Islamic Parties Research Articles

Islam dalam Politik Indonesia

One of the important political dynamics of the Soeharto administration was the question of the activeness of scholars in Indonesia's practical political activities. This study shows that the emergence of ulama who actively participated in politics and in the Islamic party at that time namely the United Development Party (PPP) was not only interpreted as a face of political expression of Muslims but also as a large colonization of the current regime against the political aspirations of Indonesian Muslims. PPP was raised by the New Order regime as part of the politics of colonization as well as maximizing the existence of Golkar as a silencer for Islamic political groups. The existence of Golkar during the New Order did not only act as a force for the interests of the New Order but also became a reliable communicator in the practice of national politics. Islamic political discourse on various issues of development and unity has always been reduced by the government for the sake of the solid political legitimacy of the New Order government.

An Unhappy Return: What the Iraqi Islamic Party Gave Up to Gain Power

The Iraqi Islamic Party (IIP) has played a significant role in shaping Iraq’s political process. For a time, it was the de facto representative of Iraq’s Arab Sunni community after the U.S.-led invasion in 2003. However, the IIP has also fallen victim to the complexity of Iraqi Sunni politics and to the pitfalls of functioning in an increasingly polarized ethnosectarian environment. Unlike most other Sunni organizations, the IIP did not endorse armed resistance against the U.S.-led occupation and maintained good relations with its Shia and Kurdish counterparts. This facilitated the IIP’s role in governing Iraq (albeit secondary to leading Shia parties). Yet the party paid a price, even before its significant decline among Sunnis in the May 2018 elections, because it failed to deliver on promises of services and security. The IIP has demonstrated resilience, but unless it can increase its popularity, it is unlikely to regain a meaningful role in governing Iraq. https://carnegie-mec.org/2018/11/19/unhappy-return-what-iraqi-islamic-party-gave-up-to-gain-power-pub-77747

PERKEMBANGAN ISLAM DI INDONESIA ERA REFORMASI

Islam in Indonesia has existed since in the 7th and became more widespread in the 13th. The success of Islam spread in Indonesia including the most dynamic with the method of cultural and political da'wah. Since the era of independence, Islam has grown rapidly. This paper aims to examine the existence of Islam in Indonesia today, with a review before the reform era and after reform. The Islamic movement can be said to be very influential on Indonesia's independence. This is evident from the role of Islamic organizations and parties. Despite its dominant influence, Islam did not become the official ideology of the Indonesian state after independence, as in the events of the Jakarta Charter, Islamic leaders preferred Pancasila as the principle of a pluralistic state. Uniquely, despite the predominantly Muslim population, Islam is not formally exposed in the system of government. After the Reform Era, many new Islamic parties and organizations were established. In Islamic conception, in general, reform is understood as ishlāh, which is in the ushul fiqh rules "keeping something good from the old and taking on the better of the new." Therefore, Islamic leaders are required to observe the global situation and its influence on Indonesia. Post reform also emerged a variety of radical Islamic organizations, terrorism, and movements that demand the implementation of Islamic law in all forms of order carried by certain Islamic movements, such as Hizbut Tahrir Indonesia and others. These problems make Islam a very sensitive issue: claims against Muslim representation, blasphemy, exclusivity and confusion between religion and politics without criticism. Such conditions precisely complicate the development of Islam in Indonesia that should consolidate and strengthen the interests of Islam. Furthermore, this condition is exacerbated also by the emergence of politicization and commercialization of Islamic identity in the context of da'wah, education and public media.

