Political Islam Research Articles

Политический ислам в мусульманском мире

The article is devoted to the study and analysis of the influence of political Islam on the political situation in the Muslim world. It is shown that the influence of political Islam in the field of politics of the Muslim world is limited, but the influence of the terrorist activities of radical Islamic groups and organizations should not be underestimated. Radical, traditional and moderate political Islam directly affects the political situation only in thirteen Islamic states with stable ruling regimes, as well as in secular Turkey. At the same time, in all these states, except for the theocratic Islamic dictatorships - Afghanistan and Iran, as well as the Emirate of Qatar, the authorities severely suppress any manifestations of radical political Islam. In twenty quasi-Islamic and secular Muslim states, political Islam does not have a significant impact on the political situation and processes. In some states of this part of the Muslim world, the authorities are forced to actively combat the cross-border terrorist activities of radical Islamic organizations. In almost a quarter of the states of the Muslim world, the political situation is currently unstable, which does not allow us to fully adequately assess the influence of political Islam in these states.

On Jizya as a Motive for the Tabuk Expedition: on the Ayat 9: 28–29

This publication continues the critical study (started in the fourth issue of the journal for 2019) of the dominant thesis in traditional Islamic political and legal theology about Jizya as a tribute from Non-Muslims, allegedly established by the Prophet Muhammad. In the first part of the publication presented in this issue, the traditions about the descent of verses 9: 28–29 (especially 9: 29, later known as the “Jizya verse”) as the reason for the Prophet’s establishment of the Tabuk expedition are subjected to a formal (hadithological) and substantive analysis. The exploration is conducted in line with the Reformist Modernist discourse, focusing on the disclosure of the truly humanistic spirit of prophetic Islam and the pacifist pluralistic attitude of the Qur’anic message.

Ahmad Moftizadeh and the Idea of the Islamic Government: A Discursive Tradition Analysis in the Field of Political Islam

This article explores the idea of political Islam as a discursive tradition within the context of Iranian Kurdistan. It challenges the prevailing essentialist and universalist approaches commonly used in the analysis of political Islam, advocating for a more adaptable and comprehensive interpretation. By conceptualizing political Islam as a discursive tradition, this study sheds light on the complex interconnections, configurations, and historical contingencies influencing Islamist discourses and movements. The paper argues that political Islam should be examined in relation to other phenomena and discourses, acknowledging its dynamic nature within specific temporal and spatial contexts. Focusing on an influential yet underexplored Islamist discursive tradition in Iranian Kurdistan during the 1970s and 1980s, the research acknowledges the hybrid nature of Islamist discourses, drawing from diverse traditions to fulfill particular objectives. In particular, it explores the perspectives of Ahmad Moftizadeh, a Sunni Kurdish Islamist and the founder of the Maktab Quran (MQ). This study investigates Moftizadeh’s views on the Islamic government, positioning it within the framework of discursive tradition. It analyzes his core categories and inquiries within Islamist thought, notably emphasizing Moftizadeh’s alignment of the Islamic government with the Islamic tradition of the Shura, highlighting its central role in the Islamist discursive tradition.

Representation of the Identity of the Indonesian Ulama Council in Fatwa Regarding Religious Blasphemy in the Case of Basuki Tjahaja Cahaya Purnama (Ahok)

MUI's fatwa in the case of blasphemy and insulting clerics by Ahok is a complex event. It not only signifies the rise of political Islam in the arena of contestation but also symbolizes the presence of identity representation. MUI through its fatwa seems to confirm the presence of sectarian identity based on religion. This refers to Johnson's concept that the media text leads to something behind it. By analyzing the fatwa, it becomes clear that through its text, MUI not only shows itself as an affirmation of Islamic identity as the dominant but also as a binary differentiator in the cultural representation of Indonesian society in various other dimensions. By using a text analysis approach and also a literature study, the author concluded that MUI has opened political identity in the electoral arena. The issuance of MUI fatwa text in Ahok's case has opened a new level of cultural representation dynamics, through religious identity that goes hand in hand with electoral contestation.

