Islamic Fundamentalism Research Articles

Британский подход к проблеме дерадикализации исламистов: успех или провал?

The article is devoted to deradicalization programmes in the UK. Their active development began after the terrorist attack in London in 2005. The article discusses the most notable deradicalization programmes: Prevent and Channel, aimed at those at risk of radicalization, as well as DDP and HII programmes developed for radical Islamists who are in prison or have been released on parole. The author also examines the question of how efficient these programmes have proved to be. The government announced obvious achievements in deradicalization, indicating that, due to the above programmes, more than 1,000 Britons have denounced their radical ideas. However, some representatives of the academic and Muslim communities have criticized the programmes pointing out that they do not have a serious ideological foundation, which leads to the stigmatization of the Muslim population in general and Muslim youth in particular. Inefficient spending of funds was also criticized. After the graduates of one of the programmes, who allegedly were successfully deradicalized, had committed terrorist attacks (Usman Khan in 2019, Sadesh Uman in 2020), the government began to tighten laws and revise the deradicalization programmes. However, an essential improvement of the programmes requires taking into account the full range of reasons for the growing popularity of radical ideas, including social, political and international ones. In particular, current deradicalization programmes are based on the assumption that radical Islam is an irrational evil, but do not take into account the fact that the radicalization of Muslim youth may be a reaction to the stigmatization they face in the British society, as well as to the UK's policy in the Middle East.

The History of Television and Its Impact on Saudi Society

This study analyzes the impact of television on conservative Saudi society and gives a comprehensive view of the history of Saudi television. It is clear from studying the history of Saudi television that religious extremism was the only obstacle to the development of Saudi television. Although extremist Islamic groups control Saudi television, the Saudi government has been able to overcome them in recent years.

Epistemology of Nationalism in the Context of National Jurisprudence at the Lirboyo Islamic Boarding School

This study discusses the epistemological reasoning of nationalism and national fiqh at Islamic boarding schools, especially at the Lirboyo Islamic Boarding School, Kediri, East Java. Lirboyo Islamic Boarding School was chosen purposively as the research location. With a case study approach, this article reveals the epistemological reasoning of nationalism that occurs and develops in the research location. The results of the study show that there has been a shift in the epistemology of nationalism. This epistemological shift can be seen from the inconsistency of meaning and choice of action taken. From the theory of social transformation, certain social constructions will also affect specific cognitions or awareness—likewise, the epistemology of nationalism at the Lirboyo Islamic Boarding School. During the phase of the struggle against Dutch colonialism, nationalism was interpreted as a form of jihad against non-Muslims, along with the emergence of an awareness of establishing an Islamic state. However, since the establishment of Ma'had Aly Lirboyo, which has the peculiarities of nationalism, nationalism has shifted in meaning to become a form of awareness against radicalism movements born of Islamic Group, such as Hizb at-Tahrir Indonesia (HTI) and the Islamic Defenders Front (FPI). The assertion that the State of Indonesia is a state whose government is legitimate and opposing it is a prohibited action further confirms this shift in the epistemology of nationalism.

Islamic feminism as an alternative strategy for preventing and countering violent extremism among Muslim women in Kenya

Islamic feminism is a budding ideology in Kenya that conservative Muslims perceive as a distortion of pure Islam. Despite its prospects for empowering Muslim women, its utility for preventing and countering violent extremism (P/CVE) is largely unexplored, and security agencies and non-governmental organisations prefer to engage with mainstream patriarchal Islamic ideologies that reinforce the gender vulnerabilities Al-Shabaab successfully exploits to engage women in violent extremism. This study draws on research conducted with Muslim clerics, scholars, women’s associations, feminists, government officials, and female returnees in Nairobi and Mombasa counties to demonstrate that Al-Shabaab is exploiting traditional gender constructions including marriage, sisterhood, motherhood and women’s religious obligations to recruit, radicalise and exploit women. While Islamic feminism exposes and contests gender inequalities, it remains unpopular, is often dismissed as secular, and meets resistance from both extremists and moderate Muslims, and therefore further studies are needed to validate its rightful role within Islam.

