ISSP Data Research Articles

The moderating role of government heuristics in public preferences for redistribution

A theory of rational attitude formation suggests public perceptions that income differences are too large should lead to demands for income redistribution. Public opinion scientists irregularly observe this at best. It is possible that the instruments we use to observe support for income redistribution are ineffective. We suggest at least part of the inconsistently observed linkages are due to unobserved confounding of government heuristics. We hypothesize that government affect provides a heuristic cue for survey respondents to answer questions on their preference for the government engaging in income redistribution. The greater the valence or quantity of reasons for a survey respondent to have negative government affect, the more perceptions of inequality and support for redistribution are decoupled and apparently inconsistent. To test this, we measured government affect at the country-time level using trust, corruption perceptions, and economic performance. We executed tests of moderation using slopes-as-outcomes regressions with ISSP data from 36 countries in 102 country-time points. Given the difficulty in fitting complex theories of society and politics into a limited number of macro-comparative cases, we ran a multiverse analysis of alternatively plausible models. There is a consistent negative moderation effect across models suggesting that our theory of government affect as opinion expression on a survey is worthy of further consideration. The findings also suggest more qualitative cognitive survey interviews to better understand this process.

Support for reducing inequality in the new Russia

This paper addresses the issue of the interrelation between different types of social mobility and support for reducing income inequality in contemporary Russia. Drawing from the Russian subsets of the International Social Survey Programme’s (ISSP) surveys, we estimate how this support is differentiated across experienced and expected subjective mobility. Official statistics and empirical survey data widely confirm that the large-scale socioeconomic changes that took place in Russia during the 2000s brought an increase in living standards for most population groups and a more-than-twofold reduction in poverty. However, according to the ISSP data, demand for the government to reduce income differences is at its highest level since 1992. More than 90 per cent of Russians unequivocally perceive income gaps in the country as too high (the same as in the late 1990s) and unfair. We test the effects of actual and expected mobility, showing that, in contrast to the literature, including earlier studies on Russia, past mobility and expected medium-term mobility do not have any significant effect on levels of support for reducing income differences, and only the effect of short-term expectations can be seen. We argue that the effect of social mobility in Russia is limited by a widespread consensus across the population that preexisting inequalities in Russia are too high and unfair – a viewpoint based mostly not on the specifics of individual situations, including experienced or expected mobility, but on shared subjective norms and beliefs about inequality and their contrast with existing reality.

The impact of subjective social status, inequality perceptions, and inequality tolerance on demand for redistribution. The case of a highly unequal society

The international literature shows that demand for redistribution is influenced by subjective factors like perceptions of inequality and individuals’ perceived social status. However, few have assessed these subjective dynamics in the developing South, especially in Africa. This study aims to assess the subjective interlinkages between subjective social status, inequality perceptions and demand for redistribution in South Africa, the country with the highest level of inequality in the world. Using ISSP data and an ordered probit model, we show that subjective social status is a negative and significant determinant of demand for redistribution in South Africa. This means that South Africans who position themselves on the lower rungs of society demand higher redistribution and vice versa. Furthermore, perceptions of inequality are significant in driving demand for redistribution in South Africa, as this study finds that inequality tolerance negatively influences demand for redistribution and perceptions of actual inequality positively influence demand for redistribution. This means that South Africans who perceive higher levels of inequality tend to demand more redistribution, while South Africans who tolerate more inequality tend to demand less redistribution. Surprisingly, inequality tolerance is relatively high among the unemployed, Africans, and females. Many of these individuals are part of the most vulnerable in society and would actually benefit from more redistribution. Overall, the results show that, in South Africa, subjective factors like subjective social status and attitudes towards inequality significantly influence demand for redistribution.

We do not measure what we aim to measure: Testing Three Measurement Models for Nationalism and Patriotism

The measurement models for both nationalism and patriotism originally developed by Blank and Schmidt are broadly established. Despite their widespread usage in Germany and beyond, concerns have been voiced about the operationalisation of these nation-related concepts. However, in previous scholarship little attention has been devoted to systematically reviewing the models’ validity. This paper’s major goal is to contribute substantially to research on operationalising national attitudes by thoroughly examining how both nationalism and patriotism are measured and how valid the predominant measurement models really are. By running a confirmatory factor analysis, three measurement models based on the ISSP data of 2003 are replicated and empirically reviewed. By conducting a single-country analysis, the models are tested for the German case, including the evaluation of measurement invariance for both Eastern and Western Germany. Although the selected measurement models yield satisfying results, the paper identifies considerable shortcomings with regard to the way both nationalism and patriotism are empirically approached. It calls for a reconceptualising of the prevailing concept of pride and thus challenges the predominant operationalisation.

