Italian Occupation Research Articles

How Churches Can Become Trapped by Violence and Hatred: The Example of Italy in Ethiopia

During the Italian occupation of Ethiopia between 1935 and 1941 there was an outbreak of brutal and violent attacks on the Ethiopian church. These attacks were supported by many in the Italian church and were described as a Crusade, with no condemnation of them from the papacy. The two churches come from very different geographical locations and cultural backgrounds, and this has led to periods of warm relations, but also to examples of aggressive evangelism and hostility. The situation at the start of the Second World War aggravated aggressive tendencies. They are a warning to the churches of how easy it is to slip into violence and hatred.

Italian history, Mediterranean history: New perspectives on an imperial and colonial past

In recent years, historiographical research has increasingly focused on the link between Italy and the Mediterranean, taking into account the debate on new spatial categories in national, regional and global history, and showing a growing interest in imperial history. This article discusses the status quo and future research perspectives. Focusing on four recent Englishlanguage publications, it approaches the Mediterranean as a space that challenges mainstream Italian history by highlighting its imperial nature, including decolonisation processes and their legacies in the present. Based on these premises, the article engages in a dialogue with other geohistorical "areas" of the Mediterranean, examining sources written in different languages and paying particular attention to local experiences prior to the Italian occupation. 

Fascist transnationalism during the occupation of Albania (1939–43)

Abstract This article links the study of transnational and imperial fascism in the context of the Italian occupation of Albania by examining how Italian authorities sought to turn Albanians abroad into assets rather than liabilities. Organising and monitoring Albanians occurred through conferences, youth institutions and consular activities. Studying such concrete contacts and negotiations allows us to explore the practical issues latent in expanding fascist political subjectivity in transnational and imperial contexts. On the one hand, Italians hoped to verse Albanians in a fascist identity by using existing organisational strategies while silencing or converting potential anti-Italian critics. On the other, many Albanians expressed and offered support for these Italian efforts, though with reservations and conditions, raising questions as to what it meant to be an Albanian nationalist and/or fascist in the years of occupation. The Albanian case therefore contributes to our understanding of the tensions inherent in ‘universalising’ fascism for colonial subjects.

The Italian occupation of Albania 1939 and the international reactions to it Dr. Youssef Taha Hussein

This study aims to give a picture of the nature of the policy pursued by Italy towards Albania since the end of the First World War until its occupation of Albania on April 7, 1939 and the international reactions that resulted from this occupation, at the forefront of which is the position of the United States of America and Britain, relying on a number of sources, foremost of which are the documents of the US Department of State that shed light on the important facts necessary that accompanied those positions under study. Published under the title: Foreign Relations of the United States Diplomatic Papers, 1939, General, The British Commonwealth and Europe, Absorption of Albania by Italy ,Volume II, Washington,1956. Referred to in short (F.R.U.S). Albania is one of the Balkan countries located in southeastern Europe, bordered by Montenegro to the northwest, Kosovo to the northeast, the Republic of Macedonia to the east, and Greece to the south and southeast, and Albania overlooks the Adriatic Sea to the west, while it overlooks the Ionian Sea to the southwest, and its total area is about 28,748 km2, while the population reaches 3,020,209 people, according to the latest available statistic for the year 2014 .

Gentilejeva šolska reforma in slovensko šolstvo na Primorskem 1918–1943

The article discusses the history of the educational system in the Slovene Littoral (Primorska) in the interwar period, focusing on the northern part of the region. It highlights assimilation pressures that started with the Italian occupation at the end of the First World War and intensified with the rise of fascism. In detail, it presents the impact of the school reform of 1923, which was named after the education minister of the time, Giovanni Gentile; in the next twenty years, this reform enabled a systematic denationalisation of Slovenians in Italy and opened the field of education to fascist ideology. Activities in defence of the nation, which relied foremost on patriotic families and Slovenian priests, largely negated this denationalisation.