Ideological Framing, Mosques, and Conflict: Bargaining Position of Salafi Movement in Lombok, East Indonesia

Ideological Framing, Mosques, and Conflict: Bargaining Position of Salafi Movement in Lombok, East Indonesia

Countering Islamic Radicalism among Indonesian University Students: An Investigation on Social Media Using LINE Official Account

Social media platforms continue to be vastly utilized in university contexts as channels for the dissemination of zealous religious ideas. As a group, students are vulnerable to radicalism and are easily affected by extremist perceptions. This study investigated how the LINE Official account could be utilized to spread moderate Islamic perspectives in the Muslim student community in Indonesia’s universities. It also examined how such an account could contribute to the mitigation of radicalism among students. This study contributes significantly to the literature because most extant research on counterradicalism movements remains centered on actions involving numerous stakeholders. It is hence necessary to initiate individual-focused movements that employ technology. The data used for the present study were obtained by analyzing conversations and comments available on the LINE platform. The study’s findings suggest that LINE Official accounts can be employed as tools to oppose radicalism and spread moderate views among university students in Indonesia.

Religious moderation in Islamic religious education textbook and implementation in Indonesia

This study aims to investigate the concept of religious moderation in the form of values contained in Islamic religious education textbooks at the junior high school level and to analyse how these values are implemented in Bandung, West Java schools. This article employs qualitative data collection techniques, including a literature review, observation, and interviews. The study finds that the content of moderation values, such as non-violence, egalitarianism and fairness, and tolerance, aligns with the Indonesian government’s religious moderation pillars. The study also reveals that the implementation of moderation values has been carried out, especially by Islamic religious education teachers, resulting in a safe and respectful school environment for Muslim and non-Muslim students alike. The implementation of non-violence values aims to prevent students from being exposed to extremist Islamic groups. Meanwhile, egalitarianism and fairness values emphasise the equality of every human being and place every religious community in a middle position between two opposite poles. Lastly, tolerance values emphasise the importance of religious freedom and the principle of national commitment, requiring every person and religious community to maintain their national commitment without feeling that their group has the highest rank. Furthermore, the study discovered that the implementation of moderation values based on textbooks had been carried out, particularly in two schools in Bandung City that involved the collaborative participation of students and teachers.Contribution: This finding contributes to the study of religious moderation in the general school at the primary education level. Until now, the study of religious moderation has mostly focused on the discourse of social movements and the atmosphere of Islamic education, namely Islamic boarding schools.

Migration and islamic fundamentalism in the context of discourse of postmodernism

The article analyses the reasons for the choice of radical Islam by young Muslims in the European countries. Islam became a Western religion as a result of the migration of millions of Muslims. The authors provide a number of indications of the formation of a new global religious system. The new religious cross-border communities constitute a globalised network. Their dynamic nature and partial virtualisation of their activities weaken the state control. The activities of “parallel societies” are associated with Muslim immigrants. Their parallel system of leadership and law creates real competition for the state governance structures. The fundamentalist version of Islam becomes attractive to Muslims who have endured its de-territorialisation. Their religious identity is formed under the influence of new interactions, media resources and participation in a global network of like-minded people. Islamic fundamentalism does not naturally emerge from Islam. This is the result of the secularisation of Islam, when the priority of politics over religion uses the latter as a resource for legitimising its social and political protest. It is also a reaction to the search for an identity that is relevant in a new environment. The attitudes inherent in fundamentalism, such as distrust of the values of European civilisation, the call for radical measures in their denial, the construction of a private version of the tradition and its idealisation, are based on modern problems. This represents fundamentalism as a postmodern phenomenon.

HUMOUR AS A COUNTER ISLAMIST DISCOURSE

This article addresses counter-Islamist discourses by NU Garis Lucu (NU’s Funny Brigade) through its social media accounts. Instead of a clear-cut theological debates, NU Garis Lucu offers humour as method to counter attack Islamit’s arguments through its social-media activism. Using a discourse analysis approach, this article examines tweets of the NU Garis Lucu’s during the course of 2015-2020. It further reveals the account strategies to counter attack Islamist’s discourse which include questioning the legitimacy of the religious authority of Islamist groups, promoting religious moderation, supporting democracy as an ideal political system, promoting ‘smiling’ Islam, and putting to an end religious polarization.

