Israeli War Research Articles

American Polisy Towards the Two-Year War in Lebanon (1975 -1976)

The purpose of this research is to follow up and analyze U. S. A policy towards what was known as Two – Year War in Lebanon ( 1975 – 1976 ).Despite the decline of Lebanon position in American policy in the Middle East since the Arab – Israeli war in October 1973, but the possible repercussions of the war in Lebanon on Israel’s security on the hand, and on American efforts to find a peaceful settlement for Arab – Israeli conflict on the other hand , made Washington keen not to expand the war in Lebanon and try to find a political solution for it in any way. This explains Washington acceptance of the Syrian military intervention in Lebanon on April 5, 1976 and persuading her ally Israel not to oppose that intervention as long as it ensures that Syria does not exceed the red lines agreed upon by both sides, so that this intervention does not turn into a direct threat to Israel’s security. The Research sheds light on the outbreak of civil war in Lebanon in 1975, and the rapid developments in Lebanon in terms of political and security aspects with the expansion and intensification of the war, and U. S. A.  policy toward those developments before and after the Syrian military intervention. The research was based on many sources in English and Arabic languages, among them the documents of U. S. department of state and the CIA, memoires of Lebanese and American politicians, academic studies and Lebanese newspapers.

Was the 1982 Lebanon War a Deviation from Israeli Security Doctrine?

ABSTRACT On June 6, 1982, Israel invaded Lebanon with the aim of destroying the military infrastructure of the Palestine Liberation Organization (PLO), which was serving as a launching pad for terrorist infiltrations and Katyusha attacks into northern Israel. From its outset, the Israeli public considered the war an exceptional case and a deviation from the “proper” course of Israeli history. Allegedly, unlike other Israeli wars, the 1982 War did not relate to Israeli security concerns but instead to the political aims and whims of Menachem Begin and Ariel Sharon. Also, it is often described as an unjust war of choice, which Israel initiated while it was not facing an existential threat. The claim that the 1982 Lebanon War was exceptional and a deviation from original Israeli principles is the main interest of this article. To determine whether the Lebanon War was a breach of Israeli history or a deviation from Israeli foundational political-moral principles, one must analyze the core tenets of Israel’s security strategy to which it adhered in most of its battles. Using the security doctrine as a guide map reveals that the conflict was neither unique nor a deviation but rather a fulfillment of long-standing Israeli security principles.

The History of Galilee, 1538–1949: Mysticism, Modernization, and War by Matthew M. Silver (review)

