Issues Of National Sovereignty Research Articles

National concept for the development of integrated reporting in Russia

The growing attention of the state to the issues of national sovereignty in different areas has predetermined the urgency of considering the current state of affairs in the field of corporate reporting from this position. The purpose of the study is to substantiate the need for institutionalization of the concept of integrated reporting as the model of corporate reporting that best meets national interests. Based on a study of Russian and foreign practice of normative regulation of corporate reporting, as well as transformation processes to standardize reporting in the field of sustainable development that have occurred in the last few years on a global scale, the need to replace the Concept for the development of non-financial reporting with the national concept for the development of integrated reporting is substantiated. The author proposed to empower the Ministry of Finance of the Russian Federation with the function of a regulator in the field of integrated reporting, which will allow to develop a system of standards for the latter, interconnected with the federal accounting standards and aimed at providing a holistic view of an economic entity. The article identifies the main elements of the institutional environment necessary for the introduction of integrated reporting into management practice. The research was carried out using such general scientific methods as analysis, synthesis, comparison, generalization, abstraction. Its results may be of interest to national regulators of corporate reporting, the scientific and professional community, as well as economic entities interested in increasing transparency and accountability.

Analysis of the Cross-Border Drug Governance in Southeast Asia with ASEAN Participation

With the development of The Times and the progress of technology, the drug trade has become increasingly rampant in Southeast Asia, and even triggered unrest in some Southeast Asian regions. The Southeast Asian region is hilly and mountainous, the climate is hot and humid, and the vegetation is dense, which provides natural conditions for the growth of opium poppy and the hiding of crimes. Countries are geographically close, borders are connected, borders are narrow and there are regulatory gaps, there are legal loopholes and national sovereignty issues, once the perpetrators cross the border, it is difficult to continue to pursue. As set up in 1967, Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) is a regional organization that aims to promote economic and security cooperation among its members. Therefore, ASEAN, as a regional organization in Southeast Asia, has begun the joint cross-border management of the drug problem in the region in order to ensure security in the region. This paper intends to analyze the difficulties and obstacles of cross-border drug control in ASEAN by understanding various documents, policies and organizations within ASEAN, and provide prospects for future cross-border drug control in ASEAN. However, it can be seen from the analysis of this article that the situation of ASEAN participation in cross-border drug control in Southeast Asia does not sound ideal.

Finding the ultimate pipe: Israel's covert activity to protect the rights of the Jewish community in Turkey (1960–1961)

How can a state advocate on behalf of a diaspora community whose minority rights are threatened in a foreign country without appearing as intervening in this country's domestic affairs, thereby jeopardizing their bilateral relations? This is precisely the dilemma that Israel faced in 1960 when the Turkish government decided to close the national Jewish institutions in Turkey at a time when Israeli-Turkish relations were becoming increasingly amicable. On the one hand, Israel wanted to act, but on the other, it did not want to jeopardize its relations with Turkey, a country very sensitive to issues of national sovereignty and minorities. Wanting to intervene but fearing an adverse reaction from Ankara, Israeli diplomats decided to secretly mobilize B'nai B'rith, a Jewish-American organization. Based on primary sources from Israeli and B'nai B'rith archives, we analyze the Israeli decision to intervene, its mode of implementation, and the challenges faced by Israeli officials concerning their interactions with the Jewish actors in Turkey and the United States. We present a form of multilateral diaspora engagement taking place in multiple geographies in which one Jewish diaspora—the Jewish-American organization B'nai B'rith—was mobilized by the Israeli Ministry of Foreign Affairs (MFA) to perform unofficial diplomacy in the aid of another Jewish diaspora—the Jewish community in Turkey—for the purpose of reopening the latter's communal institutions. Looking at the motivations for engagement and the balances of power shaping it, we offer a new look on the dynamics of claiming and agency between states and diasporas.

THE MARITIME DOCTRINE OF THE RUSSIAN FEDERATION AS A FUNDAMENTAL BASIS FOR THE FORMATION OF ARCTIC POLICY IN THE NEAR FUTURE

This paper analyzes the impact of modern political challenges on the situation in the Arctic region of the Russian Federation, which predetermine the formation of legal protection and stability on the territory of the Russian Federation. The authors considered the Maritime Doctrine of the Russian Federation as a fundamental basis for the formation of Arctic policy in the near future. In the course of the study, an attempt was made to indicate the importance of strategic planning for the development of the northern territories of the Russian Federation. This article indicates that different approaches to the definition of the legal regime of the Arctic lead to the need to address a different range of issues due to the fact that the Arctic region intersects issues of national sovereignty and security, vast territories with a special climate, the ecological situation in which affects the climate of the entire planet.