SEJARAH PERKEMBANGAN ISLAM DI TURKI

Over the hundreds of years, Islam have been growing rapidly in Turkey. Although the majority of its people are Muslims, in its development, Turkey became a republic with a secular democratic state system. In this paper will be reviewed the history of Islamic development in Turkey, including developments in the reform era that makes Turkey as it is today, the country that constructs Islam as a rational and scientific religion.The history of Turkey is divided into five periods. The first period, ie in 1299-1402, begins with the founding of the Ottoman empire. The Second Period, 1402-1566, is marked by royal restoration. The third period, 1566- 1699, was marked by the Ottoman ability to defend its territory. The fourth period, the year 1699-1838, marked degan gradually subside of the kingdom then experience more progress. The fifth period, 1839-1922, was marked by a cultural revival and Turkey became a republic, and it was no longer a system of government based on empire, dynasty, or caliphate as it had been for centuries. Mustafa Kemal established Turkey as a secular modern state based on its disappointment with the previous Caliphate system. In the latter period also called the contemporary era, although acknowledged as a secular republic, the Turkish government supports the implementation of Friday prayers in the mosque as a form of social discipline. Likewise, fasting to build patience and patience, and paying zakat encourages one's generosity, the birth of Islamic parties; moral enforcement and social justice; banning polygamy and divorce decisions must be made in court; equal rights of women and men in education, work, and in politics—in 1934 women were given the right to be nominated in national elections.

The Islamist Factor in Malaysia’s Fourteenth General Election

ABSTRACTMalaysia’s 14th general election witnessed three different yet related Islamist models offered by three competing coalitions, namely the Barisan Nasional (BN) headed by Prime Minister Najib Razak, the Pakatan Harapan (PH) led by former Premier Dr Mahathir Mohamad, and the Gagasan Sejahtera led by Haji Abdul Hadi Awang of the Pan-Malaysian Islamic Party (PAS). All three offered their own visions of Islamism with varying levels and types of inclusivity of non-Muslims as part of a Muslim-led body politic. As it turned out, no choice was totally rejected. Although nationally Malaysians voted to end BN’s 61-year rule in favour of the more ethnically diverse PH, the states of Pahang and Perlis retained loyalty to BN, while Kelantan and Terengganu chose a PAS-governed administration. Amidst national debates concerning corruption and abuse of power, different conceptions of Islamist statecraft retained significance as the electorate went to the polls on 9 May 2018, and this is analysed in the present article.

Harakat Mujtama’ al-Silm: Democratic learning in Algeria

Abstract The article compares and contrasts the discourses and contexts of democracy in Algeria since the electoral processes of the late 1980s and early 1990s. The aim is to understand how rapidly changing acceptance of democratic norms is managed in media interaction and more formal academic expressions, linking this to new political and religious cultures that accepts democracy. This discussion provides opportunities for the study of moderate political Islam. Thus, the article looks at empirical evidence from Algeria’s Movement for Society and Peace’s (MSP) new forms of interpreting democracy and practicing it within this Islamist party that has had MPs in the National Assembly since the cessation of civil war in the late 1990s. The article argues that Algeria’s moderate Islamists appear to have undergone important transformations at the level of ideas and practices, specifically with respect to civic values. In so doing, this Islamist party has attempted to widen its political appeal to voters, through ideas that view democracy and Islam as compatible.

Islamism in Malaysian Politics: The Splintering of the Islamic Party of Malaysia (PAS) and the Spread of Progressive Ideas

This paper argues that the splintering of Parti Islam Se-Malaysia (PAS) was due to an internal ideological and political battle between conservatives and progressives in PAS. The battle between the two schools traces back to the early 1900s and the debate between the Kaum Muda and Kaum Tua. This paper focuses on the important events and past leaders that shaped PAS into a nationalist-conservative movement with an authoritarian leadership. In 2015, progressive PAS leaders left to form Parti Amanah Negara (AMANAH) as an alternative, ideologically different Islamist Party. The split prompted a growth of interest in Islamist progressive ideas beyond the realm of political parties, with more public discourses taking place at all layers of society, including amongst intellectuals and various organisations, such as civil societies and publication houses.

The Evolving Interplay between Islam and Politics: From Islamist to Islamic Democrat

Islam is unique in its relationship with politics. It plays a vital role in politics and governance, initially under the Rashidun and subsequently in many Muslim empires. The collapse of the Ottoman caliphate in 1924 and the process of decolonisation which started in the mid-twentieth-century led to the start of many Islamic political movements in newly independent Muslim countries. These movements now sit at a critical juncture, with Muslims around the world being polarised around two political extremes. On the one hand, we have Islamic radical groups like ISIS and al-Qaeda, while on the other hand we have secular parties which do not see any role for Islam in politics and governance in Muslim countries. In response, many traditional Islamist parties are now evolving into Muslim democratic parties. Unlike Islamists, Muslim democrats take a more inclusive approach, preferring to integrate Islamic religious values into political platforms designed to win regular democratic elections. The Ennahda Party of Tunisia is one Muslim party that reflects this evolution. R. Ghannouchi, who outlined Ennahdas transition, has argued that Tunisians today are less concerned about Islamisation or secularisationthan with building a democratic government that is inclusive and meets their aspirations for a better life. This paper is an attempt to investigate this shift and its consequences for Islamism across the Muslim world.