Praktik Jual Beli Emas Anggota Majelis Ta'lim Al-Hijrah Gunung Binjai Balikpapan

Islam groups gold and silver as usury objects. Consequently, the exchange (buying and selling) of such objects must pay attention to the provisions that have been outlined by Shari'a so as not to fall into the practice of usury. Therefore, there are special rules in the gold and silver business. The purpose of this study is to find out the practice of buying and selling gold for members of Majelis Ta'lim Al-Hijrah of Gunung Binjai, and also to find out how the practice is from the perspective of Islamic law.
 This type of research is a field research that uses a descriptive qualitative analysis pattern through a phenomenological approach. The researcher chose to use this approach because through this approach the researcher tried to bring out reality naturally through provocation questions, then the research subject was left to describe all kinds of dimensions of his experience based on the phenomena that occurred.
 The results of this study are that there are two methods used by members of MT al-Hijrah to trade the gold. First, the cash method (cash) at the gold shop. Second, the arisan method. The two methods used are in accordance with the Shari'ah, because they meet the legal requirements of the gold trade contract. There are two purposes of the gold transaction, namely as savings (investment) and used for jewelry.

Post-Islamism and the Rise of Sharia Laws in Contemporary Indonesia: Aspirations of Implementing Islamic Laws in a Democratic Era

Islamism is an ideology and a movement that seeks to build an Islamic order in the form of an Islamic state and the enforcement of sharia law. However, in Indonesia during the democratization period in the early 2000s, many Islamic organizations, including Islamic parties and Islamic movements, liberated themselves from hiding and even opened their organizational philosophies to accommodate wider issues and concerns. While retaining their Islamic identity, some Islamic groups are turning towards the secularization of their goals and objectives as a means of adapting to the changing political environment. Political analysts refer to this development as post-Islamism. This change in attitude is to some extent due to the fact that Islamic legal institutions have become more prominent since the reform era. While retaining their Islamic identity, Islamic groups are turning towards the secularization of their goals and objectives as a means of adapting to the new political environment and changing the agenda of most Islamic political movements by way of Islamizing Indonesian values. That's why the color of legislation in Indonesia is more Islamic.

PEMBELAJARAN DARAH WANITA DALAM MATA PELAJARAN SAINS KURIKULUM STANDARD SEKOLAH MENENGAH (KSSM): SATU ANALISIS PERBANDINGAN ANTARA PERSPEKTIF FIQH DAN SAINS

Muslim men and women are required to study the corpus of knowledge known as women's blood education, which includes the science of menstruation, childbirth, and istihadah, as well as the related laws. This is due to the fact that the knowledge of women's blood is one of the sub-discussions under the chapter on worship, which contains laws pertaining to the fundamentals of Islam, such as prayer, fasting, and Hajj. At the secondary education level, this topic is introduced to 13-year-old Form 1 students through Form 1 science classes that include a subtopic on the menstrual cycle. The content analysis revealed, however, that there is a significant difference between the menstrual cycle learning content included in the Standard Document for Curriculum and Assessment (DSKP) of Form 1 science subjects and the discussion of the menstrual cycle from the perspective of jurisprudence, which has implications from the standpoint of legal determination. Therefore, the purpose of this article is to compare the discussion of menstrual blood written in the Standard Document for Curriculum and Assessment DSKP of Science KSSM Form 1 in Malaysia with the discussion of menstruation from a jurisprudential perspective in order to provide students with a correct understanding and prevent the existence of misunderstandings in determining the status of menstrual blood and istihadah in their subsequent learning. This research employs the comparative method to analyse multiple documents pertaining to the disciplines of science and fiqh. Analysed documents included the Standard Document for Curriculum and Assessment DSKP for Science subjects in the Malaysian Secondary School Standard Curriculum (KSSM), the Malaysian KSSM Form 1 Science textbook, the Syafi'i school of law, articles, and scientific studies. According to the results of the analysis, there are three differences in the input about menstrual blood that is placed in the textbook of Science subjects Form 1 with the discussion of menstruation from the perspective of the law, namely the age of puberty, the age of menopause, and the menstrual cycle. The differences in the input of menstruation learning content necessitate a clear understanding and comprehension of this subject specifically in the subject of Islamic Education under the subtopic of worship. Therefore, cooperation from all parties, including instructors, the administration, and the government, is crucial so that all students can learn about women's blood in school, thereby enabling them to worship with greater assurance.

