Iroquois Research Articles

John Norton Reconsidered: Influence, Blood, and Belonging in the British Empire and Haudenosaunee Confederacy, 1786–1823

John Norton Reconsidered: Influence, Blood, and Belonging in the British Empire and Haudenosaunee Confederacy, 1786–1823

“It comes down to dealing with people”: A conversation with Brennen Ferguson, Haudenosaunee Confederacy

“It comes down to dealing with people”: A conversation with Brennen Ferguson, Haudenosaunee Confederacy

Stella Blum Grant Research Article

The Iroquois Indian Groups, a series of six life-size dioramas intended to represent different aspects of Hodinǫhsǫ́:nih (Haudenosaunee, formerly referred to as Iroquois in previous literature) lifeways, were installed at the New York State Museum (NYSM) from 1906 to 1917. The museum’s chief archaeologist and Hodinǫhsǫ́:nih descendant, Arthur C. Parker, supervised the development of the dioramas, but they were in actuality the result of a collaborative effort between the museum’s staff, non-Native artists, and Hodinǫhsǫ́:nih intellectuals. Hodinǫhsǫ́:nih women spent more than one thousand hours designing fashion and textile-related accessories for plaster casts from 1909 to 1915. The published record has, to date, erased these voices and contributions. The archival and material records, on the other hand, reveal the integral role Hodinǫhsǫ́:nih female designers had on the development of the Iroquois Indian Groups amid the museum’s attempts to regulate production.

Onondaga Lake as Sacred Space and Contested Space

Onondaga Lake, located in what is now Central New York, is the sacred place of the founding of the Haudenosaunee Confederacy. It is where the Peacemaker paddled his stone canoe and established the Great Law of Peace that has stood for centuries. In 1654 Simon Le Moyne, S. J. arrived on the shores of Onondaga Lake. In 1656 the French government, in accordance with the Christian Doctrine of Discovery, granted the Jesuits rights to the lake and the surrounding land, much prized for its abundant salt springs. They built a mission to lay claim to both the land and the souls who occupied it. It is this moment that sets off the contest for control of the lake and the history. The lake remains the sacred center of the Confederacy, which has survived despite attempts to eradicate it. The future of both is dependent on the recognition of its sacred status by those who have seen the lake as a source of profit and power as well as a convenient dumping ground. This is the story of that struggle.

Considering the Revolution

Considering the Revolution

Shé:kon yónnhe ne Kayanerekó:wa tahnon ka’nikonhrí:yo; Rotinonhsyóni wa’ontateri’wanontonhse’ tsi yontatekwenyénhstha’ raotiríhwa, 1924–1977 The Great Law of Peace is Still Alive and Well; the Haudenosaunee Confederacy Asked Them to Respect Their Business, 1924–1977

ABSTRACT This article examines the non-linear and often backwards development of universal human rights for Indigenous peoples in twentieth-century North America. It criticizes the failure of international bodies dedicated to upholding the so-called universal human right to self-determination in the wake of a Canadian military coup at Six Nations of the Grand River in 1924. By assessing the legal grounds upon which the Haudenosaunee Confederacy has repeatedly argued the need for international intervention, to both the League of Nations and the United Nations, the article asserts that international law has perpetually denied the Confederacy equal nationhood status on the world stage, despite meeting all recognized (and quasi-legal) criteria.

Race, Removal, and the Right to Remain: Migration and the Making of the United States by Samantha Seeley