Reviewed by: The History of Galilee, 1538–1949: Mysticism, Modernization, and War by Matthew M. Silver Lawrence Frizzell The History of Galilee, 1538–1949: Mysticism, Modernization, and War. By Matthew M. Silver. (Lanham: Lexington Books. 2022 Pp. ix, 391. $125.00. ISBN 978-1-7936-4942-3.) The two-volume History of Galilee begins with the period 47 BC to 1260 AD: From Josephus and Jesus to the Crusades (Lexington Books, 2021) and the volume under review. The author, a professor of Jewish history and world history at the Max Stern Yezreel Valley College and the University of Haifa, presents this work "based on principles of liberal humanism and inter-faith dialogue" (p. 5). This volume moves from sixteenth-century Kabbalistic mysticism in Safed to "the 1948 events known as Israel's War of Independence or the Palestinian Nakba" (p. 1). Silver notes "… Galilee's history attains singular import in world history as the place where monotheism multiplied" (p. 1). The prominence of Galilee in Jewish thought relates to the centers of study developed after the disastrous result of two revolts against the Romans. Unable to return to Jerusalem, Jewish scholars founded academies in Galilee. In medieval Spain the life of Rabbi Shimon bar Yohai (Rashbi), a hero of the second revolt (132–135 AD), was idealized. Scholars in the mystical traditions of Judaism looked to Rashbi as their hero. As healer and martyr he was portrayed in ways that seem to provide an equivalent to Jesus of Nazareth. Tracing Jewish mystical teachings to this period, the Zohar (Book of Splendor) was attributed to him. With their imagined background of Galilee, Spanish Jewish mystics prepared for Jews exiled from Spain to return to the area where Rashbi was buried. In the Sixteenth century the mystical traditions developed by Isaac Luria, linked with Joseph Karo's Set Table of Jewish Law, exercised enormous influence on Jews of Europe. The chapter "Ottoman Galilee" begins with the rule of a Druze prince Emir Fakhr al-Din about 1622. He paid tribute to the Ottoman empire but, facing its army and navy, he fled to Florence under Medici auspices. He dreamed of leading a crusade to recover his dominance in Palestine. The Franciscans are mentioned in this context, for the only time in this book. Captured by the Ottomans, Fakhr al-Din was executed in 1635. Orthodox Jews from eastern Europe and from within the Ottoman Empire became immigrants to Safed and Tiberias. They included members of Hasidic communities, followers of the Baal Shem Tov. Chapter 3, "The Quest for Historical Galilee," portrays the increasingly secular images of Jesus in his home region. Silver reviews the works of David F. Strauss, Ernest Renan, and Albert Schweitzer's evaluation of this quest. Silver includes Abraham Geiger, founder of Reform Judaism, and Heinrich Graetz, for whom Jesus was a country yokel pitted against the sophisticated teachers in Jerusalem. The review of the last century moves from Joseph Klausner's 1922 "biography" of Jesus to Richard Horsley and John Hanson's Bandits, Prophets and Messiahs (1985) and Reza Aslan's Zealot (2013). Silver follows Horsley to question "[t]he pertinence of [End Page 387] Zealotry to the specific period of Jesus's life in Galilee, its impetus, and its scope" (p. 201). In contrast to European gentiles, "Americans have had a manifest tendency to see the Holy Land, its past and ongoing development, through their own American frames" (p. 202). Silver reviews the Protestant "lives of Jesus" in the nineteenth century and then looks at "the American pilgrimage scene in Israel today" (p. 204). Protestants are not impressed with the traditional shrines (in the hands of Orthodox and Catholic clergy) but seek "the fifth Gospel in Galilee" (p. 210), where these pilgrims feel most at home (p. 228). Chapter 4, "Zionist Pioneering Galilee," describes the migration of Jews, especially from Eastern Europe, with return to the land to develop its agricultural potential, with less emphasis on piety than earlier immigrants had. Chapter 5, "The Fight for Galilee, 1948," begins with mini-biographies of a prominent Arab fighter, Fawzi al-Qawuqii, a native of Tripoli and leader of the Arab Liberation Army, and a Jewish native of Galilee...

The Shaping of Military Nursing in Israel: 1947–1958

Abstract: Unique realities influenced the development of the military nursing profession in Israel. While other countries, such as the United States, the United Kingdom and Canada, established military hospitals staffed by separately trained military nurses, conditions in Israel led to the development of interlocking military and civilian healthcare sectors, as the young country responded simultaneously to healthcare needs brought on by war, ongoing attacks on civilians, and massive waves of immigrants, including European Holocaust survivors and Jews from Arab countries. Relying on an analysis of documents in multiple archives, contemporaneous newspaper articles and interviews conducted with nurses who served in the 1948 Arab–Israeli War and the 1956 Sinai Campaign, this paper describes the development of the nursing profession in Israel through 1958, when military nursing was fully established as part of the civilian health sector, a reality that continues to the present.

The Shaping of Military Nursing in Israel: 1947–1958

Abstract: Unique realities influenced the development of the military nursing profession in Israel. While other countries, such as the United States, the United Kingdom and Canada, established military hospitals staffed by separately trained military nurses, conditions in Israel led to the development of interlocking military and civilian healthcare sectors, as the young country responded simultaneously to healthcare needs brought on by war, ongoing attacks on civilians, and massive waves of immigrants, including European Holocaust survivors and Jews from Arab countries. Relying on an analysis of documents in multiple archives, contemporaneous newspaper articles and interviews conducted with nurses who served in the 1948 Arab–Israeli War and the 1956 Sinai Campaign, this paper describes the development of the nursing profession in Israel through 1958, when military nursing was fully established as part of the civilian health sector, a reality that continues to the present.