AKAR TEOLOGI-POLITIK GERAKAN RADIKALISME ISLAM DAN TERORISME DI INDONESIA

The issue of Islamic radicalism and terrorism in Indonesia in the last three decades has become a very serious problem. Not only in Indonesia, the phenomenon of terrorism in the Islamic world appears as an expression of the political movement of some Muslims who make use of Islamic doctrines, political attitudes and political movements that tend to be radical and extremist. By utilizing qualitative research procedures and data collection techniques through library research, this article draws several conclusions. First, international radicalism network named Al-Qaedah and Al-Jama’ah Al-Islamiyyah have influence over terrorist network in Indonesia and other Islamic worlds. The actors are alumni of the Afghan war and a network that been fostered since the 1970s through Al-Jamaah Al-Islamiyyah. Second, contemporary Islamic radicalism and terrorism movements in Indonesia have ideological-political connections with transnational Islamic movements and ISIS in two orientations namely the khilafah and the Islamic daulah. Third, in the socio-political area, a literalist understanding of the texts to fundamentalism. Finally, Islam often becomes a political commodity. Islamic doctrine often become tools to gain power of conversely also become tools to fight against power. This article recommends that the Indonesian government support moderate Islamic movements as counter-radicalism and terrorism measure.

Региональная безопасность в Центральной Азии в условиях возвращения талибов к власти: вызовы и угрозы, сценарии развития

Introduction. The article focuses on reconstructing the major parameters of the complex of challenges and threats to post-Soviet Central Asia regional security that has emerged in the wake of or in direct connection with the radical change of the situation in Afghanistan after August 2021. These challenges and threats have developed across several functional and territorial dimensions and require a comprehensive analysis followed by the building of scenarios for their evolution. Methods and materials. The research relies on the regional security complex theory developed by Barry Buzan and Ole Waever. The methodological toolkit includes external indirect observation, political descriptive and historical genetic methods, scenario building. The research materials include official statements, news briefs, expert opinions, periodicals, academic papers. Analysis. The authors have analyzed the geostrategic, regional-strategic, regional-economic, and regional-societal dimensions of the challenges and threats to Central Asian regional security generated by the changes in Afghanistan and have built scenarios of their evolution. The major geostrategic challenge is the exacerbation of U.S. – Chinese contradictions centered on the influence of the Taliban factions. The key regional-strategic threat is the risk of the Afghan conflict spilling over into Tajikistan or Turkmenistan. The regional-economic challenges include the risks of blocking trans-Afghan transport, pipeline, and electricity transmission projects. The regional-societal risks consist of the dissemination of radical Islamist ideologies from Afghanistan throughout Central Asia. The two basic scenarios of the regional security evolution are inertia or a resumption of a full-scale civil war in Afghanistan. Results. The authors have worked out sets of recommendations for regional policymakers and the intergovernmental bodies whose functions include maintaining security and stability in Central Asia. Authors’ contribution. A.E. Dzhorobekova has developed the general concept of the article and organized the research. E.F. Troitskiy has focused on the analysis of threats and challenges to regional security. S.M. Yun has developed scenarios for regional security situations. A.G. Timoshenko has formulated the relevant recommendations.

The ethnic factor in international relations in the Middle East: a historical retrospective and the current state

The Middle East is one of the most hot spots of our time. The close interweaving of peoples, linguistic groups, and religions makes this region one of the most "explosive". Studying the problem of ethnic conflicts in the Middle East, special attention should be paid to the history of the emergence of statehood in the countries of the region. For several centuries, the Middle East region has been a European colony. It was only by the twentieth century that most of the peoples living in the Middle East gained independence. An important role in this was played by armed groups, often professing radical Islam and claiming not only their own country, but also the territory of their "neighbors". This article is also focused on the situation of ethnic minorities who have failed to establish their own State. The most striking example is the Kurds, separated by four borders at once and living in Turkey, Iraq, Iran and Syria. The object of this study is the relationship between the peoples of the Middle East. The research is based on the historical and systematic method. Within its framework, the development of the states of the Middle East in the XX and XXI centuries was considered, the relationship between historical prerequisites and the current situation in the region was assessed. Along with historical methods, general scientific methods (analysis and generalization) will be involved. When writing the article, the following tasks were set: 1) To analyze the historical component of international relations in the Middle East 2) To assess the current state of interactions between countries and peoples in the region 3) To assess the degree of influence on the policy of the Middle East countries by armed groups 4) To analyze the degree of involvement of Western states in the regional agenda. The novelty of this work lies in the analysis and study of the historical prerequisites for the formation of statehood of individual countries of the Middle East, dividing them into groups to identify signs that affect the ethnic factor in international relations in the Middle East.