Who Is High Income, Anyway? Social Comparison, Subjective Group Identification, and Preferences over Progressive Taxation

Why are high-income and low-income earners not significantly polarized in their support for progressive income taxation? This article posits that the affluent fail to recognize that they belong to the high-income income group and this misperception affects their preferences over progressive taxation. To explain this mechanism theoretically, I introduce a formal model of subjective income-group identification through self-comparison to an endogenous reference group. In making decisions about optimal tax rates, individuals then use these subjective evaluations of their own income group and earnings of other groups. Relying on ISSP data, I find strong evidence for the model’s empirical implications: most high-income earners support progressive taxation when they identify themselves with a lower group. Additionally, individuals who overestimate the earnings of the rich are more likely to support progressive taxation.

The brahmin left, the merchant right and the bloc bourgeois

In a recent paper, Piketty argues that the vote for the left in France, the UK and the USA tends increasingly to be associated with a high education level whereas a traditional class- or income-based divide separated left from right individuals in the 1950s and 1960s. The current situation would be characterised by a dominance of ‘elites’ in left and right constituencies: financially rich elites vote for the right (merchant right), high-education elites vote for the left (brahmin left). Using ISSP data for 17 countries, this paper tests the influence of income and education inequalities on political leaning and a variety of policy preferences: the support for redistribution, for investment in public education, for globalisation and immigration. Results show that income levels are still relevant for the left-right divide, but the influence differs across education levels. Our findings also point to a certain convergence of opinion among the Brahmin left and the merchant right, which could lead to a new political divide beyond the left and the right, uniting a bloc bourgeois.

Religion and Public Administration: American Exceptionalism or Global Norm?

ABSTRACT Public servants in the United States are more religious than their non-public service counterparts. The objective of this article is to determine whether this distinction holds cross-nationally. Using ISSP data from 37 nations, this research shows that the United States is not unique; government workers in most countries examined more frequently attended religious services than workers in the other sectors. The implications of this finding are examined. Religion is associated with several work-related attitudes and behaviors. Including public service motivation. Potential adverse effects include discrimination and increased conflict.

Measuring Nationalist Sentiments in East-Central Europe: A Cross-National Study

ABSTRACT This article addresses the existing gap in the literature by proposing a new measure of nationalism across multiple states in ECE. Using ISSP data from 1995 to 2013 and Mokken scale analysis, I create a set of nationalism indices that account for the intensity of nationalist sentiments based on the measures of national identity, national consciousness, patriotism, national pride, national superiority, and xenophobic nationalism. The research contributes to our understanding of the dynamic nature of nationalist sentiments across different ECE countries over time. The findings indicate that weak, moderate, and strong manifestations of nationalism are both time-dependent and context-dependent.

The institutionalization of part-time work: Cross-national differences in the relationship between part-time work and perceived insecurity

We propose an institutionalization of part-time work model to account for the cross-national variation in workers' perceptions of insecurity in their jobs and in the labor market, arguing that part-time work is institutionalized as high quality or marginal employment depending on the extent to which it is voluntary, gendered, and legally protected. Using heterogeneous choice models on 2005 ISSP data linked to country-level characteristics, we find that the relationship between part-time work and insecurity is gendered and contingent upon the type of insecurity (cognitive job insecurity, labor market insecurity, or affective job insecurity) and whether or not one works part-time on a voluntary basis. At the individual level, working in a part-time job is associated with greater cognitive job insecurity but lower labor market and affective job insecurity. At the national level, the expected negative association between the part-time work rate and insecurity is most consistent for affective job insecurity. The findings also indicate that the strength of the association between working in a part-time job and insecurity varies by the national institutional context of part-time work, including the degree of gender segregation of part-time work and legal protections for part-time workers. Overall, the results from this study provide support for our institutionalization of part-time work perspective. Part-time work is not inherently secure or insecure employment. The amount of insecurity associated with this type of non-standard work is contingent upon the prevailing local myths or scripts that structure the ways that the state, employers, and workers view part-time work.