Islamist parties and foreign policy in North Africa: bridging ideology and pragmatism

ABSTRACTIslamist political parties rose to lead governments in three North African countries after the 2010–11 Arab Spring: Ennahda in Tunisia, the Justice and Development Party (PJD) in Morocco, and the Freedom and Justice Party (FJP) in Egypt. While sharing many similarities with non-Islamist parties, these parties brought unique ideological and identity preferences to both domestic and foreign policy. With respect to foreign policy, these included a preference for strengthening foreign relationships within the Islamic world, a preference for indigenous solutions over ‘colonial’ ones, and a willingness to fight for ‘just causes’ at the expense of strategic relationships or traditional alliances. These preferences were significantly constrained in practice, however, leading Islamist parties to pursue much more traditional foreign policies than some had initially projected. The foreign policy pursued by governing Islamist parties resulted from a mixture of ideological preferences and institutional constraints. These constraints emerged from the domestic institutional context faced by ruling parties (such as governing coalitions and hybrid regimes), from international pressures, and also from a path to election that created internal party norms that favoured the status quo. As illustrated by three North African cases, Islamist parties in government must inevitably walk the line between ideology and pragmatism as they try to translate the ideals that served them well in political opposition to the realities of the global stage.

Aspiring to the ‘gatekeeper role’ in the realm of foreign policy? The North African Ministry of Foreign Affairs in the Arab Spring era

ABSTRACTThis article explores the evolving foreign policy roles played by the Ministry of Foreign Affairs in Algeria, Egypt, Libya, Morocco, and Tunisia, by drawing on a unique data set of diplomatic data, interviews and field research, and a small, largely case study-oriented literature. The results demonstrate that North Africa is unique as a region due to the fact that all five North African countries maintain ‘high’ levels of diplomatic representation (i.e. more than forty-five embassies maintained abroad), and that these embassy networks have grown and diversified throughout the contemporary independence era, including during the Arab Spring. This is principally due to economic power and cultural history; neither a country’s size, regime type, nor transition to democracy appear to matter. Second, the foreign policy role played by the Ministry of Foreign Affairs throughout North Africa has ebbed and flowed during the last sixty-seven years (1951–2018), including during the Arab Spring. The evolution of foreign policy influence is the result of a number of factors, including regime type, the stability (i.e. turn-over rate) of the office of the Minister of Foreign Affairs, and the rise and decline of other government institutions and especially other bureaucracies. Of particular importance is the relationship of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs to the economic affairs bureaucracies, the Ministry of Defense and the military establishment more broadly, and the assumption of power by moderate Islamist parties.

MANAGEMENT OF “AKAD MURABAHAH” ON SUBSIDIZED HOUSING FINANCING IN THE BRANCH OFFICE OF “BANK TABUNGAN NEGARA (BTN) SHARIA” IN BATAM