Political Thought In Islam: An Analysis of The Development And Evolution of Islamic Political Philosophy

The explores the development and evolution of Islamic politics, tracing its historical trajectory from the early stages of Islam to its contemporary manifestations. By analyzing key political events, influential thinkers, and ideological movements, this study sheds light on the multifaceted nature of Islamic politics and its transformations over time. Through a comprehensive examination of primary and secondary sources, the research highlights the diverse political ideologies, organisations, and discourses within the Islamic tradition. Furthermore, it investigates the early Islamic period, the caliphate era, the influence of classical Islamic scholars, and contemporary debates on political philosophy in Islam. By examining various perspectives, this research aims to provide a comprehensive understanding of the rich and diverse political thought within the Islamic tradition.

Sources of Anti-Secularism in Modern Turkey: A Social History Approach

ABSTRACT The secular reforms the young Republic of Turkey launched during the interwar period were one of the most comprehensive modernization schemes in the world history. These extraordinary reforms have been considered as the sole maker of today’s Turkey. The political histories, focusing on formal politics, mostly reduced the social opposition to secularism to a few well-known hapless protests and rebellions. This article, however, argues that modern Turkey was the culmination of a more complicated process in which popular opposition to these reforms also shaped politics. It reveals that the daily life of ordinary people, particularly in rural areas, was rife with the anti-secular voices and attitudes by exploring non-elite public spheres and popular discursive strategies though which anti-secular opinions and attitudes were produced and expressed. Rather than seeing them as a result of clash between secularism and religion, it emphasizes the socio-economic reasons that lead to people’s negative response, primarily the loss of authority or economic advantages of some groups due to reforms. Finally this article offers that the roots of the Islamist politics of the following decades could be sought in this popular dissent, which subtly contested the secularism’s hegemony in daily life during the early republic.

Between Religion and Politics: The Case of the Islamic Movement in Israel

The power of the “moderate” branch of the Islamic Movement (Alharaka al-Islamiyya, subsequently referred to as IM) Southern Faction (IMSF) in Israel stems from its ability to adapt to different situations, reconcile with the complex reality of being an indigenous minority in a state that defines itself a “Jewish state”, and operate within the state structure accepting democratic processes that have long been debated to clash with Islamism. Besides being represented in the Israeli Knesset since 1996, the culmination of this adaptation was the joining of the movement to the short-lived Zionist coalition government on 2 June 2021 (the government collapsed in July 2022). This historic entry of an Arab Party into a Jewish/Zionist government coalition for the first time in Israel’s history was a shocking surprise to many, not only due to the IM being an Arab–Palestinian movement but also an Islamist movement. My analysis shows that despite this reconciliation, the IM continues to emphasize religiosity, binding it to the national political struggle and identity of Israel’s Palestinian minority. For its supporters, the IMSF is seen as a meeting point of spiritual/religious needs on the one hand and material needs in the social, political, and cultural spheres on the other. However, for its opponents, mainly from the other Arab political parties, the IM had deviated from the national consensus and accepted strategies and tools to deal with the challenges facing them as a minority in Israel. And, for some others, the IM had even deviated from Islam itself. I draw on a field study that spanned several years. It is based on qualitative, extensive interviews with senior Islamist and non-Islamist leaders in Israel, as well as primary sources of the IM, including publications, leaders’ speeches, and social media. All quotes in this article are based on the author’s interviews during 2022–2024. Interviews with the following leaders and activists: IM leader Abdul-Malik Dahamsheh, sheik Ibrahim Sarsour, former MK Muhammad Hasan Ken`an, Nosiba Darwish `Issa, IM MK Eman Yassin Khatib, NDA’ chairman Sami Abu Shehadeh, secretary general of Abnaa al-Balad (Sons of the Country) Muhammad Kana`neh, and with Kufr Qare` former mayor Zuhair Yahya were conducted by in-person or by phone during summer–fall 2023. The interviews with former IMNF activist Aisha Hajjar, activist Zuhriyyeh ‘Azab, journalist Abd el-Rahman Magadleh, and DFPE member Elias Abu Oksa were conducted via What’s App, Messenger, and e-mail in 2022. The interview with political analyst Ameer Makhoul was conducted in December 2023 via Messenger. Follow-up communication was mainly through What’s App to clarify certain points. The interview questions focused on the reasons for the Islamic Movement’s division into two wings, the religious and political justifications for entering the Knesset and the coalition, the relationship between the southern wing and the main Arab parties active in the Israeli Knesset, the experience of unity with them, and the experience of its members while in the Zionist coalition. This article examines how the Islamic Movement in Israel uses religion as a tool to influence the national, cultural, political, economic, and social lives of the Arab minority in Israel. It asks: How does the Islamic Movement, religiously and politically, justify its involvement in the political game and in a Zionist government coalition, and how do Arab parties perceive this involvement? Moreover, it raises an important question about the nature of the movement: to what extent is the Islamic Movement a political Islam movement, and whether it has abandoned the basic goals of political Islam for the sake of becoming a democratic Islamic party? This article will provide significant insight into crucial aspects of the IM that have been previously overlooked. While being in a Zionist coalition gave hardly any latitude in decision making about policies, budgets were an attractive avenue for the Islamic Movement to guide public opinion and gain political support. The article comes during the ongoing war on Gaza, which will undoubtedly cast a shadow on the political climate and the political map in Israel in general and on the political work of Arab parties and the Islamic Movement in particular. Although it is too early to predict the impact of this war on the Islamic Movement and its political future, it can be assumed that the impact will be profound.