Reviewed by: Race, Removal, and the Right to Remain: Migration and the Making of the United States by Samantha Seeley Alaina E. Roberts (bio) Race, Removal, and the Right to Remain: Migration and the Making of the United States. By Samantha Seeley. (Williamsburg, Va.: Omohundro Institute of Early American History and Culture; Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 2021. Pp. 368. Cloth, $34.95.) Historians have often traced the deliberate delineation of the American populace by analyzing the development of political or social rights in the United States. In Race, Removal, and the Right to Remain, Samantha Seeley adds to these two categories the trajectory of national removal policy. Seeley puts a welcome spin on the history of migration in North America by linking the historiographies of white western expansion, Native American history (intertribal power struggles, Euro-American invasion, and Native resistance), and African American history (colonization, Black homesteading, and legal petitions). She argues that removal, or refusal to move, was used by Native Americans and African Americans as ways to assert their identities as citizens (or their desires not to become such), express freedom and humanity, shift policy, and build community—even as white Americans attempted to use it, conversely, to “shape the racial geography of the nation” in an exclusionary manner (3). Rightfully laying bare the fallacy that forced Native American migration began in the so-called removal era, Seeley builds on the work of such scholars as Kathleen DuVal, John P. Bowes, Claudio Saunt, and Stuart Banner, among others, to demonstrate the long lineage of land cessions, theft, and violence that forced Native people out of their homes from the 1700s on. [End Page 566] The white Americans pressuring Native and Black people to move off their homelands or to not move to certain regions could be political leaders, but they also were everyday settlers using violence or the law. Furthermore, Seeley draws out the complexities in Native American movement. Native people, themselves, such as the Powhatan, the Haudenosaunee Confederacy, and the tribal alliance that precipitated Pontiac’s War, pursued efforts to control regions, peoples, and goods, often ending in the death, enslavement, and dispersal of Native women and men. Some of these power struggles were directly related to Euro-Americans, while others were not. The book is broken up into two parts, the first dedicated to Native American history and the second to African American history (though there is some overlap within). This is a stylistic choice that allows Seeley to provide breadth on each group’s interactions with the American settler state before bringing them together to emphasize their similarities and differences in her two concluding chapters. While I appreciated part 1, part 2 does the most work to not only prove Seeley’s argument, but also bring together scholarship that is not always thoughtfully connected. Native history is nearly always conceived in terms of movement, even if only with regard to the 1830 Removal Act. On the other hand, outside of the Great Migration, the importance and commonplace nature of Black movement still seemingly has not made its way into most mainstream histories of African America. Seeley offers a way to rectify this. We know, through the work of Manisha Sinha, Claude Clegg, and others, that the movements for abolition and colonization were complex; they included both African Americans who looked to emigration as the solution to issues of racism and economic opportunity and Black people who viewed staying in the United States as a right, if not a duty. Moreover, a number of books examine Black homesteading in the 1700s and early 1800s as a way of claiming rights and citizenship and of avoiding racism. Some recent works in this vein include Anna-Lisa Cox’s The Bone and Sinew of the Land: America’s Forgotten Black Pioneers and the Struggle for Equality (2018) and Kate Masur’s Until Justice Be Done: America’s First Civil Rights Movement, from the Revolution to Reconstruction (2021). Seeley’s analysis connects these two schools, while also broadening our view of the varied reasons African Americans saw place as an important facet of their identities, a source of protection, and something valuable enough to fight to...

Time of Anarchy: Indigenous Power and the Crisis of Colonialism in Early America by Matthew Kruer

From 1675 to 1685, Kruer argues in Time of Anarchy, a “tide of insurrection” swept across England’s North American colonies as frontier settler patriarchs, driven by a combination of conspiratorial fear and material danger, withdrew from the political compact of empire (3). The most significant catalyst for these popular revolts, Kruer compellingly demonstrates, was one of eastern North America’s least understood, and most sparingly documented, indigenous nations: the Susquehannock.The raiding of Susquehannocks in Maryland, Virginia, and Albemarle (North Carolina) wrought popular protest against colonial governments for failing to prevent or adequately respond to frontier violence. Confusion surrounding the identity of raiders, and the perception that government inaction was motivated by alignment with the interests of Native Americans generally over those of settlers, further encouraged conspiracies that imagined coalitions of tributary Algonquian nations, foreign enemies, and complicit oligarchs combined against white Protestant colonists. These conspiracies nourished rebellions—most notably Bacon’s Rebellion—that fomented violent acts of racial hatred against Natives. Such acts provoked further frontier bloodshed and generated a “feedback loop between Anglo-Indian violence and colonial crisis” that challenged central authority in colonial polities for a decade—the Time of Anarchy (201).Time of Anarchy is both an ethnohistory of the Susquehannock people and a political history of English North America in the Restoration era. The work succeeds marvellously in each aspect. The range of themes organizing the work’s seven chapters—“emotional cultures, rumors, migrations, conspiracy theory, peacemaking, captivity, and racial thinking”—marks Time of Anarchy as one of the most methodologically sophisticated treatments of late seventeenth-century America ever to appear (7).Each chapter produces valuable insights, and Kruer’s writing on conspiracies and captivity is particularly novel. He distinguishes conspiracies from rumors by asserting that the former contain “narrative emplotment, with genre conventions” (117); identifies several conspiracies that periodically convulsed through colonial America; and frankly concludes that the most pervasive of them all, that of Franco-Native papist collusion, was based on knowledge of “actual projects” (127). On captivity, Kruer effectively proves that the Susquehannock, while living as supposed hostages among the Iroquois, remained an influential nation whose interests, grievances, and expertise largely directed “Northern Indian” raiding on southern frontiers during the early 1680s. This fascinating conclusion points tantalizingly toward further research in Iroquoian identity and politics during the early historic period, a once vibrant field that has been theoretically staid for several decades.Although the work proceeds in a roughly linear fashion, its thematic organization does render Time of Anarchy’s central thread—the anarchic feedback cycle described above—somewhat difficult to track and assess across time. Discussion of Culpepper’s Rebellion in North Carolina, the critical example of the cycle in motion outside of Virginia and after Bacon’s Rebellion, is scattered across three small sections (136–138, 163–166, 203–204) over the same number of chapters. Challenging details of this revolt, such as the fact that retaliatory strikes against the Susquehannock were in this instance carried out by proprietary rather than rebellious settler forces, are included but not subjected to analysis in this abbreviated treatment. More concerning for broad applications of the anarchic cycle, the two revolts in Maryland that followed Bacon’s Rebellion—the Clifts uprising and Fendall’s Rebellion—were comparatively merely riotous affairs of several dozen agitators. Kruer describes the former as having failed to “inspire a mass rising,” (122) and the latter as an “ignominious repeat” (214) of this flop. The narrative is more attentive to the flurry of frightened, hyperbolic writings that these tumults evoked from colonial officials than to the paltry material scale of the unrest, an emphasis that is perhaps due to its thematic focus on conspiracy. Readers are ultimately left wanting for a detailed explanation of why frontier raiding, conspiracies, and racial hatred produced Bacon’s Rebellion, but no other sustained, massive insurrections.Time of Anarchy is the sort of book that enables such granular critiques of its subject matter through its comprehensive, empirical, and edifying presentation of relevant evidence. Historians of Iroquoian peoples and Stuart Empire will undoubtedly consult its pages for many years to come, and they will be well rewarded for the effort.

