters’ characteristics between the 2012 and 2013 national primaries. The analysis is based on two extensive data sets the author herself has created together with the other members of the standing group, ‘Candidate and Leader Selection’, working within the Società Italiana di Scienza Politica (Italian Society of Political Science). The socio-demographic and political characteristics of participants in the primaries are described, while the characteristics of Renzi’s voters (RVs) are compared to those of non-Renzi voters (NRVs) and to the averages for the primaries’ participants generally. The findings clearly demonstrate that in the space of only one year RVs changed significantly: in 2012 they perfectly reflect the role of ‘foreign body’ played by their own candidate, who strongly distinguished himself from the primaries’ other candidates by gaining higher-than-average support among young voters and people having a centrist or even a right-wing political background. By contrast, in 2013 RVs become much more similar to the traditional left-wing and aged electorate used to voting in primary elections organised by the Democratic Party (PD) or the centre–left coalition as a whole. The analysis testifies that Renzi faced a kind of ‘normalisation’ in the eyes of the centre-left’s sympathisers, something that was both a cause and an effect of his acceptance by the party elite – an acceptance that allowed him to become PD general secretary first, and Prime Minister immediately thereafter.

Interview with Romano Prodi

On the occasion of the Conference on the State of Italy, held at Brown University's Watson Institute for International Studies on 29–30 October 2013, David Kertzer interviewed former two-time Italian Prime Minister Romano Prodi. Their focus was on the evolution of Prodi's involvement in Italian government and politics. This first in what is planned to be two such interviews examines Prodi's initial move from an economics professor at the University of Bologna interested in the study of political economy and industrial policy, to a major figure in implementing industrial policy in Italy. It looks at his brief stint as Minister of Industry under Giulio Andreotti, his founding of the influential industrial study group Nomisma, and then his presidency of the Institute for Industrial Reconstruction (IRI), Italy's giant holding company. With the crisis of the Italian political system in the early 1990s, Prodi was central to the creation of a new centre-left coalition, named L'Ulivo (the Olive Tree), an experience he recalls here, along with his first experience as Prime Minister, from 1996 to 1998.

The Berlusconization of Post-Soviet Football in Russia and the Ukraine: Money Scores Goals, Goals Win Titles, and Titles Win Popularity

Abstract The Berlusconization of post-Soviet professional football in Ukraine and Russia highlights the close connection between politics, business, and football. The former Italian Prime Minister Silvio Berlusconi built a position of political power through his connection with professional soccer. In 1986, Berlusconi, a multi-millionaire who made his fortune through construction and television, bought AC Milan. Berlusconi was able to use the popularity gained by owning one of Europe’s most successful clubs to sharpen his political profile to such an extent that he was elected as prime minister of Italy three times. After the fall of the Soviet Union and the mass privatization of assets, football clubs, especially in the Ukraine, fell into the hands of rich businessmen or oligarchs. These oligarchs then used the popularity of football clubs to secure political positions. This system was then copied in Russia where Moscow used football, especially in the Caucasus, to achieve political goals.

Representation in the European State of Emergency: Parliaments against Governments?

‘If governments allow themselves to be entirely bound to the decisions of their parliament, without protecting their own freedom to act, a break up of Europe would be a more probable outcome than deeper integration.’ The statement of the Italian Prime Minister and head of the so-called ‘governo tecnico words have to be seperated ’ is one remarkable instance for colliding visions of representation in EU member states affected by the financial crisis. It exposes an old problem of representation: that is, representation of the whole versus representation of the parts. National parliaments are called to endorse the European decisions of their governments and simultaneously to sell the sacrifices to their constituencies. This development is conducive to clashes between parliaments and governments. The collision occurs between governments representing the Euro and Europe and national parliaments representing national voters’ interests. Nevertheless in the period of analysis (2010–2012) the governments generally succeeded in commanding the majority needed to pass relevant legislation, whereby most intriguingly majorities were repeatedly formed by government and opposition parties. We are interested in the analysis of how this came about, how MPs argued over and negotiated the outcome. The hypothesis is twofold: First, we expect that despite reservations the majority consents because entrapped in a European discourse, building on arguments of how the rescue mechanisms are in the best European as well as national interests. Second, budget competence being the ‘crown jewel’ of parliaments these are anxious to keep control of decisions taken at the European level and have to be satisfied through side-payments or constitutional concessions strengthening their control function. To test our hypothesis we analysed parliamentary debates and negotiations of national parliaments in three member states: Germany, Italy and Austria.