Turkish–Israeli Relations in the 1960s: Trade, Trade Unions, and the Arab–Israeli War

ABSTRACT Studies on the relationship between Israel and Turkey have mostly ignored earlier decades, concentrating especially on the 2000s. In particular, the 1960s have only superficially been referenced, mainly because of the Cold War. Therefore, using documents from the Israeli and Turkish State Archives, this study examines Turkish—Israeli relations during the 1960s from an economic perspective, showing how economic and trade relations caused a shift in Turkey’s foreign affairs. The study asserts that Turkey attempted to conceal its political and economic ties with Israel and, to some extent, preferred cooperating with Arab states.

“Patience and Persistence”: Ambiguous Turkish–Israeli Relations in the 1960s

ABSTRACT Turkey’s relationship with the Yishuv, or Jewish community, has been ambiguous since before the establishment of the State of Israel in 1948. Most of the literature features the later years, whereas the 1960s seem to have been forgotten or merely superficially discussed, mostly because the decade is perceived as belonging to the Cold War era, and, in many respects, only a continuation of the previous decade. Drawing primarily on the Israeli and Turkish State Archives and bulletins from the Turkish Ministry of Foreign Affairs, this article examines Turkish–Israeli relations during this decade and argues contrary to the prevailing view that the crisis during the deterioration of relations was not a result of the 1967 Arab–Israeli War or the rise of the then Turkish Prime Minister Süleyman Demirel’s government, but rather represented a conscious shift in Turkey’s foreign policy that sacrificed its relations with Israel, arguably for more urgent interests such as strengthening ties with the Arabs.

Domy Polskie w Jerozolimie

The history of the Polish Houses in Jerusalem is interwoven with the history of both Poland and the Holy Land. The Old Polish House was established in 1908 at the initiative of Rev. M. Pinciurek and is located near the Church of the Holy Sepulchre. The other, the New Polish House, was the fruit of tireless work by the Sisters of St. Elizabeth from the province of Poznań and the involvement of the Polish Army in the East. With the proclamation of the state of Israel and the ensuing 1948 Arab–Israeli War, the House found itself on the battle line. The sisters risked their lives to protect the Polish flag placed on the roof of the building, so as not to lose the work that had been done for “the Polish nation”.

Mediated Audience Costs: Jordan–Israeli Diplomacy before the 1967 Arab–Israeli War

Abstract Audience cost theory remains prominent in scholarship on international crises. However, the theory suffers from several weaknesses, including a lack of historical evidence and concerns about the visibility of audience costs to foreign adversaries. This article engages with both concerns. I theorize that third-party diplomacy can help leaders signal their audience costs by corroborating their vulnerability to domestic punishment. I illustrate this mediated audience cost mechanism with an archival case study of Jordan–Israeli relations surrounding the 1966 Samu incident. I find that US crisis diplomacy helped Jordanian King Hussein to signal his vulnerability to a military coup d’état, and thus his resolve to retaliate against Israeli aggression, which in turn led Israel to refrain from further counterterror raids into the West Bank. The analysis integrates audience cost theory with crisis diplomacy in practice, and suggests several implications for future audience cost scholarship.

Sikap British Terhadap Penglibatan Jordan dalam Perang Enam Hari Arab Israel, Jun 1967

This study analyses the British’s attitude towards Jordan’s involvement in the Sixth day Arab Israeli War of June 1967. The Arab coalition was defeated in the war and subsequently the Arab territories were occupied by the Israelis. In Jordan, the Zionist regime occupied the West Bank including the eastern part of Baitul Maqdis which was under the Jordanian controls since 1948. Jordan loss of the war caused a significant impact on the political survival of King Hussein. This is due to the influence of the Arab radicalism and Palestine’s nationalist groups who resided at the East Bank of Jordan. There were two main issues plagued the king which were the influx of the new Palestinian refugees into Jordan’s soil and the occupation of Baitul Maqdis by the Zionist regime. These issues were not just a threat to the King’s throne and political survival but contributed a significant impact on the British’s strategic position in West Asia. By applying a history discipline methodology, most of the sources referred and interpreted in this study are the archival documents of the British government official records obtained from The National Archive in London. The analysis of the British’s action during the war indicated the actual British’s attitude towards King Hussein during the war. The findings of this study concluded that the motive of the British’s attitude towards King Hussein was to protect London’s interest in West Asia, particularly among the Arab moderate regimes.