Rationalising violence: Leros

The paper considers Leros in the Greek Dodecanese as a case study in the history of rationalist architecture of the fascist Italian regime, implicating varied forms of surveillance, exile, detainment, and incarceration. The paper explores the enduring legacy and impact the colonial and military architecture, policy, and planning have had on urban and architectural forms, local labour economies, and the community that continues to the present day. The research spans from the Italian occupation of Leros to the establishment of detention centres for refugees today, following the chronologically overlapping trans-institutional transformation of Italian military and medical infrastructures into notorious mental health care facilities and camps for political prisoners and violently displaced children from mainland Greece. The paper focuses on the relationships established by the plan, the architecture, the strict imposition of gerarchia [hierarchy], as defined elsewhere by Diane Ghirardo, and associated governing frameworks, which established a unique urban form and social fabric. The paper explores not only the aesthetic and formal qualities of the architectural object but also the socio-political diagram embedded in the logic of the ambitious building programme of the Italian occupation. It will further examine the spatial tactics and policies that supported Italian control and, consequently, the gradual erosion of agrarian traditions and capabilities of the local population, forcing them into a complex co-dependence. It is precisely the interdependence and co-existence of architecture and labour that perpetuates the island’s role as an apparatus of control, creating a carceral campus of surveillance and exile.

Education in Albania under the Italian Occupation

This paper aims to examine the role and activities of the Ministry of Education of Albania during the Italian occupation (1941–1943). By analysing official documents such as laws, decisions, and circulars, it explores how the Italian regime transformed the existing functions and structures of the Albanian School System to promote fascist ideology. The Italian occupation regime employed two strategies: the first was to create a positive image by presenting itself as a regime that supported education and sought to improve-the lives of the poorest members of society, hoping to gain the support of the Albanian people. The second strategy was to introduce fascist values and morality into the school curricula, censoring certain books, introducing new textbooks, and intimidating Albanian teachers while replacing them with Italian teachers and directors. With the onset of Italy's involvement in World War II, the Albanian education system suffered the consequences of the war. This article aims to address the gap in existing research in this field and provides valuable insights that can be used as a reference point for drawing comparisons with developments in education in many Eastern European countries after the Second World War, during the communist regime.

A socio‐historical analysis of English in Libya

AbstractPolitical instability has been a mainstay in Libya since the Italian occupation in 1911. In the intervening years, the shifting political landscape has had an undeniable influence on the presence of English in the country. In this paper, I argue that Libya presents an ideal case study for Kachru's Concentric Circles of English, where ‘linguistic ammunition’ (Kachru, 1986: 121) is used to manipulate and control the masses and spread anti‐Western sentiment in this expanding circle country. To provide a much‐needed socio‐historical context for a country whose English language and linguistic history remains understudied (Hillman et al., 2020), this paper touches on key events in Libya's political history that have influenced the status of English and language use; from the Italian colonization, to Qaddafi's decade‐long ban of English, to the 2011 Revolution, and beyond. This paper is divided into six sections: (1) critical approaches to language policy (Tollefson, 1991) and Foucault's governmentality approach (1991); (2) demographic and geographic description of Libya; (3) historical and political overview; (4) educational language policy and the development of the education system; (5) English language policy in Libya (the ban on use of English in 1986 following the 1969 coup that brought Qaddafi to power and the reintroduction of English in the mid‐1990s); and will conclude with (6) English language in post‐Qaddafi Libya. Understanding these key moments in Libyan political history will provide the context needed to understand how a generation of Libyans found themselves without the linguistic skills necessary to compete in the global economy.

War, resistance, and memory in Libya’s oral history project

ABSTRACTThis article examines the Libyan Oral History Project, an archive created in the 1970s to record the memories of mujahidin involved in anti-Italian resistance in Libya. Though it was not the original intention of the archive, this article argues that the memories of the mujahidin contribute to an effort among historians to reconceptualise the global significance of the First World War. A careful reading of the accounts of the mujahidin reveals a chronological continuity from the initial struggle against the Italian occupation to armed warfare against European forces throughout the region in the interwar era. By interpreting the First World War from the southern coast of the Mediterranean, we gain new appreciation for the significance of the war not just as a conflict among empire, but also as the beginning of a longer struggle between imperial forces and anti-imperial resistance.

Ethnicity as journalism paradigm: Polarization and political parallelism of Ethiopian news in transition

In the wake of the 2018 liberalization of journalistic freedoms in Ethiopia, new waves of political unrest and a re-tightened grip on the media have emerged. A key feature in this context is the increasing reference to ethnic contrasts reflecting regional differences. While Ethiopia is a unique country in the African context in the sense of never having been colonized (with the exception of a brief period of Italian occupation), features of the contemporary media situation are also of general validity in understanding political realities in other African countries. This paper explores the concept of ‘journalism paradigms’ in that regard, with the follow-up question of how an understanding of journalism paradigms founded on ethnic boundaries might also contribute toward a more distinctly ‘African’ journalism research framework.