Political Islam and emancipatory politics: snapshots of Islamic liberation theology

ABSTRACT As a growing corpus of academic literature is taking notice of the plural geographies and trajectories of liberation theologies across diverse faith traditions, inquiries into the relationship between political Islam and liberative praxis are garnering renewed attention. Some scholars, casting doubt on the possibility of an Islamic liberation theology (ILT), have regarded political Islam as being devoid of liberative potential. Others, designating Islamism as the Muslim equivalent of liberation theology, have argued the emancipatory potential of Islamic political theology came to an end with the rise of fanatical renditions of Islamist militancy. Challenging these narratives, this article contributes to a recent stream of scholarship which tracks the historical and ongoing articulation of an ILT that overlaps with but is irreducible to Islamism. The article defines ILT as a manner of Islamic political theology that came into being in the context of the global emergence of liberation theologies, and one whose commitment to liberative praxis is anchored in a humanist and anti-oppression interpretation of Islamic precepts.

Populism, post-Marxism and Iran: an essay towards a decolonization of knowledge

This essay is an exposition of the philosophy of populism, a philosophy by and large inspired by Michel Foucault to herald the New Discourse called ‘post-Marxism' a term made famous by Ernesto Laclau and Chantal Mouffe which would lay the foundations for not so much the secular New Social Movements comprising multiple issues like gay rights and environment, but ironically would be an apologia for right-wing populist movements based on messianic theologies. It claims that while post-Marxism wanted to jump over Marxism, in actuality it became partner to radical messianic politics as in the case of Foucault's ardent support for radical Shiite Islam in Iran. This essay concentrates on the theory of populism and connects it to the politics of messianism in Iran claiming that these theories of populism are theories created in Western universities comprising Eurocentric ideas based on the uncanny combination of the theory of the ‘essential spiritualism of Asia' and ‘biopolitics'. This essay claims that the contemporary politics of Shiite Islam in Iran have less to do with the internal history of Iran, and more to do with a form of ‘manufactured Islam' where Islamic radicals picked up Ali Shariati's existential rendering of ‘authenticity’ as jihad and martyrdom (shahadat) in order to mobilize the masses first against the shah and then in the bloody war against Iraq. It argues for a decolonization of knowledge that leads to the decoupling of the nineteenth and twentieth century European ideas of spiritualism and biopolitics in order that one is able to see non-Western societies as they are and not as they are imagined by Orientalist scholarship.