Introduction

This suite of essays locates North American art within a network of transnational negotiations shaped by imperialist expansion, dispossession of Indigenous nations, and the transatlantic slave trade. Each text focuses on a single object originating from seemingly disparate locales, such as Virginia, Upper Peru, Britain, Brazil, Jamaica, and the Haudenosaunee Confederacy, and explores the object’s relationship to a formative institutional setting—including an academy, a university, a museum, and a workshop. Studying them in concert reveals Atlantic art institutions not only as sites for the generation and replication of ideologies of difference, but also as sites occupied by diverse actors, including Indigenous diplomats and enslaved Africans, who experienced art institutions as sites of unfreedom and labor, as well as diplomacy, self-fashioning, and even self-liberation.

Updated census in the Laurentian Great Lakes Watershed: A framework for determining the relationship between the population and this aquatic resource

The Laurentian Great Lakes Watershed (LGLW) is a complex socio-ecological system that spans the United States and Canada and includes Anishinaabe Nations, the Haudenosaunee Confederacy, and Métis Nations. However, this system contains overlapping political and ecological boundaries that do not conform, obscuring a true geographic definition of the LGLW and complicating the inclusion of population data in policy and social-ecological systems research. In this Short Communication, we provide a spatial framework for assessing the LGLW population using the watershed footprint under the Great Lakes Commission’s jurisdiction with international consistency to support regional science and policy, and discuss challenges in accurately assessing Indigenous areas. Using the best available sources, we estimate a population of 38,327,681 people (2015–2019) within the watershed and 133,737 residents within government-delineated Indigenous, First Nation, and Métis census areas of 2021.

Dreaming Differently

Dreaming Differently

Down the Warpath to the Cedars: Indians' First Battles in the Revolution by Mark R. Anderson