The Cultural Monuments of the Italians in Rhodes and Their Use Today

The island of Rhodes forms an exceptionally popular destination, which hosts thousands of visitors every year. Its natural beauty, together with its rich local history, have contributed to that, as it has been a landmark of many historical events. Great is the contribution of the Italian buildings in Rhodes’ current image and function, which were constructed under the Italian occupation of the island during 1912-1948. The present paper is referring to the significance of the Italian monuments in Rhodes. Through a historical retrospection that has to do with the construction of the Italian buildings and the people who contributed to it, this paper focuses on a quantitative research through questionnaires and statistical analysis of the data regarding the review of the current condition of those monuments in Rhodes, as well as a presentation of the touristic interest on them. The assignment is enhanced with photographic depiction and subtitling of the monuments in their current state.

Участие военнослужащих Румынии и Италии в осуществлении истребительной политики против населения оккупированной территории Ростовской области

The first documented facts about the participation of soldiers of foreign armies in the slaughter of civilians and war prisoners on the occupied Soviet territory became known to the general public during the Great Patriotic War. These materials were mainly collected by the Extraordinary State Commission of the USSR and its regional commissions for the establishment and investigation of the atrocities of Nazi invaders and their accomplices and the damage they caused to citizens, collective farms, public organizations, state enterprises and institutions. These documents were used during the war and in the first post-war years in the trials of the German, Hungarian, Romanian and other foreign war criminals. In the post-war period, many issues of this topic for various reasons were not adequately highlighted in the Soviet historiography. The historians proposed new study approaches for the actions of the Romanian and Italian occupation troops on the Don in 1990s-2000s. Declassification and introduction into scientific circulation of new archival documents and publication of the multi-volume edition “Without statute of limitations” in 2020 create opportunities for a systematic and comprehensive study of scale and culpability degree of the armed forces of Romania, Italy and other allies of Germany in the extermination policy on the occupied territory of the Rostov region in 1941-1943.

Italian occupation and the emergence of the Slovenian resistance movement in 1941

The article highlights the political situation in the Slovenian lands occupied by Italy during the Second World War, in the summer of 1941 – the first half of 1942. The focus of the study is the Slovenian resistance movement organized by the communists, whose center was first in Ljubljana, and then in the forests of Kočevje and other remote places. The author analyzes the features of its development in the province of Ljubljana: the creation of the Liberation Front, which managed to attract representatives of various ideological and political trends, the beginning of an armed uprising and partisan movement, the emergence of a liberated territory with the center in Kočevje. The positions and activities of representatives of the national forces that sided with the occupier are also considered: the Slovenian People’s Party (SNP), the Bishop of Ljubljana G. Rozhman, the leader of the ultra-right Catholic movement L. Erlich, etc. The policy of the Italian occupation authorities in the province of Ljubljana, repressive measures carried out by them in order to eliminate the Slovenian resistance movement are covered in detail

KOS (ISTANKOY) ISLAND "HISARLIK ANCIENT CITY" EXCAVATION

Kos Island, which was connected to the Eyalet of the Archipelago (Eyālet-i Cezāyir-i Baḥr-i Sefīd in Ottoman Turkish), is one of the largest islands in the Mediterranean. Only a quarter of the island's nearly ten thousand population was Muslim. The main source of livelihood on the island was agriculture and maritime activities. Kos had a history going back to BC. Especially in the place known as “Hisarlık”, the Ottoman government sought someone for excavations; Doctor Rudolf Herzog, one of the teachers of Tübingen, was given permission to excavate at certain intervals. Rudolf Herzog excavated from 1900 to 1904, built a building on the excavation site and stored the excavated artifacts here. Hisarlık land was purchased so that the excavation area belonged to the state. Again, the state commissioner was appointed to ensure supervision during the excavation; the works in the ruins of Hisarlık continued for a while by moving to İncirli Village. Especially with the beginning of the excavation works, a council consisting of the notables of the island was established, and every kind of help was given to Herzog to examine the works by copying method. Precious artifacts from the excavation area were sent to Istanbul to the Imperial Museum (Imperial Museum). For his valuable contributions, Herzog was awarded a state medal. After these studies, Kos Island attracted more attention of European scientists, and Hisarlık Ruins became the place where many scientists, especially Germans, came with the permission of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs (Hariciye Nezareti). In 1912, together with Rhodes, the Italians occupied the island, and after seizing the administration, they established their dominance over many institutions as they wished. In our article, the Hisarlık excavations that started on the island of Kos in the traces of the archive documents in the Presidency Prime Ministry Ottoman Archives and how this excavation was carried out; It has been tried to explain how the influx of scientists, which became famous after the end of this excavation, and how the situation on the island was affected by the Italian occupation.