One type of bank product is a mainstay now is the form of offering financing products Ownership Subsidized Housing, And needs of the community, especially the lower middle-class society will be the availability of housing that is habitable is a primary need that can not be rejected again. For that form of mortgage financing for most people is the best solution. However, a problem arises where there has been much disagreement on the principles of sharia. In other words, in the have a “muamalah” activities should use the provisions in force in the field of Islamic law. The provisions of Islamic law governing the movements between the man known as the principles of sharia have an essential role in the economic life of society. The purpose of which is to meet community needs for housing or decent housing. The manifestation of professionalism shown by the Branch Office “muamalah” in Batam achieve it best category award in the realization of Subsidized Housing Nasional. Bank level BTN Sharia also always provide the best service to its customers, which one of them through subsidized homeownership financing in sharia and always follow legislation in force. Based on the analysis and the previous discussion, the following authors put forward some conclusions as follows: a. The need for residential facilities is essential for all Indonesian citizens without feathers . By of view because it is the muamalahtake on this important role as a pioneer of home finance is subsidized. All that aims to provide a sense of justice and improve the welfare of society. b. In the subsidized homeownership financing in Islamic Party muamalahBranch Office of Batam and the recipient of the funding first, make “wakalah” which stated that the client authorizes the bank to build a home purchase subsidy desirable customers. Then in use “wakalah”, and the bank buys the house from the developer. After the purchase of the house and then the banks did purchase contract to the customer at the selling price agreed upon after the added margin (profit) bank. This is what is called a transaction “Murabahah”. Then customers pay the installments corresponding periods in multi separate.Transaksi this contract are allowed by the National Sharia Board fatwa Indonesian Ulema Council with the provisions of Indo- No.10/DSN-MUI /IV/ 2000 on “wakalah”. In the implementation of the financing agreement are carried out by the “muamalah” Branch Office with the recipient Batam financing problems may occur. Problems or problematic were generally occurred because of the faith that is not good from the receiving party financing. Said that because the “muamalah” Branch Office will hold a time Batam financing agreement has been briefed in detail the contents of the contract is communicated to the recipient of financing. The problems that occurred in the implementation of “Murabahah” in subsidized homeownership financing in sharia at the muamalah Branch Office (BTN) Sharia in Batam generally consist of two (2) types, namely: a. Recipients of subsidized home ownership financing by sharia late paying the installments that exceed the agreed time limit. b. Rececier subsidized home ownership financing by sharia are unable to pay the number of episodes as agreed.Keywords: Management, Akad Murabahah, Subsidized Housing, Sharia Bank.

Inclusion-moderation or political opportunity? Lessons from the case of Parti Islam Se-Malaysia (Pan-Malaysian Islamic Party, PAS)

ABSTRACTMuch of the recent literature on the inclusion-moderation thesis revolves around Islamist political parties. This paper contends that the case of Parti-Islam Se-Malaysia (Pan-Malaysian Islamic Party) is instructive in this regard. I argue that political opportunity is what decides whether a party would adopt more ‘moderate’ tendencies, not its mere inclusion in the electoral system. PAS’ raison d’etre was initially based on campaigning for an Islamic State. Subsequently, when it was in a coalition with two other secular parties, it began espousing the concept of a 'Benevolent State'. When the alliance eventually failed, PAS reverted to calls for an Islamic polity. PAS’ ideological commitment to an 'Islamic state' was dependent on political opportunities. This study argues for a more nuanced understanding of the trajectories of Islamist parties.

The Role of Women in Tunisia from Bourguiba to the Promulgation of New Constitution

Abstract The question of women became one of those fundamental issues used by North African nations in order to demonstrate to Western countries just how “democratic” they were. In this regard, the legislation in favour of women’s emancipation in Tunisia undoubtedly reveals an important peculiarity. In 1956 Tunisia underwent an important modernisation following the independence obtained from France. This produced a social emancipation not found in other Islamic countries, resulting in the acquisition of women’s rights, for example, the abolition of polygamy. Since the 1970s, women have felt as if they are hostages to politics and, through some feminist associations, denounce inequalities despite enjoying certain rights, becoming aware of their subordination in a male-dominated society. With Bourguiba’s successor, Ben ʿAlī, assuming power in 1987, a policy emerged in which the rights of women seemed to be guaranteed, without guaranteeing human rights. And Tunisia revealed, much like other countries, a sort of mutilated modernity, in which the modernisation process was put in motion, without the modernising state committing itself to promoting a political modernity with the adoption of true democratic principles. Moreover, how much did the secularism of the Ben ʿAlī regime coincide with the transformation of Tunisian society? Perhaps the abuse of power by the dictator neutralised the paradigm of human rights? Social and cultural transformation beginning with Bourguiba and continuing with Ben ʿAlī produced an “Islamic-secular” country also as it relates to gender issues. But, with the victory of the Islamic party al-Nahḍayn the 2011 elections, will there be a radical transformation of women in society? And with Tunisia’s new constitution finally being adopted in January 2014, has it been considered a victory for women? This paper seeks to stimulate debate on the issue in the context of post-colonial studies through a social-historical perspective.