Comforters And Pacifiers As Political Tactics Of American Imperialism For Greater Middle East Project

A pacifier is a smooth rubber or plastic object that is given to a baby to suck on to comfort it and make it stop crying. A comforter is someone or something who or something that helps you or the baby feel less worried, upset, or frightened (Britannica). This article draws attention to using a comforter or pacifier in political science, apart from these dictionary meanings or definitions. Countries use these tactics in both domestic and foreign policy tactics to control and calm the reactions of their voters or the people of other rival countries. As far as is known, these terms are described for the first time in the political science literature. This article examines pacifying or comforting tactics in light of the policies implemented by imperialists in Turkey. The issue is discussed with the example of pacifying and soothing policies pursued regionally within the framework of the American Greater Middle East Project and how Political Islam, strengthened and implemented in Turkey, is explained in these tactics. Preventing the immediate, total, and effective opposition of the world’s people to the Palestine Genocide committed by Israel in our century could only be softened by pacifying and comforting international policy tactics. This is precisely what American Imperialism is doing.

Saudi Arabia, the UAE and Qatar’s Quest for Power in the Arab Gulf: Role of Ideational Factors and Economic Rivalry in Diverging Foreign Policy Choices

In a quest to emerge as the Arab Gulf’s ‘Top Gun’, Saudi Arabia and the United Arab Emirates are striving to maintain a balance of power while simultaneously making concerted efforts at curbing Qatar’s political and strategic outreach in the region. Riyadh and Abu Dhabi, two major Arab powers, often depict synchronicity in their foreign policies but Saudi’s reluctance to relinquish its status of dominance and the underlying quest for an influential political and economic position have turned Riyadh and Abu Dhabi, into rival allies, opting for diverging foreign policy choices in the Middle East and abroad. Pursuing a bold and unconventional foreign policy in the region, Qatar’s linkages with regional militias, its close proximity to Turkey, Iran and the Muslim Brotherhood are the significant drivers of its approach to regional politics. The contrasting policies of Abu Dhabi and Doha towards the Muslim Brotherhood, the role of political Islam and cross-culturalism in the Arab World have long served as the bone of contention. However, depicting a pacifist stance towards political Islam, the Saudi-Qatar rivalry is mostly strategic in nature. This paper adopts a comparative approach to understand the foreign policy choices, influencing the behavioral patterns of the three contending actors in the Gulf. Drawing upon the role of ideational factors, strategic aspirations and the role of external actors namely the U.S., Turkey, and Iran, the purpose of this paper is to analyze the persisting security dilemma and the quest for relative gains among Riyadh, Abu Dhabi and Doha driven by the notion of security and survival in an anarchic international system.

The transformation of the discourse on secularism/the civil state in arab academic writings post arab spring

Since the start of the Arab Spring, no topic has been more polarizing to elites than secularism, the civil state, and political Islam. In this article, I will analyze the academic literature written by researchers and sometimes political activists in journals published in the Arab world on this topic. I will conduct a quantitative (bibliometric) and qualitative analysis of this literature (149 articles), in order to try to answer the following questions: To which extent is there interest in these topics in academic journals? How did these writers address the topic of secularism or the civil state? How do leftist/secular/liberal trends on the one hand and Islamic trends on the other interact with the issue of secularism? What type of journals are these?

Фальсафа и эвиденциализм. Рецензия на: Booth A. Analytic Islamic Philosophy. New York & London: Palgrave Macmillan, 2018. 222 p.

This article discusses Anthony Booth’s book “Analytic Islamic Philosophy”. This book is an introduction to Islamic philosophy, from its origin in the Middle Ages to its contemporary forms. A. Booth uses the language and conceptual apparatus of contemporary analytic philosophy in his exegesis, thereby attempting to bring the legacy of Islamic philosophy into focus. The central theme of the book is an evidentialistic interpretation of the special epistemic status of the prophet. The main figures of Medieval Islamic philosophy — al-Kindī, al-Fārābī, Ibn Sīnā, al-Ġazālī, Ibn Rušd — are presented in chronologically order, together with an introduction to the basic themes of Islamic theology and the Greek philosophical tradition. The book then briefly introduces what the author calls “pre-modern” figures, including al-Suhrawardī, Mullā Ṣadrā and Ibn Taymiyyah, and all these thinkers, along with their medieval predecessors, are presented as forerunners to the more modern incarnation of Islamic philosophy, Political Islam. I question A. Booth’s use of the Cliffordian evidentialism (based on famous Clifford’s Principle) to analysis of the central problem. Firstly, this kind of evidentialism is very outdated and cannot in any way be regarded as a concept of contemporary analytic philosophy. Secondly, it is not immune to the objection from doxastic limits, which Booth does not mention. This objection, however, opens up new possibilities for analysis of the evidentialism and new hermeneutic ways of interpreting concepts of prophetic knowledge in the Islamic philosophical tradition. Thirdly, Booth’s analysis can be much more adequately conducted not by introducing many different kinds of evidentialism, but rather by the concept of doxastic practices. In the conclusion I consider the question in what ways contemporary analytic philosophy can be useful for the history of philosophy.