Роль сбалансированности работы и семьи в достижении жизненного успеха у наемных работников России

В статье на основе анализа данных общероссийского мониторинга Федерального научно-исследовательского социологического центра РАН (май 2017 г.), европейского социального исследования (ESS) 2010 и 2012 гг., международных исследований отношения к труду, выполненных по программе ISSP в 2005 и 2015 гг. раскрывается проблема взаимосвязи семейной жизни и работы наемных работников России в сравнении с другими странами мира.
 Цель исследования заключается в поисках взаимосвязи признаков сбалансированности работы и семьи с показателями успешности в жизни (материальное благополучие, уровень реализации жизненных планов, чувство счастья). Выявлено, что любые проявления сбалансированности работы и семьи способствуют более высоким оценкам успешности в жизни. Однако ощутимый вклад вносят те из них, которые связаны с более высокими оценками реальной ситуации на работе, и только потом — положения в семье.
 По сравнению с работниками других стран Европы россияне наименее удовлетворены соотношением времени, которое тратится на работу, и времени, которое посвящается другим сторонам жизни (по данным ESS). Российские работники — как мужчины, так и женщины, — оказались на последнем месте в сравнении с работниками других стран мира в оценках помех работе со стороны семьи (по данным ISSP).
 За обнаруженными фактами выступает проблема адаптации россиян к нестабильным условиям работы и жизни, ухудшение ситуации на работе. Семейная жизнь меньше всего мешает работе россиян потому, что она не рассматривается как значимая преграда на пути заработка. В связи с этим для российских работников повышение степени сбалансированности работы и семьи возможно только при улучшении ситуации на работе.
 Благодарность. Статья подготовлена по результатам исследований, выполненных за счет бюджетных средств по государственному заданию Финуниверситету по теме «Семейные домохозяйства как экономический субъект».

The limits of inequality: Public support for social policy across rich democracies

AbstractDoes public opinion react to inequality, and if so, how? The social harms caused by increasing inequality should cause public opinion to ramp up demand for social welfare protections. However, the public may react to inequality differently depending on institutional context. Using ISSP and WID data (1980‒2006), we tested these claims. In liberal institutional contexts (mostly English‐speaking), increasing income inequality predicted higher support for state provision of social welfare. In coordinated and universalist contexts (mostly of Europe), increasing inequality predicted less support. Historically higher income concentration predicted less public support, providing an account of the large variation in inequality within the respective liberal and coordinated contexts. The results suggest opinions in liberal societies – especially with higher historical inequality – reached the limits of inequality, reacting negatively; whereas in coordinated/universalist societies – especially with lower historical inequality – opinions moved positively, as if desiring more inequality.

Institutional change and women’s work patterns along the family life course

This study examines country variation and change over time in mothers’ work patterns along the family life course, focusing on the effect of policies and labor market characteristics. Using ISSP data from 1994 and 2012, the findings show that in many countries, although not in all, mothers increased their attachment to market work. Family policy and the opportunities open for women affected the decision to work when children were young, as well as the choice of strong or moderate attachment to the labor force. Family policy also had an effect on reducing educational differences in mothers’ work patterns.

Sector Differences in Employee’s Perceived Importance of Income and Job Security: Can These be Found Across the Contexts of Countries, Cultures, and Occupations?

ABSTRACTMost empirical research has shown that people working in the public sector perceive job security as more important than people working in the private sector, while the inverse is the case for job income. However, it is not known if these relationships hold globally while controlling for occupation and national context. We combine ISSP data from respondents in 25 countries with Hofstede’s cultural dimensions and World Bank data to examine whether the previous generally accepted claims hold while taking into account workers’ occupation, as well as national, cultural, and economic conditions. We find evidence that even when taking into account all these factors, government workers place a higher value on job security than private workers, but contrary to the generally accepted claim, we find no statistically significant difference between government and private workers in their high-income motives when taking the occupation and national context into the models.

Individual and Social Conceptions of Nationhood: How Do They Relate to Perceptions of Immigrants?

This paper contributes to the ongoing discussion about how public opinions regarding citizenship relate to individual attitudes towards immigrants and immigration. With regard to the vast literature on this issue, the study takes a new turn by explicitly focusing on the aggregated opinions in a country and their interplay with individual attitudes as well as naturalisation policies. In doing so, the paper relies on new insights from research on the individual-contextual nexus of mass public opinions and their societal consequences. This research underscored that the climate of opinions may exhibit stronger and more controversial effects than the related individual attitude. In addition, the present study aims at testing the relationship between mass public opinions and the effectiveness of naturalisation policies in reducing anti-immigrant attitudes. Based on cross-national hierarchical analyses of the newest release of the ISSP data on National Identity III (2013) in 20 countries, the preliminary results reveal that more liberal mass public opinions regarding citizenship rights are not able to foster positive attitudes towards immigrant – which counters the effect of individual-level opinions.