BBC and New York Times’ Coverage of the May 2021 Israeli Onslaught on Gaza: A Critical Discourse Analysis

The latest Israeli onslaught on Gaza in May 2021 demonstrated the pivotal role of the international media as an influential source of knowledge-gaining, agenda setting, and opinion shaping for various social groups and audiences. Based on theoretical constructs and analytical tools drawn from Critical Discourse Analysis (Fairclough, 1992, 1995), this study aims to analyze how the New York Times and the BBC covered the Israeli onslaught on Gaza during May 2021. I examine the main topics and key linguistic structures the two influential media outlets use in constructing Palestinian and Israeli actors and their violent actions and how such coverage contributes to the construction of a particular ideological representation of the events. The results show that the two media outlets mainly served Israel’s justifications and interests at the expense of Palestinian narrative and rights through the conflation of two main topics in their representation of the Israeli onslaught on Gaza. The Israeli war was constructed as a war against Hamas, and not against the Palestinian people. They depict the onslaught as a retaliation to Hamas’s rockets. Furthermore, the human and material losses inflicted by Israel on Gaza were framed along the lines of “there are victims on both sides”. The two topics reduce Israel’s moral and political responsibility for the massive losses in human life and destruction inflicted upon the Palestinians in Gaza. This study shows the potent role of news media in framing, legitimizing, or delegitimizing political actors and their actions and maintaining power asymmetries between different political groups.

The Occupation of East Baitul Maqdis in the 1967’s Six Days Arab-Israeli War: Re-examining the British’s Reaction and Policy

This article re-examines the British’s policy and reaction towards the occupation of the East Baitul Maqdis during the Six Days Arab-Israeli War in 1967. As a result of the conflict, the Israelis regime annexed the eastern part of the City which was under the Jordanian’s control since 1948. Subsequently, Tel Aviv launched the process of ‘Israelization’ of the unified Baitul Maqdis by expropriating the Arab’s land and imposing the Israelis culture via education and administration means. Hence, this study will analyse the way London reacted towards the Israelis policy and action by comparing the official proclaimed policy such as the statement voiced by the Foreign Secretary at the parliament and at the United Nations with the actual reactions projected. The question on British’s actual stand is significant and interesting since Britain played an important role after the war such as drafting the UN Resolution 242 which temporarily ended the conflict. The analysis is relied upon mostly the declassified archival documents from the National Archive of the United Kingdom. In the finding, the article concluded that the British was inconsistent between its official policy and the actual reaction: consequently, this brings into question the veracity of equilibrium and impartiality principle of the British government during the Arab- Israeli War of 1967.

More Zion's Fiction: Wondrous Tales from the Israeli ImagiNation ed. by Emanuel Lottem and Sheldon Teitelbaum