Revisiting post-Islamism a decade after the Arab Spring

The Arab Spring uprisings marked a watershed moment in regional politics, significantly impacting Islamist movements in terms of strategies, ideologies, and organizational structures. Accordingly, this paper examines whether these dramatic events strengthened or weakened the post-Islamist evolution of traditional political Islam movements, focusing on the Egyptian Muslim Brotherhood (E-MB) and the Tunisian Ennahda Movement Party (EMP) as case studies. The proposed hypothesis is that the Arab Spring has variably influenced Islamists. In Egypt, it initially weakened the post-Islamist turn of the E-MB. However, owing to the 2013 coup and subsequent repression, the E-MB was politically excluded and weakened, creating a vacuum that was filled by various forms of less political or non-ideological forms of Islamic activism. The Tunisian Islamists had a different story. The Arab Spring seems to have strengthened their transition to post-Islamism. In its tenth conference, the EMP declared its exit from political Islam, adopting the new concept of Muslim Democracy. Even after the presidential takeover in July 2021, which resulted in the political exclusion of the EMP, the Work and Achievement party that defected from it maintained clear post-Islamist features.

Perspectives on Modern Islamist Political Theology

This paper addresses the notion of political theology by way of accounting for modern manifestations of transnational Islamism with a particular emphasis on the establishment of theocratic rule through the contemporary political spheres of praxis in Twelver-Shiism (Shīʿa Ithnā-ʿAsharīyya). This is undertaken by way of giving some principal highlights concerning the conceptual aspects that can be accounted for from the standpoint of political theology in the broad context of Islamist fundamentalist movements. A more detailed focus is also presented in this context on the eschatology that underpins the theocracy of contemporary Twelver-Shiism in terms of its religious outlooks on history, and the conduct of its communal affairs along with the organization of its associated politicized institutions.

Political Islam and Secularism (Turkey as a Model)


 
 
 
 The study explores the intersection of "political Islam" and secularism, with a particular focus on Turkey as a model. Influenced by its historical legacy and cultural diversity, Turkey's social and political landscape provides a compelling case study for understanding the complex dynamics between political Islam and secularism. This introduction highlights the importance of studying this topic, defines the problem of the study, summarizes the purpose of the study, describes the approach taken, and gives an overview of the structure of the study.
 The study adopts an interdisciplinary approach, incorporating elements from political science, history, sociology, and cultural studies. Uses qualitative study methods such as archival analysis, in-depth interviews, and literature review to collect and analyze data. By combining these approaches, the study seeks to provide a comprehensive understanding of the interaction between political Islam and secularism in Turkey.
 The study is divided into sections covering the concept of political Islam, the meaning of secularism, Turkey’s unique position between secularism and political Islam, and a synthesis of the main findings and ideas. Through its analysis, the study contributes to broader discussions about the compatibility of religious and secular ideologies in diverse societies, offering implications for both Turkey and other societies grappling with the challenges posed by political Islam and secularism.
 
 
 

Islamism and Jihad: The Problem With Western Taxonomies

Explaining the confusing classification of 'political Islam' as Islamism/Jihad, I argue that this classification is epistemologically grounded in 1) Christian morality, 2) political secularism, and 3) modern ideologism. I contrast this epistemology to an Islamic-friendly epistemology, framed by a specific theory of meaning, a priority of historical cases over abstract principles in determining the correct action, and a priority of the apparent action in deciding its rule legally over any internal intention or implied subjectivity. Following this discussion, I propose and introduce four legal concepts that traditionally articulate Muslims’ political protest: 1) jihad, 2) khurūj, 3) qitāl al-fitnah, and 4) naṣīḥah. Contrasting this legal classification against the conventional Islamism/Jihad classification, I explain the advantages of using Islamic-friendly concepts to understand and frame Muslims’ political protest. I also explain that these four concepts are essentially neither good nor evil, neither true nor false. They are rooted neither in ideology nor in morality. They are legal concepts where each one of them can be ruled, depending on a specific historical situation, as wājib, mustaḥab, mubāḥ, makrūh, or ḥarām.