Alberto Basciani and Egidio Ivetic. Italia e Balcani. Storia di una prossimità

Alberto Basciani and Egidio Ivetic. <i>Italia e Balcani. Storia di una prossimità</i>

Unity of geography and history between the Iraqi and Libyan peoples From the Italian occupation of Libya to independence 1911_1951 AD

The unity of geography, history, origin, religion, language, customs and traditions, culture, hopes, and common pains between the Arab brothers in Iraq and Libya had an impact on Iraqi solidarity with the Libyan people in their plight during their resistance to the Italian colonizer since the occupation on October 5th, 1911 - until the announcement Independence on December 24th, 1951 AD. These positions have emerged at the popular and official levels in regional and international organizations, which helped the Libyan people to obtain their freedom, the independence of their country and the unity of its national land.

Zur Geschichte der italienisch-faschistischen Division Monterosa im deutsch besetzten Italien 1944–1945

Abstract This paper develops out of a specific event. In 2020, the town of Münsingen in the Swabian Alps commissioned its authors to write a historical report on the Italian Fascist Monterosa Division, focusing on its function and role in the German occupation of Italy from 1944 to 1945. The issue to be clarified was the extent to which the division was involved in war crimes during this period. The background to the request was a monument erected in 1986 in the Ehrenhain, Münsingen’s „grove of honour“, by the division’s veterans’ association (Associazione degli appartenenti alla divisione Monterosa). This monument has since led to repeated controversy and heated debate over its Fascist symbolism and the division’s involvement in anti-partisan warfare in Italy. Our paper focuses on the experience of officers in the Fascist regime, the division’s operations against partisans and at the front, its crimes, and the attempts of the veterans’ association in the post-war period to gain official recognition in both Germany and Italy. The Monterosa Mountain Division was created in 1943/1944 by Benito Mussolini’s Repubblica sociale italiana (RSI) as one of four military divisions to join front-line combat with the German Army in Italy. Largely composed of young conscripts from Northern Italy, its older non-commissioned officers had extensive war experience from the Italian occupation of Greece and the Balkans, and from the Eastern Front. Its commander, General Mario Carloni, was a hardliner, an energetic, ruthless, and politicised Fascist officer who after the collapse of the Italian state in 1943 chose to continue fighting for Mussolini’s side and to support the German occupation of Italy. German instructors trained the Monterosa Division in Münsingen. In late August 1944, it was sent to Italy and assigned to coastal defense duties on the east coast of Liguria, an area almost completely controlled by partisans. The division thus became involved in anti-partisan actions and began to take hostages, shoot civilians and prisoners of war, and destroy village houses. In 1951, a division association was founded, with former General Carloni as its honorary president. Until 2001, it tried in vain to gain recognition from the Associazione Nazionale Alpini (ANA), the most important veterans’ and reservists’ association of Italian mountain troops. In Germany, on the other hand, the former Monterosa soldiers found faster access to veterans’ associations. The first visit by former division members to Münsingen took place as early as 1952. In the 1970s, these visits became increasingly regular and were given official sanction. During the 1980s, the division association’s connections further expanded and ultimately resulted in the erection of a memorial to the fallen. In Germany, of all places, the RSI veterans received the recognition that was so difficult for them to obtain in their home country.

‘Despite the Fear’: Emancipation Trajectories in Libya, 1890–1930

AbstractChallenging the Eurocentric belief that abolitionism was a top-down process issued by colonial powers, this article explores the emergence of personal and group strategies for the emancipation of Black enslaved people in Libya. During the late Ottoman period, Italian antislavery activities operated in Libya and established a mission in Benghazi to host manumitted children referred to as ‘Moretti’ (‘little Moors’). The goal was to make these Moretti a group of local people close to the Catholic Church and the Italian government. The failures of the missionaries to accomplish these aims reveal the strategies and trajectories of Moretti as they negotiated their role in society, especially after Italian occupation in 1911. Historical sources reveal an informal web of solidarity using antislavery societies and creating forms of urban and social autonomy. This article details actions of solidarity among Black enslaved persons that took place in late Ottoman and Italian colonial Libya, which challenges Eurocentric antislavery narratives.