Reviewed by: More Zion's Fiction: Wondrous Tales from the Israeli ImagiNation ed. by Emanuel Lottem and Sheldon Teitelbaum Rachel S. Cordasco More Zion's Fiction: Wondrous Tales from the Israeli ImagiNation Ed. Emanuel Lottem & Sheldon Teitelbaum Trans. Various. Tel Aviv. Zion. 2021. 434 pages. WHEN ZION'S FICTION was published in 2018, that groundbreaking anthology of Israeli speculative fiction in English was part of a wave of speculative fiction in translation (SFT) and partial-SFT anthologies that we hadn't seen before or since. In the grand scheme of literary things, of course, ten is not a large number. In SFT [End Page 73] terms, though, ten anthologies in one year is huge. And Zion's Fiction, thanks to its editors Sheldon Teitelbaum and Emanuel Lottem, introduced anglophone readers to Israeli authors, styles, perspectives, and tropes we couldn't find anywhere else. Fast-forward to 2021 and a new volume of dynamic, engaging Israeli SFT. More Zion's Fiction brings us award-winning stories from familiar and rising authors. Furthermore, this volume's introduction dives deeper into the nature of Israeli speculative fiction than that of the previous volume, which offered an exhaustive account of the development of that subgenre in Israel. In More Zion's Fiction, Lottem and Teitelbaum consider why Israeli SF seems so localized and insular. The first-person singular, they point out, seems to dominate these stories, where protagonists face fantastical situations in the course of their everyday lives. The Israeli-Palestinian conflict, notably, is absent—not because stories about it weren't chosen for inclusion in the book, but because Israeli authors of speculative short fiction don't explicitly draw upon it. With speculative fiction still being seen by some Israelis as a nonserious genre, despite the increase in SFF conventions, magazines, publishers, and online forums, the genre in Israel still accounts for a tiny minority of Israeli books. And while Israel is, itself, a geographically tiny country, its SF output is increasing with every year. More Zion's Fiction includes an interesting mix of short stories, novellas, and everything in between, with several originally written in English. One of my favorites of the shorter variety is Elana Gomel's "The Sea of Salt," which imagines how a young woman tortured by the knowledge that her grandfather was a Nazi travels back in time to try and stop him; she uses the Dead Sea as her portal to the past. The malleability of time is also the basis for Guy Hasson's "The Assassination," though it isn't travel per se but involves an instrument that can capture audio from a specific point in the past. Here, Hasson delves into the Israeli war of independence and the military choices that were made to drive the British out in the 1940s. Fairy tales appear here as well: Nadav Almog's "The Thirteenth Fairy" and Pesach Amnuel's "Above the Clouds, Above the Mountains, Above the Sky" (trans. David Reid) could be set anywhere, and yet the dark horror of the former and the mystical optimism of the latter both find their place in the Israeli speculative landscape. Elsewhere in this volume, the dead speak from their graves ("Composting"), travelers bring their dragons through airport security ("Dragon Control"), and aliens are sent to Earth as "Word Farmers." Some of the most compelling stories, I must admit, are the longest ones. Keren Landsman's "Schrödinger's Gorgon" (trans. Emanuel Lottem) is a sci-fi thriller about an alien virus that is transmitted through sight, while Hila Benyovits-Hoffman's "Five Four Three Two One" (trans. Rehavia Berman) imagines a genetic experiment in which five fetuses were combined into one, resulting in the birth of a person who transforms into a different one each day. In Yael Furman's horrifying story "Set in Stone" (trans. Sarit Shalhevet), an artist with magical powers has found a way to turn humans into stone and then give them the power of movement whenever he chooses. The final story of the volume, Rotem Baruchin's "Latte, to Go" (trans. Rehavia Berman), is a unique tale of Israel's City Spirits, their human guardians, and the conflicts that arise when an ancient...

The Humanitarian Perspectives in The Novels of Ghazi Al- Gosaibi: المنطلقات الإنسانية في روايات الروائي السعودي غازي القصيبي – دراسة إنشائية

The study aims to explore the humanitarian perspectives in the novels of Ghazi bin Abdul Rahman Al- Gosaibi. It analyzes some human aspects such as poverty and its impact on Arab societies, disease and disability and their impact on humans, the dream of every human being to achieve freedom, and the ambition of most people to enjoy peace. The study employs these aspects in the novels of Ghazi Al- Gosaibi. The study reached a number of findings, most notably: Ghazi Al- Qusaybi was occupied with the human dimension in his writings, including his novels. Poverty, disease and disability were enriching material for his novels. Moreover, he has worked to establish the principle of freedom in Arab societies, and sought in his novels to spread peace in Arab countries. His ambition may have been to achieve peace in the world in general, including his condemnation of the two world wars and the human and material losses it has left. He also condemned the Israeli war against the Palestinians. The study recommends the following: Expanding the academic researches which study the Saudi novel, including the novels of Ghazi Al- Gosaibi. Also, increasing the literary, critical and social studies in Ghazi Al- Gosaibi’s works. The researchers should explore Al- Gosaibi’s texts to reach a deep understanding of the Arab situation. They are also recommended to focus on studying the social conditions as portrayed in the Saudi novel, paying special attention to the works of Ghazi Al- Gosaibi due to its philosophical depth.