The Political Philosophy of Allama Iqbal and Its Impacts on Muslim Politics in South Asia during 20th Century

TThis is an analytical study about the political role of Allama Iqbal. The paper primarily deals with the contribution of Iqbal as a poet and how his poetry influenced on the Muslims of India to aware them against the colonial masters. In the context of Muslims’ awareness Iqbal tried his best and though his poetry he urged passion of independence for the Muslim. In his early carrier he was the propagator of Indian nationalism but soon he became the great supporter of Muslim’s nationalism. As a philosopher poet what type of role he played for the freedom of Indian Muslims as the theme of this study and how Allama Muhammad Iqbal worked for the freedom movement is debatable? Although the political contribution of Allama Muhammad Iqbal always considered marvelous during the freedom movement. As a poet his political philosophy had strongly influenced on the Muslims of Subcontinent as he had a profound political insight and had a great connection with the pulse of the nation as he said in Javed-Namma that a poet is like a heart in the nation and without a poet the nation is like a heap of the clay. [i] Iqbal as a political poet emphasis the unification of Muslims and his mind produced first time the idea of a Separate state for the Muslims of subcontinent. He traced the idea of Pakistan as a most rare political event of history. Through his address 1930 at Allaabad, he planted the seed with the ambiguous idea. He died before the emergence of Pakistan but as a poet the construction of Muslim polity on Islamic unity and solidarity in India. When we look Iqbal as political leader it is very clear that Iqbal was a reformer, poet and philosopher. He used poetry and philosophy together to achieve the political goals. As a political poet, he knew that success in achieving goals is not possible without understanding the mood of the nation. Due to his guidance the nation moved forward and the dream of Pakistan was embarrassingly realized. This paper highlights Iqbal as a political philosopher during the freedom movement of Pakistan.

Ideas, Politics, and The Making of Muslim Democracy: An Historical Trajectory in Indonesia

Debates regarding the compatibility of Islam and democracy have thrived, with a focus on political moderation and post-Islamism to explain changes among Islamist groups. However, there’s been little exploration into the historical evolution of their ideologies and political preferences in religious politics. This study examines the role of ideas and politics within Muslim organizations, political parties, and the state in Indonesia. It emphasizes the mechanisms behind both ideology and political motivations, showing how political Islam adopted pragmatic behaviour before entering democratic politics. The interaction between the ideological renewals of Muslim thinkers in the 1970s and changes in the state’s institutional arrangement under the New Order drove Islamic transformation. Political institutions shape Islamic political ideas and their manifestation, influencing cultural identity, political mobilization, and negotiation of group claims. Muslim leadership acts as agents in defining religious interests based on institutional markers.

The Transition from Nationalism to Islamism in Iran’s Foreign Policy

The 1979 Iranian Revolution is a multifaceted phenomenon with intricate causes, complex evolution and far-reaching outcomes. Rooted in the Constitutional Revolution of the early 20th century and the rise to power of the Ayatollahs, its beginnings are distinct but interconnected. Unlike many revolutions of the 20th century, the 1979 Iranian Revolution was a departure from the socialist or communist model and manifested itself as a revolt against both Western and Eastern systems, with unique outcomes. The 1979 Revolution shook a traditional and established order and paved the way for the rise of Islamism within a new political framework. This ideology, like its predecessors, adopted a singular leadership based on religious doctrine. To differentiate itself from global and regional powers and focus on its unique revolution, the Iranian regime shaped a foreign policy summarized by the slogan “neither East nor West, the Islamic Republic” and aimed to export this ideology globally. The policy focused primarily on political and ideological interests, resulting in permanent sanctions imposed by the United States. This economic aspect contributes to the changes in Iran’s foreign policy towards the United States, from pre-revolutionary Persian nationalism to post-Revolutionary political Islam, emphasizing its strength and adaptability in the face of external pressures.