Ten years after: The rise and fall of managerial autonomy in Pompeii

In September 1997, an ad hoc law (Law no. 352/1997) gave archaeological site of Pompeii a new status. Its previous status as a local branch of Ministry of Culture (the Soprintendenza) was reconfigured as an autonomous entity (Soprintendenza autonoma). In July 2008, Italian Prime Minister declared a one year state of emergency in Pompeii, appointing a special Commissioner (Commissario straordinario) in order to cope with the serious critical situation of archeological area (OPCM 3692/2008). The aim of paper is to review process of change in Pompeii over ten years, observing major institutional transformations and analyzing evolution of activities and human and financial resources management. Beyond substantive elements of interest (the mis-management of one of most important archaeological sites in world), paper sheds lights on role of accountability in cultural sector and on distinctive features of Italian public administration, questioning existence of a path of international convergence in public sector change. © 2013 Elsevier Ltd. Author keywords Accountability; Arts management; Italy; New public management; Public sector

The Italian Prime Minister, Mario Monti, has suggested that the country's national health service is not sustainable in its current, tax-funded form.

The Italian Prime Minister, Mario Monti, has suggested that the country's national health service is not sustainable in its current, tax-funded form.

The Italian Prime Minister, Mario Monti, has suggested that the country's national health service is not sustainable in its current, tax-funded form.

The Italian Prime Minister, Mario Monti, has suggested that the country's national health service is not sustainable in its current, tax-funded form.

MAHA: A comprehensive system for the storage and visualization of subsoil data for seismic microzonation

MAHA is a database-centred software system for the storage and visualization of subsoil data used for the production of seismic microzonation maps in Italy. The application was implemented using open source software in order to grant its maximum diffusion and customization. A conceptual model of the subsoil, jointly developed by the Italian National Research Council and the National Department of Civil Protection, inspired the structure of the underlying database, consisting of 15 tables, 3 of which of spatial nature to accommodate geo-referenced data associated to points, lines and polygons. A web-GIS interface acts as a bridge between the user and the database, drives the input of geo-referenced data and enables the users to formulate different types of spatial queries. A series of forms designed “ad hoc” and enriched with combo boxes provide guided procedures to maximize the fluency of data entry and to reduce the possibility of erroneous typing. One of these procedures helps to transform the descriptions of the geological units (granular materials), given in technical paper documents by using a conversational style, into standardized numeric codes. Summary reports, produced in the pdf format, can be generated through decoding and graphic display of the parameters previously entered in the database. MAHA was approved by the national commission for seismic microzonation established by the Italian Prime Minister and, in the next years, it is expected to significantly support the entire process of map production in the urban areas more exposed to seismic hazard.

L'Aquila's reconstruction challenges: has Italy learned from its previous earthquake disasters?

Italy is an earthquake-prone country and its disaster emergency response experiences over the past few decades have varied greatly, with some being much more successful than others. Overall, however, its reconstruction efforts have been criticised for being ad hoc, delayed, ineffective, and untargeted. In addition, while the emergency relief response to the L'Aquila earthquake of 6 April 2009-the primary case study in this evaluation-seems to have been successful, the reconstruction initiative got off to a very problematic start. To explore the root causes of this phenomenon, the paper argues that, owing to the way in which Italian Prime Minister Silvio Berlusconi has politicised the process, the L'Aquila reconstruction endeavour is likely to suffer problems with local ownership, national/regional/municipal coordination, and corruption. It concludes with a set of recommendations aimed at addressing the pitfalls that may confront the L'Aquila reconstruction process over the next few years.

Europe, Land of Anguish and Nostalgia

Three years into the protracted Eurocrisis “all choices are ugly,” as former British prime minister Tony Blair comments. Indeed, the high cost of bad options is prompting some to question whether Europe is worth saving the euro.Along with Tony Blair, the former Italian prime minister Romano Prodi as well as two of the best financial minds around—Nouriel Roubini and Mohamed el‐Erian—warn of the dire consequences of a euro breakup. One of France's most prominent philosophers, André Glucksmann, wonders whether the idea of a united Europe—a reaction to the horrors of World War II—can hold everyone together in the future when peace is the norm.

All Choices are Ugly for Europe

Three years into the protracted Eurocrisis “all choices are ugly,” as former British prime minister Tony Blair comments. Indeed, the high cost of bad options is prompting some to question whether Europe is worth saving the euro.Along with Tony Blair, the former Italian prime minister Romano Prodi as well as two of the best financial minds around—Nouriel Roubini and Mohamed el‐Erian—warn of the dire consequences of a euro breakup. One of France's most prominent philosophers, André Glucksmann, wonders whether the idea of a united Europe—a reaction to the horrors of World War II—can hold everyone together in the future when peace is the norm.