Managing the China, India and Pakistan Nuclear Trilemma: Ensuring Nuclear Stability in the New Nuclear Age

ABSTRACT The beginning of the nuclear age coincided with the beginning of the Cold War. The politics of the bipolar world, with two nuclear hegemons enjoying nuclear superpower status, shaped the nuclear order. At one level, it would appear to be a success because it helped create and sustain a nuclear taboo that has lasted for 75 years. However, the world has changed. The notions of “nuclear parity” and “mutual vulnerability” that made it possible to reduce strategic stability to nuclear stability and created the enabling conditions for bilateral nuclear arms control have given way to asymmetry with nuclear multipolarity. This has led to the unravelling of the old arms control mechanisms and a concern that the nuclear taboo may be eroding. The United States and the USSR had no territorial disputes; instead, their rivalry played out in the form of proxy wars. Today, nuclear rivals are often neighbours. Their disputes relate to issues of national sovereignty. Further, nuclear dyads have given way to trilemmas and nuclear chains. Technological developments generate further challenges for arms control. More usable nuclear weapons, dual use systems, a renewed offence-defence spiral with missile defences and hypersonics, and growing offensive cyber and space capabilities that make for nuclear entanglement demand a fresh look at arms control and nuclear stability. In the China-India-Pakistan trilemma, proposals have to take cognisance of the new political realities to break out of the cycle of mistrust and reduce risks of both misperceptions and miscalculation that could lead to inadvertent escalation.

Party ideologies and UN debates

In this article, I analyze the importance of party ideologies for foreign policy priorities as revealed in the UN General Assembly (UNGA). In doing so, I contribute to an increasing number of studies on the relevance of the partisan theory of public policy for foreign policy making. On the theoretical side, I expect liberal governments to direct more diplomatic efforts towards global development cooperation, that is, the fight against poverty, disease, environmental degradation, and discrimination. By comparison, I argue that the foreign policy of conservative governments emphasizes immediate conflicts and threats to national sovereignty. On the empirical side, I present the statistical analysis of all plenary speeches held by the representatives of 38 stable democracies before the UNGA between 1993 and 2016. My empirical analysis reveals that liberal, internationalist governments are significantly more engaged in UNGA debates on global development cooperation, whereas conservative governments allocate more speaking time to debates on the international law and institutions, including issues of national sovereignty. These results are confirmed when zooming in to UN General Debates. Importantly, I find that all of these effects are conditional on governing parties commanding substantive majorities in their national parliament.

Ethical considerations for remote sensing and open data in relation to the endangered archaeology in the Middle East and North Africa project

AbstractThe UK‐based Endangered Archaeology in the Middle East and North Africa (EAMENA) project uses remote sensing techniques to rapidly record and evaluate the status of archaeological and cultural heritage sites in the MENA region. Applying remote sensing methods to the archaeological landscapes of 20 countries, EAMENA is one of the largest documentation projects of its kind. Such a scope raises important ethical questions fundamental to the practice of remote‐sensed archaeology, and this paper contributes to this discussion by reflecting on EAMENA's unique role in this subfield. We present ethical issues and possible solutions related to remote sensing and archaeology, drawing on models developed within the humanitarian aid sector and postcolonial archaeology. In addition, we consider issues of national sovereignty and their relationship to the engagement of local communities. Finally, this paper examines the roles of data openness and open access policies as ethical factors and how EAMENA has addressed these so far.