The Opec Oil Shock Crisis (1973): An Analysis

The OPEC Oil Embargo (1973) was precipitated by the Yom Kippur War. The United States was the first country to be sanctioned by Saudi Arabia, Libya, and other Arab countries on October 19, 1973 for its political and military support for Israel (particularly through the delivery of military equipment and arms, which played a key role in Israel's wars against neighboring countries). The 1973 Oil Embargo put a strain on a United States economy that had become increasingly reliant on foreign oil. The research is conducting to analyse the The Opec Oil Price Shock Crisis (1973) and Impact to United States of America. The objectivof this study is to examine the OPEC Oil Price Shock Crisis impact to United States of America. The concept of national interest is used to support the action of United States of America in solving the the crisis. The study is being carried out using a qualitative approach, including data gathered from secondary sources. The secondary data in this study also consists of printed and digital material gathered from articles and books. Findings of the study are several impacts that have a significant impact on the United States where it has already had an impact on the economy, politics and also the United States relationship with the OPEC organization. One of the obvious impacts is from an economic point of view. The U.S. economy undeniably experienced a downward trend during the oil crisis. It left no lasting impression, even more than a year on the United States. Not to forget the impact on U.S. politics. U.S. politics is seen as less stable and volatile after the oil crisis. But the United States Government is still able to work together to overcome this problem. Not to forget the impact on US relations and the OPEC Organization. The relationship between the two was seen to erode when the crisis began and in 1974 to 1975 witness their recovery phase but this crisis has taught the United States not to be too dependent on oil resources from foreign countries.

Ikwuano Women in 1929 Women’s Protest: A Recipe from Women War in Ancient Israel (Judges 4:4-24)

This paper focused on the uniqueness of Ikwuano women in terms of their contributions towards economic and political development, particularly around 1929 events. It aimed at accentuating the valiant role of Ikwuano Women in their gallant protest to claim their rights against household taxation by the British Colonial rule through the Warrant Chiefs. The research adopted a historical method to trace the role of women in the Ancient Israeli war in Judges 4:4-24 which applies to the Aba Women Protest. A historical examination shows that the 1929 so-called 'Aba Women Riot' was an Igbo women's traditional demonstration that allowed women to express their disapproval of any policy that infringes their human rights at that time. Foreign publishers used derogatory dictions such as riot, revolt, and war and later termed it “Aba Riot”, excluding women, probably because they were oblivious of the aforementioned protest in Igbo tradition or that they denied political fault of household taxation policy and assault to women as colonialists. The findings unveiled that the contributions of Ikwuano women to the political and economic development of Nigeria cannot be overemphasized, just as Deborah's and Jael’s exploits in Ancient Israel cannot be underestimated. The paper also investigated that the so-called Aba Women Riot of 1929 emanated from a clan called Oloko, in Ikwuano under Old Aba Province, as a protest which spread to Aba, Owerri, Calabar, and other Eastern Region of Nigeria. It gained international attention that resulted in the cancellation of Women's Taxation, the improvement of the national economy, and abrogation of the Warrant Chief System. The paper recommended the empowerment of Ikwuano Women, adequate support of the Government in revitalizing the production of cash crops in Ikwuano through mechanization and mass employment of indigenous youth in the aforementioned Institutes to alleviate poverty in the area. Lessons should be learned from women's war in ancient Israel contained in Judges 4:4-24, which reveals the inherent ability of women to promote national economy, peace, politics, and defense against external aggressions.