Memutus Mata Rantai Radikalisme dan Terorisme dengan Mengedepankan Kegiatan Positif di Sekolah

Efforts to combat radical movements to terrorism of any kind, should not be carried out by violent means, as the United States has done to Afghanistan. This is because the violence will only add to the violence of the new volume. Volumes of crimes against humanity against innocent civilians. We can't quell the impossibility with the impossibility. Efforts to counter terrorism must start from uprooting the root or source of the problem. On the domestic political stage, the rise of religious radicalism movements is marked by the rise of mass actions driven by several hardline Islamist groups, which generally have something in common in one respect, namely; want the grounding or application of Islamic law in the archipelago. . Efforts to counter terrorism must start from uprooting the root or source of the problem. The most important root or source of acts of terrorism today is to remove injustice and lameness in the order of international relations. It needs intense dialogue between the warring parties in order to truly find the best solution to end the conflict

Models and Political Attitudes of Fundamentalist Groups in Indonesian Presidential Elections

Islamic fundamentalist groups played an important role in Indonesia's 2019 presidential election. They openly sided with the number 2 candidate, Prabowo Subianto-Sandiaga Solahudin Uno. Even today, the presidential election was marked by polarization and religious sentiments that are very strong and sharp. This study examined the model of presidential election contestation that will likely take place in 2024, the position of fundamentalist groups in political contestation, and its relation to religious polarization trends. This qualitative research used a case study approach to explore political models and attitudes in presidential election contestation. Interest group theory was placed to analyze the issue. The results showed that the map of contestation that will occur in 2024 will still be the same as the 2019 presidential election contestation. Second, the division between religious groups will still occur in the 2024 presidential election. Third, the alignment of religious fundamentalist groups in the 2024 presidential election will lead to figures willing and able to accommodate their groups.

The role of religion in contemporary radical groups

Contemporary Islamist radical groups are increasingly turning to religious narratives in their ideology and tactics. The ideology of these groups is based on both the Sunni and Shiite currents of Islam. This wuestions are analyzed in the article.

Strengthen the Mainstreaming of Religious Moderation in Higher Education Through Certification Agency

Universities are the main target of the spread of Radical Islam among the Youth. Even though regulations have been set by the government to apply national insights, the practice of implementing them in universities is not optimal. This research aims to explore the practice of religious certification to support national beliefs, moderation, and religious harmony. This research was conducted at Nurul Jadid University, one of the Islamic boarding schools in the Probolinggo region, East Java. In responding to the regulatory policy of implementing nationalism in higher education, Nurul Jadid University established a Religious Certification Institution which functions to carry out standardization of religious needs which include the Koran, <em>furūḍ al-‘Ainiyyah</em>, religious teachings and Islamic boarding schools. By using a qualitative paradigm with a semi-structured interview approach and field observations, this research shows that the religious certification program as the mainstreaming of religious moderation for students at Nurul Jadid University is very effective in educating students of moderation and tolerance. In addition, this study found that religious certification was used as a certificate accompanying a diploma (SKPI) whose legality was recognized by Permendikbudristek No. 6 of 2022 concerning Diplomas, Competency Certificates, Professional Certificates, Degrees, and the Equivalence of Diplomas of Higher Education in Other Countries to support student competence and prove that UNUJA alumni are moderate cadres.

The Weakening of the Islamic Radical Movement in Algeria in the 2000's. The Main Reasons and Consequences