A New Method for the Collection of Marine Geomagnetic Information: Survey Application in the Colombian Caribbean

In recent years, the Oceanographic and Hydrographic Research Center (part of the General Maritime Directorate of Colombia (DIMAR) has made important efforts to advance research in the field of marine geophysics, in particular, the techniques of geomagnetism, sub-bottom profiling, and side-scan sonar, the first being the most developed at the present time. A method is presented for the acquisition of geomagnetic data in marine environments, as used by DIMAR in the Colombian maritime territory. The development of the geomagnetic method not only offers the opportunity to advance basic scientific knowledge, but it is also of great importance in support of national sovereignty issues. Among other applications, the most representative uses of the geomagnetic method are the location of pipelines and metal plates, detection of buried ordnance, identification of sites of archaeological interest, and the identification and characterization of geological structures. As a result of testing the method, a grid of geomagnetic data was surveyed in an area close to the Island of San Andrés in the north-west of the Colombian maritime territory. The survey was prepared with a regional geometric arrangement, the result of which was compared with survey data obtained from the National Oceanic and Atmospheric Administration (NOAA) magnetic data repository and carried out in the same study area. Despite the long time interval between the two surveys, almost 50 years, no significant differences were observed in terms of the analyzed variables. Finally, results show negligible differences between the magnetic data obtained for the years 1970 and 2018 for all the variables measured, such as the inclination, declination, and total magnetic field. These differences may be attributable to a geological component or also to the acquisition and processing methods used in the 1970s.

A necessidade de uma política nacional para a gestão de dados de pesquisa no Brasil | The need for a national policy for the management of research data in Brazil

RESUMO Este trabalho discute os conceitos e características da ciência produzida no século XXI. Traz considerações sobre a ciberinfraestrutura necessária à colaboração e compartilhamento de dados de pesquisa. Contextualiza a gestão de dados e os motivos que podem causar impacto no compartilhamento de dados, dentre eles pesquisa em temas de soberania nacional, ou mesmo pesquisas que culminaram como desenvolvimento tecnológico. São apresentados exemplos sobre o processo de compartilhamento de dados em alguns países no exterior. No contexto brasileiro, apresenta e discute o marco legal sobre dados abertos governamentais e científicos. Além disso, apresenta algumas políticas institucionais brasileiras sobre gestão de dados. Ao final do artigo é apresentado um conjunto de diretrizes que pode servir de subsídio para a elaboração de uma política nacional para a gestão de dados de pesquisa.Palavras-chave: Brasil; Gestão de dados de pesquisa; gestão de dados científicos, Informação científica; Política nacional de informação.ABSTRACT This article discusses the concepts and characteristics of science produced in the 21st century. It presents considerations about the necessary cyberinfrastructure for research data collaboration and sharing. It contextualizes data management and the reasons that may impact data sharing, such as research on national sovereignty issues or research that culminated as technological development. Examples are given about the process of data sharing in some countries abroad. In the Brazilian context, it presents and discusses the legal framework on open governmental and scientific data. In addition, it presents some Brazilian institutional policies on data management. At the end presents a set of guidelines that can subsidy the creation of a national policy for research data management.Keywords: Brazil; National information policy; Research data management; Data scholarship, Scientific information.

Smith in Belfast: A Radiophonic Ethnodrama

A new 25 minute radiophonic ethnodrama by Paul Antick and Jo Langton, Smith in Belfast is the account of one man's journey through a series of situations and conversations, the contents of which refer in sometimes roundabout ways to the linguistic, legal, architectural, social and sartorial aftermath(s) of 'the Troubles' in Northern Ireland. Composed of a series of relatively unsettling, often absurdly oblique vignettes - staged in pubs, ‘chippers’, parks and on street corners - Smith in Belfast culminates in the troubling impersonation - by its English protagonist Smith - of an ex-paramilitary tour guide careering though memories of old photographs and film footage of ‘the Troubles’ in front of a concerned group of visitors somewhere on the Falls Road. As Brexit negotiations stumble on, Smith in Belfast – an expurgated version of which originally aired on Resonance FM in 2017 - is a strange and timely reminder that although the war in Northern Ireland may be over, many of the contradictions that fuelled the conflict there, contradictions that ostensibly turned on the relationship between issues of national sovereignty and social identity, have never been entirely resolved. Smith in Belfast is a radiophonic alert to the possibility that the pain Brexit could conceivably inflict on the province (and beyond) might, in the face of political solipsism and creeping English nationalism, potentially involve more than a hike in the price of wine. Note that although this production explicitly references some ‘real life’ historical figures and events, and also (apparently) draws on conversations and situations its author enjoyed on the ‘Troubles tours’ of Belfast he attended during the summer of 2014, it, like all of the characters in it, is almost emphatically fictional.