Germany Must Shift from a Crisis Agenda to Building Europe

Three years into the protracted Eurocrisis “all choices are ugly,” as former British prime minister Tony Blair comments. Indeed, the high cost of bad options is prompting some to question whether Europe is worth saving the euro.Along with Tony Blair, the former Italian prime minister Romano Prodi as well as two of the best financial minds around—Nouriel Roubini and Mohamed el‐Erian—warn of the dire consequences of a euro breakup. One of France's most prominent philosophers, André Glucksmann, wonders whether the idea of a united Europe—a reaction to the horrors of World War II—can hold everyone together in the future when peace is the norm.

A Euro Breakup: Cardiac Arrest for Europe

Three years into the protracted Eurocrisis “all choices are ugly,” as former British prime minister Tony Blair comments. Indeed, the high cost of bad options is prompting some to question whether Europe is worth saving the euro.Along with Tony Blair, the former Italian prime minister Romano Prodi as well as two of the best financial minds around—Nouriel Roubini and Mohamed el‐Erian—warn of the dire consequences of a euro breakup. One of France's most prominent philosophers, André Glucksmann, wonders whether the idea of a united Europe—a reaction to the horrors of World War II—can hold everyone together in the future when peace is the norm.

Fixing Europe's Democratic Deficit

Because they have failed to address the fundamental economic imbalances within Europe obscured by the single currency, each effort by European leaders so far to resolve the euro crisis has only deepened it. Without a decisive move toward fiscal and political union, accompanied by policies that push productivity and competitiveness toward convergence while closing the democratic deficit, the Eurozone will disintegrate.To discuss the way forward, the Nicolas Berggruen Institute's Council on the Future of Europe met in Rome on May 28 with Italian Prime Minister Mario Monti. In this section we publish the contributions from that meeting by the former European leaders, scholars and Nobel laureates who are members of the Council.

Mutualizing Europe's Debts

Because they have failed to address the fundamental economic imbalances within Europe obscured by the single currency, each effort by European leaders so far to resolve the euro crisis has only deepened it. Without a decisive move toward fiscal and political union, accompanied by policies that push productivity and competitiveness toward convergence while closing the democratic deficit, the Eurozone will disintegrate.To discuss the way forward, the Nicolas Berggruen Institute's Council on the Future of Europe met in Rome on May 28 with Italian Prime Minister Mario Monti. In this section we publish the contributions from that meeting by the former European leaders, scholars and Nobel laureates who are members of the Council.

More Europe, Less Nationalism

Because they have failed to address the fundamental economic imbalances within Europe obscured by the single currency, each effort by European leaders so far to resolve the euro crisis has only deepened it. Without a decisive move toward fiscal and political union, accompanied by policies that push productivity and competitiveness toward convergence while closing the democratic deficit, the Eurozone will disintegrate.To discuss the way forward, the Nicolas Berggruen Institute's Council on the Future of Europe met in Rome on May 28 with Italian Prime Minister Mario Monti. In this section we publish the contributions from that meeting by the former European leaders, scholars and Nobel laureates who are members of the Council.

The European Union: A Shield Against the Downside of Globalization

Because they have failed to address the fundamental economic imbalances within Europe obscured by the single currency, each effort by European leaders so far to resolve the euro crisis has only deepened it. Without a decisive move toward fiscal and political union, accompanied by policies that push productivity and competitiveness toward convergence while closing the democratic deficit, the Eurozone will disintegrate.To discuss the way forward, the Nicolas Berggruen Institute's Council on the Future of Europe met in Rome on May 28 with Italian Prime Minister Mario Monti. In this section we publish the contributions from that meeting by the former European leaders, scholars and Nobel laureates who are members of the Council.

Swiss Lessons for European Federalism

Because they have failed to address the fundamental economic imbalances within Europe obscured by the single currency, each effort by European leaders so far to resolve the euro crisis has only deepened it. Without a decisive move toward fiscal and political union, accompanied by policies that push productivity and competitiveness toward convergence while closing the democratic deficit, the Eurozone will disintegrate.To discuss the way forward, the Nicolas Berggruen Institute's Council on the Future of Europe met in Rome on May 28 with Italian Prime Minister Mario Monti. In this section we publish the contributions from that meeting by the former European leaders, scholars and Nobel laureates who are members of the Council.

Making Europe Work

Because they have failed to address the fundamental economic imbalances within Europe obscured by the single currency, each effort by European leaders so far to resolve the euro crisis has only deepened it. Without a decisive move toward fiscal and political union, accompanied by policies that push productivity and competitiveness toward convergence while closing the democratic deficit, the Eurozone will disintegrate.To discuss the way forward, the Nicolas Berggruen Institute's Council on the Future of Europe met in Rome on May 28 with Italian Prime Minister Mario Monti. In this section we publish the contributions from that meeting by the former European leaders, scholars and Nobel laureates who are members of the Council.