Social Inequality in the Eyes of the Public: A Collection of Analyses Based on ISSP Data 1987-2009

Social Inequality in the Eyes of the Public: A Collection of Analyses Based on ISSP Data 1987-2009

Who Should Finance Childcare? Multilevel Analysis of 24 Countries

This paper examines how the individual and country-level factors affect the childcare financing attitudes, particularly the effect of socialization in a particular welfare regime. This area of research is fraught with methodological and conceptual issues, including the over-reliance on Esping-Andersen’s regime typology. Therefore, the authors also investigate whether a more family-policy-nuanced categorization of welfare regimes better accounts for the cross-country variations in childcare attitudes. Using the 2012 ISSP data, the authors conducted the multilevel analysis of 24 European countries, and while the effect of most predictors is generally consistent with the previous research, this study’s most important finding is that the alternative Leitner’s “Varieties of Familialism” typology better accounts for the cross-national variations in childcare attitudes than the classical Esping-Anderson's typology. This speaks of the importance of a programmatic approach in the welfare state attitudes analysis which links the public support for specific social programs to its unique characteristics.

Quality of Civil Society and Participatory Democracy in ISSP Countries

Although there has been considerable interest in the role of voluntary associations as main players of civil society in improving participatory democracy, few researchers have explored this relationship empirically and cross-nationally. This paper addresses two research questions: (a) Do consequences of voluntary associations for participatory democracy vary from country to country? For this question, I investigate whether associational membership strengthens, weakens, or leaves unchanged the effects of socioeconomic resources measured by educational attainment and family income on political participation. (b) Why do the cross-national variations in the role of voluntary associations as a political equalizer occur? I argue that political disparity between the privileged and the disadvantaged is more likely to be mitigated by voluntary associations in countries where civic resources such as civic virtue and social trust are facilitated via associational experiences than in countries where they are not. A comparison of 36 countries concerning the role of associationalism in achieving participatory democracy is made by analyzing the 2004 ISSP data. The results suggest that the effects of socioeconomic resources on political participation among members are better constrained in countries where civic resources are developed through associational activities. That is, political disparity between the privileged and the disadvantaged will be reduced by voluntary associations depending on their capacity to develop civic virtue and social trust.

Revitalizing the 'Civic' and 'Ethnic' Distinction: Perceptions of Nationhood Across 44 Countries and Two Decades

This article describes how contemporary publics think about the nation along Kohn’s classic distinction between “civic” and “ethnic” nationalism. The article makes three contributes to the existing literature. Firstly, it establishes a simple conceptual framework, which facilitates a better interpretation of the two-dimensional structure found in this and previous empirical studies. Secondly, it uses multi-classification-analysis to establish and interpret the two-dimensional space. The main logic is that perceptions of nationhood evolve in a contested “field” or “space.” Thirdly, the article demonstrates how countries are not permanently dominated by one perception of nationhood. Using three rounds of ISSP data, the article shows remarkable changes in perceptions of nationhood within the last two decades in some countries and stability in others.

Minder ‘jaloeziebelasting’ of meer ‘dagobertducktaks’?

Increasing or reducing taxes is an important topic of political dispute. Public opinion about taxes is highly relevant for the legitimacy of the welfare state, because the provision of social benefits and services depends on the willingness of the citizenry to pay for them. Whereas previous studies analysed societies’ ‘average’ opinion about taxes, this study examines the variety of tax opinions in Dutch society in relation to different individual factors. Applying latent class analysis on 2006 ISSP data, this study finds that a substantial part of the Dutch respondents is content with the current distribution of taxes among different income groups. About half of the respondents demand more progressive tax structures, and a smaller group of individuals is highly critical about the tax level in general. Differences in these opinions are explained by factors such as household income, political affiliation, social trust and education. People with low social trust, who do not vote, or are right wing affiliated, criticise the level of all taxes. Highly educated, middle or right wing voters are content with the distribution of taxes, while people with a left wing orientation and lower incomes would like to see a more progressive distribution of tax burdens.

Perceptions of Fairness and Effectiveness in the Health-Care Systems of Different Countries (According to ISSP Data)

An analysis of international data on opinions on how health care systems should be organized and on the ways in which care should be delivered shows that inequality in accessis seen as a problem in all countries, but that Russians rank highest on this value.