Brexit: The Economic and Political Implications for Asia

Often trumpeted as a bastion of modern economic and political integration, the European Union (EU) has played an integral role in the development of the United Kingdom’s (UK) economy. However, in recent times, the relationship between the EU and the UK has become increasingly fragile, particularly on issues of national sovereignty, immigration, and the general bureaucratic reach of Brussels. Tension surrounding these concerns meant that on 23 June 2016, the British public voted, by way of a referendum, to leave the EU. This decision, often referred to as Brexit, has created a watershed moment in the history of the region, with implications that may have a significant impact on not only Europe, but also Asia and the wider global community. In order to make better sense of the issue, this study provides a brief synopsis of Britain’s decision to leave the EU, before providing a detailed analysis of how the Brexit decision will impact the Asian region. As part of this discussion, a series of relevant policy issues are considered.

Regional Economic Integration in the Maghreb: The Present State and Future Prospects

At present, the majority of countries are involved in regional economic associations. National economies are attracted primarily to the neighboring countries and regions. MENA countries have generally failed to seriously implement most PTAs. On the political front, concerns over the distribution of gains from integration across and within countries, issues of national sovereignty, and the cost of adjustment resulting from increased competition, all constrained intra-MENA FTAs. On the economic front, Arab countries have not had sufficient incentives to integrate because of similar production structures sheltered by high levels of protection. The research is focused at proceedings and prospects of integration process in the Arab Maghreb.

A false dichotomy? The binationalism debate and the future of divided Jerusalem

Divided cities within contested states are a category in their own right, in that their division is driven by issues of national sovereignty as well as ethnic, religious and linguistic cleavages. Reconstituting them as integrated urban spaces, therefore, requires policy shifts on many levels—local, municipal and state—but too often these are hampered by fears of loss of sovereignty and external domination. The case of Jerusalem in the Palestinian-Israeli conflict is a prime example of how national sovereignty issues can be seen as having an impact upon urban divisions. One option that is proposed for the resolution of this conflict, which has generated intense debate on both sides, is that of a binational Israeli-Palestinian state. This article argues that there is a false dichotomy concerning the competing benefits of binational and two-state models in the Palestinian-Israeli conflict. It contends, on the one hand, that the binational model comprises many forms, some of which are more confederal in structure. On the other hand, for the two state model to function effectively a high degree of interstate coordination is required which brings it close to some forms of confederalism. The article examines the discussions on divided Jerusalem to explore this argument and highlights the degree of interstate coordination that is required if any of the plans being put forward for the future of the city are to work. It concludes by relating the Jerusalem example to the wider issue of divided cities in contested states.

Assessing innovative national policy options and roles for CCS in a post-kyoto framework

Abstract The highly contentious, complex negotiations over the past several years to establish a globally more-inclusive, post-Kyoto Framework illustrate the daunting complexity and diversity of interests, which had to be accommodated. Notwithstanding the many challenges, a “Copenhagen Accord” was reached at the December 2009 15th Conference of Parties (COP 15) of the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change (UNFCCC) held in Copenhagen, Denmark. That Accord provided the basis for subsequent delineation of the post-Kyoto Framework in 2010 at the meetings in Mexico City, Mexico. Adoption of more flexibility in the approaches nations can employ to achieve significant, verifiable emissions reductions is among the many critical and necessary accommodations made to achieve more inclusive participation from developing economies and other large economies that did not adhere to the Kyoto Protocol. Negotiations also had to address trade and national sovereignty issues as well. This flexibility is an essential recognition of national and cultural differences including differences in levels of national and sub-national economic wealth and growth, status of energy infrastructure development, and national energy resource endowments. This paper presents research findings from a project using a step-by-step methodology. The first step was defining a set of generic, guiding principles for economically efficient and effective national emissions reduction programs. These were employed to design a comprehensive portfolio of innovative national policy and technology strategies that could be adopted by large, developed economies as well as some large developing economies. A specific example is presented using the United States as the test case. The cost-effectiveness of the innovative policy and technology portfolio is assessed for the test case based on a number of effectiveness measures, including: projected economic impacts and emissions reductions, national security impacts, energy-related impacts on water use and other environmental aspects, and regional economic equity. The assessment methodology employs a Reference Case Scenario (RCS), based on the Annual Energy Outlook 2010 energy projections (AEO 2010) of the U.S. Energy Information Agency (EIA), extended through 2050. The EIA energy projections are a widely used basis for projecting future energy demand, supply, and prices in the United States. They provide a comprehensive economy-wide reference data set. Particular attention is given to the electric generation, transportation, and industrial sectors, which account for the majority of energy production, demand, and emissions. A Policy and Technology Innovations Scenario (PTIS) is constructed covering all sectors of the energy economy with special attention as described above. The case specifications include new Federal and State legislative innovations and modifications to existing laws, regulatory reforms and innovations, and enhanced low-carbon technology innovation programs. Based on the PTIS case specifications, the incremental energy, economic, emissions, and other impacts from successful adoption and implementation of the PTIS case are projected as changes to the Reference Case Scenario using transparent techno-economic modeling approaches. The enhanced, low-carbon energy technology innovations programs included in the PTIS case cover a broad spectrum of energy supply and demand innovations. Particular attention is given to innovations that increase energy efficiency in both production and uses of energy in all economic sectors. Recognizing the extremely large energy infrastructure and imbedded capital investments already existing in the United States, special attention is given to innovations to transform and expand that infrastructure to meet future clean energy needs. The latter is a key strategy for making the transition affordable. One focus of attention is innovative opportunities for Carbon Capture and Sequestration (CCS). These are described along with the policy, regulatory, and technology improvements necessary to enable those contributions. The quantitative and qualitative differences between the two Scenarios are compared using the effectiveness measures adopted. These comparisons confirm that a portfolio such as that modeled in this project can lead to significant, affordable emissions reductions in the near term, and establish a pathway to a future energy economy with much larger reductions in energy use and emissions than the Reference Case in the longer term. Other key insights and conclusions from the assessment are described. The national and sub-national political, economic, and regulatory barrier and constraint challenges to successful implementation of a PTIS case are presented along with options for overcoming those challenges.