Perkembangan Islam di Indonesia Era Reformasi

Islam in Indonesia has existed since in the 7th and became more widespread in the 13th. The success of Islam spread in Indonesia including the most dynamic with the method of cultural and political da'wah. Since the era of independence, Islam has grown rapidly. This paper aims to examine the existence of Islam in Indonesia today, with a review before the reform era and after reform. The Islamic movement can be said to be very influential on Indonesia's independence. This is evident from the role of Islamic organizations and parties. Despite its dominant influence, Islam did not become the official ideology of the Indonesian state after independence, as in the events of the Jakarta Charter, Islamic leaders preferred Pancasila as the principle of a pluralistic state. Uniquely, despite the predominantly Muslim population, Islam is not formally exposed in the system of government. After the Reform Era, many new Islamic parties and organizations were established. In Islamic conception, in general, reform is understood as ishlāh, which is in the ushul fiqh rules "keeping something good from the old and taking on the better of the new." Therefore, Islamic leaders are required to observe the global situation and its influence on Indonesia. Post reform also emerged a variety of radical Islamic organizations, terrorism, and movements that demand the implementation of Islamic law in all forms of order carried by certain Islamic movements, such as Hizbut Tahrir Indonesia and others. These problems make Islam a very sensitive issue: claims against Muslim representation, blasphemy, exclusivity and confusion between religion and politics without criticism. Such conditions precisely complicate the development of Islam in Indonesia that should consolidate and strengthen the interests of Islam. Furthermore, this condition is exacerbated also by the emergence of politicization and commercialization of Islamic identity in the context of da'wah, education and public media

Sejarah Perkembangan Islam di Turki

Over the hundreds of years, Islam have been growing rapidly in Turkey. Although the majority of its people are Muslims, in its development, Turkey became a republic with a secular democratic state system. In this paper will be reviewed the history of Islamic development in Turkey, including developments in the reform era that makes Turkey as it is today, the country that constructs Islam as a rational and scientific religion.The history of Turkey is divided into five periods. The first period, ie in 1299-1402, begins with the founding of the Ottoman empire. The Second Period, 1402-1566, is marked by royal restoration. The third period, 1566- 1699, was marked by the Ottoman ability to defend its territory. The fourth period, the year 1699-1838, marked degan gradually subside of the kingdom then experience more progress. The fifth period, 1839-1922, was marked by a cultural revival and Turkey became a republic, and it was no longer a system of government based on empire, dynasty, or caliphate as it had been for centuries. Mustafa Kemal established Turkey as a secular modern state based on its disappointment with the previous Caliphate system. In the latter period also called the contemporary era, although acknowledged as a secular republic, the Turkish government supports the implementation of Friday prayers in the mosque as a form of social discipline. Likewise, fasting to build patience and patience, and paying zakat encourages one's generosity, the birth of Islamic parties; moral enforcement and social justice; banning polygamy and divorce decisions must be made in court; equal rights of women and men in education, work, and in politics—in 1934 women were given the right to be nominated in national elections.

Islamist Third Worldism in Turkey: Erbakan's National Outlook (Milli Gorus) Movement

In the Republican Era, the Kemalists have consciously disfavor of Turkish Islam by creating alternative narratives and institutions. The Republican narratives always disfavor tarikats, sufi orders which may potentially be close to the people. Instead, the Kemalists have developed alternative narrative which prioritize state Islam and alternative institution which is the Directorate of Religious AffairsThe members or potential members of sufi orders have embraced the state Islam of which could provide more security and protection within the society. The Khalidi branch of the Nakhsbandi has been the most politically engaged of the brotherhoods, whose debut in national politics was led by Sheikh Mehmed Zahid Kotku (1897-1980) who preached that it was the duty of observant Muslims to take an active interest in national affairs. The first prominent Islamist party in Republican Turkey, the National Order Party (Milli Nizam Partisi, MNP) (1970-71), and the National Salvation Party (Milli Selamet Partisi, MSP) (1972-81) were established through his promotion and support and he had supervised their activities. Erbakan’s Islamist movement is known as Milli Gorus (National View or Outlook) that embraced a set of aspiring yet ambiguous references to the Ottoman past, and directed criticism against “cosmopolitanism” as opposed to the “national.” Here, nationalism, a primary motto of the secular Turkish Republic, promoted as religio-nationalism by Erbakan’s parties, was not an obstacle but a shared feeling of pride — first “Ottoman” then “Turkish” — that had been building since Abdulhamid II. Erbakan’s intellectual sources and industrial connections to the Anatolian middle-sized conservative capitalists brought about an interesting amalgam of traditional Sunni-based Islamic culture and Sufi worldview embedded within a developmentalist discourse.