REFLECTING ABOUT THE CIVIL WAR IN ALBANIA

Albania was considered "a wild province" by the British missions that served in the "land of the eagles"during the Second World War. First, the Italian occupation and then the German occupation created the ground forthe anti-fascist national liberation war, carried out by various political forces operating in the country at that time.This paper aims to analyze the approaches and controversies of the civil war in Albania through the lens of Britishmilitary missions’ (SOE) official documents, Albanian archival documentation as well as from the literature ofvarious authors. Referring to this documentation, the beginning of the civil war in Albania is related to thecapitulation of Italy in September 1943 and the arrival of the German army, which occupied Albania, Yugoslaviaand Greece in three weeks. Domestic political situation in Albania was strained because off encountered difficultiesin creating a common front by the nationalist forces. The main rivalry was between a part of National Front calledBalli Kombetar (BK) and Albanian Communist Party (ACP). BK was a republican, liberal and nationalist wingorganization with an anti-communist program. Meanwhile, ACP identified itself with the National Liberation Front.In the vortex of these events, in August 1943 it was organized a meeting called “Mukje Meeting” due to the name ofthe village where it was held. The two rival political forces concluded an agreement, which lasted only one month;the communists cancelled it under the directives of the Yugoslavs because it meant equal power for both politicalforces and territorial unification with Kosovo after the war. These and other decisions were officially announced atthe next conference organized by APC, called Labinot Conference II (September 1943). At the Central Archives ofAlbania it is found a circular - letter of October 1, year 1943 addressed to the APC Committees. Through it EnverHoxha, as the secretary of APC opposed the union of BK forces with National Front, describing them as enemies.From this moment and on began the civil war. The confrontations are confirmed by the reports of SOE addressed tothe British Foreign Ministry; it was reported that only 10% of the British weapons given to the communists wereused in the war against the Germans, while the rest, 90% of them were used to fight the opponents (BK). Communisthistoriography denied the existence of civil war by censoring the history learned by Albanians for 45 years. After thefall of the communist regime, it was a necessary reviewing and rewriting the history of Albania. Even today,historians share different opinions regarding the period of World War II and especially the (in)existence of the civilwar. The fact that Albania has had a civil war reflected in the struggle for power, just like the countries of the region,does not at all diminish the organization of a liberation war and its commitment to the Allies. To reflect about thisperiod of Albania's history, we will refer to historical facts, arguments and various sources, which prove theexistence of the civil war even after the liberation of the country. In January 1945, when the Germans had leftAlbania, it happen another confrontation, known as the Battle of Tamara. In the time when the victory of thecommunists was a fact and they were full of glory, this event is interpreted as the last step towards the power. Withthe coming of the communists in power, the civil war was replaced by the class war, which marked countlessvictims during the entire communist dictatorship.

How to Feed an Empire?

Abstract In 1937—one year after the Fascist “conquest” of Ethiopia—the Italian East African Empire was on the brink of an economic and food crisis. In order to feed the newborn empire's growing Italian population, Mussolini's regime launched a call for agricultural mobilization meant to rapidly make the empire self-sufficient in wheat, the main staple of the Italian population. This article analyzes the scientific foundations of the program of imperial “wheat autarky” and its materialization during the “wheat campaigns” between 1938 and 1941, particularly focusing on the introduction of and experimentation with hybrid wheat seeds in the Ethiopian highlands. The article shows the key role played by Italian agronomists and plant breeders in the framing and implementation of wheat autarky in the Fascist empire. Contrary to the historical emphasis of Fascist propaganda on the technological and human colonization of Ethiopia by Italian agriculture, the article also argues for the crucial position of indigenous farming within the colonial project of wheat development. Finally, Ethiopia's environments and its nonhuman actors became essential protagonists in the unfolding of these agricultural plans. The article makes the case for viewing wheat rust—a fungal plant disease—as a key component of the evolution and demise of the Italian occupation of Ethiopia.