Online Sports Betting and International Relations

��� Sports gambling represents a universal past time in countries around the world, and the advent of online gambling has raised major issues of national sovereignty in the regulation of legal sports betting. Recent disputes between countries like the United States (US-Gambling) and Portugal (Liga Portuguesa) and online gambling operators in offshore jurisdictions have demonstrated the need for international legal agreements on these issues. An existing international betting system for horse races around the world offers one potential model as countries begin to consider a new legal regime for international online gambling.

The Smart Border Accord and the Schengen Agreement: A Comparative Analysis of Security Policies

Focusing on cooperation and coordination, we compare the security policies of Europe’s Schengen Agreement and the Canada-U.S. Smart Border Accord. To do so, we argue that national security is a public good and its production should be analyzed in a strategic context. We show that efficient border policies could require that countries collaborate and that the outcomes of such a collaboration are function of four fundamental factors: i) national sovereignty issues; ii) the number of participating countries; iii) “prisoner’s dilemma” problems and iv) the payoff structure and the level of publicness related to security measures. In light of these factors, we underline the Schengen and U.S.-Canada differences. This allows us to show that the U.S. and Canada could reach optimal global security using independent border policies and a common security perimeter would not be necessary.

National identity and Europeanization in post-communist Romania. The meaning of citizenship in Sibiu: European Capital of Culture 2007

The structure of the requirements for citizenship in a Romanian city differs by and large from the structure of the same requirements in other European cities. The peculiarity lies in the lack of distinctiveness between the origin, the ethnic aspect and the civic aspect of citizenship and also in the emphasis on the language requirements for citizenship. The explanations could be traced back to the previous century and to the cultural and political project of state and nation-building. But the importance assigned to the national identity and national sovereignty issues in Romania may affect the European integration by hindering the feelings of European belonging and solidarity.

2 - Assistance and Conflict: The African Diaspora and Africa’s Development in the Twenty-first Century

Africans in the diaspora contributed laudably to the socio-political liberation of Africa, especially in the southern Africa sub-region. A discernable feature of their involvement in Africa’s political liberation efforts was that they tended to work within the boundaries of ‘the agreed agenda’ of African peoples and governments. With the liberation of South Africa, there has now been an obvious shift in the main agenda of ‘African Liberation’. The emphasis now seems to be on democratisation and the socioeconomic development of Africa. However, the differences of opinion and the conflictive nature of the new programmes of focus require some pertinent questions, in order to chart a realistic, workable and less confrontational agenda and modus operandi for diaspora and continental African co-operation in the years ahead. Among other things, this paper sets in a clear historical perspective the varied ways Africans in the diaspora contributed to Africa before now. It also highlights the shift from the ‘political liberation theology’ to ‘developmental theology’. Considering the rather sensitive and complex issues of national sovereignty, integrity and interventionism, the paper explores whether there is still a basis for diaspora Africans continuing their ‘interference’ in African internal business; who should set the agenda for their involvement; and how should they be involved. A fundamental conclusion of the paper is that the cooperation of diaspora and continental Africans is important in fostering Africa’s development. Nevertheless, such a cooperation should respect the national sovereignty and integrity of African nations and peoples. Consultation and cooperation, rather than antagonism or confrontation between the two groups, stand as the viable and workable option.