Algeria was in dire economic and social straits in the late 20th century. The authorities' inaction and inability to solve the numerous problems had a negative impact on their reputation. А large percentage of the state and governance systems had lost credibility in the eyes of many Algerians. Under these circumstances, Islamic movements became more active in Algeria and quickly gained unprecedented popularity and influence across the country. They proposed their vision of solving the existing problems, putting forward the idea of creating an Islamic state in Algeria, based on the supremacy of Islamic laws. The purpose of the article is to present the reasons for the decline and weakening of the Islamic movement, particularly its most radical forces, and its turning consequences on the development of events in Algeria. The radical Islamic movement played a significant role in fomenting the Algerian civil war that lasted from 1991 to 2000. The government has taken a number of steps to counter the threat of radical Islam, using both forceful and political methods. The Algerian crisis was resolved only a decade later, due to a number of factors. The purpose of the article is to present the reasons due to which the Islamic movement, particularly its radical wing, lost its strength and weakened, recording the fact that Islamic radicalism could not be completely eradicated. The most extremist groups still exist in Algeria and continue their activities. This article describes the steps taken by the authorities towards the resolution of the "Algerian crisis" and the factors that made the political solution of the Algerian conflict possible. In this context particular attention is given to the disagreements and the divisions between the radical Islamic organizations, which had the most serious impact on the Islamic movement. XX դ. վերջում Ալժիրը հայտնվել էր տնտեսական և սոցիալական ծանր դրության մեջ: Իշխանությունների անգործությունն ու ծագած բազմաթիվ խնդիրները լուծելու անկարողությունը բացասական ազդեցություն ունեցան իշխանությունների հեղինակության վրա: Ալժիրցիների զգալի հատվածը կորցրել էր վստահությունը ոչ միայն պետական կառույցների, այլ նաև հաստատված իշխանական համակարգի հանդեպ: Եվ ահա այսպիսի պայմաններում Ալժիրում աննախադեպ ակտիվացան իսլամական շարժումները, որոնք շատ կարճ ժամանակահատվածում ձեռք բերեցին մեծ հեղինակություն և տարածեցին իրենց ազդեցությունը երկրի գրեթե ողջ տարածքում: Վերջիններս առաջարկեցին առկա խնդիրների լուծման իրենց տեսլականը՝ առաջ քաշելով Ալժիրում իսլամական օրենքների գերակայության վրա հիմնված իսլամական պետության ստեղծման գաղափարը: Արմատական իսլամական շարժումը նշանակալի դեր խաղաց Ալժիրում քաղաքացիական պատերազմի բռնկման գործում, որը տևեց 1991-2000 թթ.: Այդ ժամանակից ի վեր կառավարությունը մի շարք քայլեր է ձեռնարկել արմատական իսլամի սպառնալիքներին դիմակայելու համար՝ կիրառելով ինչպես ուժային, այնպես էլ քաղաքական մեթոդներ: Ալժիրյան ճգնաժամը հնարավոր եղավ կարգավորել միայն մեկ տասնամյակ անց, ինչը պայմանավորված էր մի շարք գործոններով: Հոդվածի նպատակն է ներկայացնել այն պատճառները, որոնց հետևանքով իսլամական շարժումը, մասնավորապես դրա արմատական թևը կորցրեց իր ուժը և թուլացավ՝ արձանագրելով փաստը, որ իսլամական արմատականությունը հնարավոր չեղավ ամբողջովին վերացնել: Ալժիրում մինչ օրս պահպանվում են առավել ծայրահեղական խմբավորումներ, որոնք շարունակում են իրենց պառակտիչ գործունեությունը: Ուսումնասիրվում է ոչ միայն իշխանությունների կողմից «ալժիրյան ճգնաժամի» կարգավորման ուղղությամբ ձեռնարկած քայլերը, այլ նաև այն գործոնները, որոնք հնարավոր դարձրին հակամարտության քաղաքական լուծումը: Այս համատեսքսում առանձնակի կարևորվում է ծայրահեղ իսլամական կազմակերպությունների միջև առկա տարաձայնությունները և խնդիրները, որոնք լրջագույն ազդեցություն ունեցան իսլամական շարժման կենսունկության վրա: К концу XX века Алжир оказался в тяжелом экономическом и социальном положении. Бездействие и неспособность властей решать возникшие многочисленные проблемы негативно сказались на репутации властей. Значительная часть алжирцев потеряла доверие не только к государственному устройству, но и к сложившейся системе управления. И в таких условиях в Алжире беспрецедентно активизировались исламские движения, которые в очень короткий срок завоевали большой авторитет и распространили свое влияние практически на всю территорию страны. Эти движения предложили свое видение решения существующих проблем, выдвинув идею создания в Алжире исламского государства, основанного на верховенстве исламских законов. Радикальное исламское движение сыграло значительную роль в разжигании гражданской войны в Алжире, длившейся с 1991 по 2000 год. С тех пор правительство предприняло ряд шагов по противодействию угрозе радикального исламизма, используя как силовые, так и политические методы. Алжирский кризис разрешился лишь спустя десятилетие благодаря ряду факторов. Цель статьи - представить причины, из-за которых исламское движение, особенно радикальное крыло, потеряло свою силу и ослабло, зафиксировав тот факт, что исламский радикализм не удалось полностью искоренить. В Алжире все еще существуют и действуют наиболее экстремистские группировки, которые продолжают свою раскольническую деятельность. Изучаются не только шаги, предпринятые властями для решения «алжирского кризиса», но и факторы, сделавшие возможным политическое регулирование конфликта. В этом контексте особое внимание уделяется разногласиям и конфронтациям между радикальными исламскими организациями, что и оказало наиболее серьезное влияние на стойкость исламского движение.