When Islamists Lose: The Politicization of Tunisia's Ennahda Movement

This article is a case study of how Tunisia's Islamist party, the Ennahda Movement, responded to new political opportunities that opened up after the 2011 Arab uprisings. It argues that Ennahda chose to make a hard-to-reverse commitment to politicization in the pursuit of electoral legitimacy, as protection from repression, and for fear of marginalization. The article demonstrates how the context of a democratic transition exposed internal debates within the movement over ideology, strategy, and organizational structure, ultimately dislocating the relationship between political ambitions and the religious social movement.

DAKWAH FARDIYAH MELALUI PERNIKAHAN SECARA ISLAM PADA MASYARAKAT SAMIN (SEDULUR SIKEP) DI DUSUN BOMBONG DESA BATUREJO KECAMATAN SUKOLILO KABUPATEN PATI

<p><em>This study is a qualitative research that aims to describe and explain the customary marriage of the Islamic Society of Samin and the analysis of da'wah fardiyah to the Islamic marriage of Samin (Sedulur Sikep) community in Bombong Village Baturejo Village Sukolilo District Pati Regency. This type of research is a qualitative research. The source of research data is the marriage perpetrators of Islam between the Samin community and Muslims, the head of the Office of Religious Affairs (KUA) and the wife of one of the Samin community elders. Methods of data collection using interviews, observation, and documentation. Methods of data analysis using Miles and Huberman model, including data reduction, display data, conclusion. The results showed that Islamic marriage Samin society consists of several stages of application, pengislaman / shahada, marriage ceremony and prayer. Da'wah fardiyah on the Samin community has a tendency of the Islamic party to be da'i in his family which is shown by his advice in daily activities to carry out the command of Allah in accordance with Islamic Shari'a.</em></p>

AKP, the Arab Spring and the Unravelling of the Turkey ‘Model’

The rise of the Adalet ve Kalkınma Partisi (AKP), its domestic and foreign policy successes and its early response to the Arab Spring made it popular in the Arab world. Many inside Turkey, the US and the Arab world saw the AKP as an Islamist party with a difference, that could be a ‘model’ for the Arab countries struggling with a democratic deficit. The violent turn taken by the uprisings in Syria, Iraq and Egypt and the internal developments in Turkey that followed afterwards, however, exposed the limitations of the ‘model.’ This essay argues that Turkey cannot be a ‘model’ as it suffers from shortcomings, but it can offer some lessons for the Arab world.

Islamic Awakening and Its Role in Islamic Solidarity in Malaysia

The Islamic Awakening in Malaysia has brought about the consciousness of adopting and practicing the Islamic way of life. The process of implementing the principles of Islam is based on a gradual evolutionary process, rather than a drastic approach. Therefore, the selective implementation of Islamic law has been carried out relatively smoothly. For that reason, various institutions have been established ‒ such as, Islamic universities, Islamic banking and insurance companies, and other Islamic organizations and institutions. The case studies in this article related to Malaysia are: The Pan-Malaysian Islamic Party (PAS), Angkatan Belia Islam Malaysia – ABIM (Malaysian Islamic Youth Movement), and some Islamic institutions, which play important roles in the Islamic Awakening and solidarity in Malaysia. The PAS and ABIM are the prominent Islamic parties and movements, respectively, which can be regarded as the driving force behind the Islamic Awakening in Malaysia. Based on a tridimensional perspective ‒ that is, socioeconomic well-being and the strength of the expansion of Islamic education, and political stability ‒ this study highlights the accomplishment of Islamic Awakening in Malaysia.