ギャリィ・マークス, マルコ・スティーンベルゲン編『欧州統合と政治的対立』

In this book, scholars of comparative politics analyze political contestation concerning the European Union, using diverse sources of data, and examining a range of actors such as citizens, political parties, members of the European Parliament, interest groups, and social movements. The main purpose of this book is to investigate and to find some patterns of conflict in the EU.In the introduction, the editors present four hypothetical models. The following chapters, however, substantially focus on the examination of the validity of two competing models, the Hix-Lord model and the Hooghe-Marks model. These two models differently conceptualize some dimensions of contestation.One of them is the “EU-national dimension” ranging from more integration to less integration. The second one is the “socio-economic left/right dimension”, which is rooted in the basic conflicts that have shaped political life in Western Europe for many years. The third one is the “GAL-TAN dimension” ranging from the green/alternative/libertarian to the traditional/authoritarian/nationalism, which is tended to be submerged into the “socio-economic left/right dimension”. (GAL is fused into left and TAN into right.). So, the second and third dimensions form “single left/right dimension”. The core question throughout this book is whether the “EU-national dimension” and the “single left/right dimension” correlate or not.The Hix-Lord model assumes that the “EU-national dimension” and the “single left/right dimension” are schematically orthogonal, because national sovereignty issues are difficult to assimilate into the existing left/right pattern of contestation. Correspondingly, four alternative positions are feasible for different actors—left/more integration, left/less integration, right/more integration, and right/less integration.On the other hand, the Hooghe-Marks model assumes meaningful correlation between the two dimensions, that are not fused together. This model hypothesizes that the left who aims to regulate market at the European level, is likely to become more pro-European integration. In contrast, the right who wish to combine European-wide markets with minimal European regulation, are considered to be more skeptical of further European integration. Therefore, contestation in the EU is vaguely structured in two camps—Regulated capitalism (left+more integration) and Neoliberalism (right+less integration).Through the analysis of the following chapters, at the aggregate level, when treating European integration in general irrespective of policy field and nationality, the Hix-Lord model seems to be valid. For example, Chapter 5 (EP election manifest research) confirms that four alternative positions are historically observed for EP political groups.On the other hand, the validity of the Hooghe-Marks model is conditional. Especially, Chapter 6 reveals that only with individual market correcting policy fields such as environment, employment, and regional policy, center-left political parties (social democracy) in the member states support EU and right parties are skeptical. However, including other policy fields, and excluding a few far right parties, national political parties seem structure the dimension ranging from left/less integration to right/more integration. This means that the direction of correlation between the two dimensions assumed by this model is entirely opposite, therefore, the validity of this model is decisively denied. Moreover, Chapters 3 and 4 also present compelling evidence of the opposite correlation, showing that in redistributive welfare states it is the left that oppose further EU integration, whereas in liberal-residual welfare states it is the right.In the concluding chapter, Gary Marks, one of the inventors of this model and editors of this book, tries to find the condition

To belong or not to belong: the Roma, state violence and the new Europe in the House of Lords

Issues of national sovereignty and membership in the body politic are central to many current political and legal debates surrounding ‘New Britain’ and Europe. Traditional understandings of citizenship and belonging are grounded in the ideal of a territorially limited and defined nation state. In this article, I explore a series of judicial and political decisions surrounding the fate of Roma or Gypsies, both as claimants to refugee status in Britain, or as subjects of domestic legal controls. I argue that these decisions construct this nomadic Other as a fundamental danger and challenge to the coherence of the legally protected body politic of the nation state ‘Britain’. I argue that the deconstructive excess found in the construction of the Roma as dangerous nomads, without allegiance to a fixed and geographically delimited nation state, might contain the kernel for a possible re-imagining of the basis of our understandings of citizenship and belonging.