The Limits of Symbolic Capital: The Case of Jerusalem's Jewish Quarter Evacuees in Qatamon

During Israel's War of Independence evacuees from the Jewish Quarter in Jerusalem's Old City were resettled in the abandoned Arab neighborhood of Qatamon only to be threatened soon after with eviction and replacement by members of the civil service. Repeated attempts at collective eviction ended with most of the evacuees managing to remain in their homes and enjoy comfortable rent arrangements. This outcome has been attributed by some to the symbolic capital of the Old City refugees, the empathy they elicited from the general public and the state's decision makers in response to their harsh wartime experiences and material sacrifices. Alternately, a critical analysis would suggest that the determining factor was the authorities' unrelated desire to end what had become a drawn-out affair, combined with logistical reasons that worked in favor of the refugees. The case before us offers new insights into the role of capital, symbolic and otherwise, in the shaping of Jerusalem's physical space during the early days of Israeli statehood.

Review: Israel as a Modern Architectural Experimental Lab, 1948–1978

Review: <i>Israel as a Modern Architectural Experimental Lab, 1948–1978</i>

Epistemology of the Nakba in Israeli education

In Israel, the Israeli–Palestinian conflict is the most fundamental political and moral issue current and future citizens face. If we accept the maxim that schools should prepare citizens for participation in determining the future of their state, Israeli students must be introduced to the historical, political and moral questions at the heart of the conflict. But this responsibility of Israeli schools and teachers is a highly contentious issue. The most important issue in Israeli political education is thus the hardest to teach. In this article I argue that, despite considerable educational and political risks, teaching Jewish Israeli students about the 1948 Palestinian Nakba (alternatively known as the Israeli War of Independence) holds substantial potential for their epistemic development as capable knowers. I begin by reviewing the political, dialogical, cognitive and epistemic deficits in Israeli education, highlighting how the Nakba is suppressed in history and citizenship education. By analysing the epistemic context of the Nakba in Israeli society and education, I present two pedagogical approaches for teaching controversial issues, arguing for an inquiry‐based approach over the widely held approach. I demonstrate the benefits of an inquiry‐based approach in the context of history education. In the final section of the article, I build on the case of the Nakba to argue for a new epistemic framework for Israeli citizenship education. I begin by outlining the shortcomings of the current epistemic framework of the subject and point to possible future directions for the subject.

On the Hunting of, and Threats Facing, the Cape Hare (Lepus capensis Linnaeus, 1758) in the Gaza Strip, Palestine

The Cape Hare (Lepus capensis Linnaeus, 1758) is the only lagomorph in Palestine (27,000 km2). Although it was common in the Gaza Strip 4-5 decades ago, its present occurrence is restricted by several overlapping factors. The current study aims to spotlight the hunting of, and the threats facing, Cape Hares in the Gaza Strip (365 km2). This descriptive study, which lasted 5 years (2016 – 2020), was based on frequent field visits and observations in addition to meetings and discussions with wildlife hunters and farmers. We found that the eastern parts of the Gaza Strip were the main hunting places for Cape Hares. The methods involved in hare hunting included shooting, foothold traps, live traps known locally as "maltash", net walls, pit traps and coursing which involves the use of greyhounds. Wildlife hunters described the hunting of Cape Hares as a complicated task due to its low occurrence, extreme caution, difficulty of tracking it, presence near the Israeli security fence, which poses a danger to hunters, in addition to the great experience and high concentration that such hunting requires. Cape Hares face several threats, some of which are Israeli, and some specific to Gazans and the environment of the Gaza Strip. The Israeli threats include the Israeli security fence which prevents the natural flow of wildlife between the Gaza Strip and the rest of the Palestinian territories, Israeli wars and invasions, and the Israeli spraying of herbicides at the eastern border areas of the Gaza Strip for claimed security reasons which eradicates the plant cover supporting hares and other fauna with shelter and food. The Gazan threats include urban encroachment at the expense of natural habitats, excessive use of chemical pesticides, overhunting of Cape Hares, noticeable increase of opportunistic carnivores feeding on Cape Hares, and weakness of environmental awareness campaigns and laws that protect wildlife. Finally, the study recommends the use of all possible means to sustainably protect and conserve wildlife including Cape Hares in the Gaza Strip.