Reviewed by: Down the Warpath to the Cedars: Indians' First Battles in the Revolution by Mark R. Anderson Loren Michael Mortimer (bio) Down the Warpath to the Cedars: Indians' First Battles in the Revolution mark r. anderson University of Oklahoma Press, 2021 306 pp. At the outbreak of the American Revolutionary War in 1775, the Continental Army prepared to invade Canada, and the British military government took concurrent measures to defend the province. Patriot and Loyalist leaders alike recognized the strategic importance of the Indigenous confederation known as the Seven Nations of Canada. Composed of eight sovereign Native American towns along the upper St. Lawrence River, these multiethnic communities guarded key river confluences connecting Canada to the rebellious Anglo-American settler colonies to the south. In the military contest for Canada, the Seven Nations could tip the balance of power in favor of the Patriots or the Crown. Likewise, the Seven Nations feared the despoliation of their lands amid the crossfire of a civil [End Page 599] war within the British Empire. As historian Mark R. Anderson shows in Down the Warpath to the Cedars, the Seven Nations proved decisive in the defeat of the Continental Army at the Battle of the Cedars in late May 1776. Although historians on both sides of the US-Canada border have largely overlooked or intentionally disremembered the significance of the Cedars, Anderson offers a timely intervention recovering histories of Indigenous autonomy and racialized violence during the American Revolution, as well as the affair's aftermaths in Native American council houses, Patriot assemblies, and imperial corridors of power. In the summer of 1775, the Seven Nations of Canada had thrived in proximity to European settler population centers along the St. Lawrence River for more than a century. Although the Seven Nations had intimately entangled connections of trade and kinship with the Haudenosaunee Six Nations Iroquois, it remained a politically autonomous Indigenous polity. The Seven Nations traced their origins to Catholic converts who relocated to Francophone mission communities during the late seventeenth century. Between 1701 and 1754, these mission towns gradually coalesced into a confederation rooted in shared connections to the St. Lawrence River, Catholicism, extended family networks, and mutual defense. Although steadfast allies to the French before 1759, each constituent community maintained their sovereignty and distinctive cultures. The Seven Nations Council convened at Kahnawake, the largest town with a decidedly Mohawk-Iroquois demographic composition. But this diverse confederation included Hurons from Wendake, the Wabanaki peoples from Odanak and Wolinâk, Mohawks and Nipissings from Kanesatake, Mohawks from Akwesasne, and Oneidas and Onondagas from Oswegatchie. With careful attention to multidimensional Indigenous politics at the confederation, village, and factional levels, Anderson argues that Native Americans created a "strategic environment" at the Battle of the Cedars that aligns with Ojibwe historian Michael Witgen's concept of an "infinity of nations" (1). Indeed, the framework of an "infinity of nations" proves apposite for this study, particularly as political affiliations remained fluid for colonists and Indigenous peoples alike during the early phases of the conflict. Despite the military invasion of their homelands during the American Revolution, the Seven Nations of Canada largely avoided the internecine warfare and dispossession endured by larger and better-known Indigenous polities like the Six Nations Haudenosaunee. Yet the author notes that in "contrast to the reasonably well developed Six Nations Revolutionary War [End Page 600] narrative, the Seven Nations of Canada lack significant historical treatment for the era. The Cedars and its 1775 precedents clearly reveal the complexity of Laurentian Indian politics" (155). While Anderson observed that the Seven Nations "were far from a unified polity" (4), Native American emphasis on local autonomy and factional consensus within councils rendered their confederation no more or less united than the Six Nations or the ad hoc Patriot delegations at the Continental Congress during the summer of 1775. Given Patriot sentiments among Anglo-American colonists in Montreal as well as disaffection with British rule by factions within the Seven Nations, Canada's participation in the rebellion remained an open political question for British officials, Loyalists, Patriots, and Native Americans alike. To make sense of an ethnic and political milieu that defied nationality or a strictly Patriot vs...

Decolonizing Self-Determination: Haudenosaunee Passports and Negotiated Sovereignty

The United Nations Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples (UNDRIP) recognises both Indigenous peoples’ right to self-determination and simultaneously offers protections in regard to states’ right to sovereignty and territorial integrity vis-à-vis Indigenous peoples’ claims. Often, this is considered an internal inconsistency of the UNDRIP, and another common critique is that Indigenous peoples were only recognised as having a diminished right to self-determination, which is less than what everyone else enjoys. This article stands in contrast to these two lines of critique, arguing that the UNDRIP’s articulation of self-determination is potentially ushering in a broadening, and possible reshaping, of self-determination, which has been increasingly decoupled from singular Westphalian notions of ‘sovereignty’ and ‘territoriality’ in ways that require ongoing negotiation between peoples and states. This case study of the Haudenosaunee Confederacy’s issuance and use of their passports, based on original fieldwork including a set of qualitative interviews with key informants, demonstrates how the Haudenosaunee Confederacy is pushing the practice and understanding of self-determination in multiple, new directions to include plural sovereignties in deeply significant ways concerning International Relations in both theory and in practice.

The “Four Nations of Indians Upon the Susquehanna”: Mid-Atlantic Murder, Diplomacy, and Political Identity, 1717–1723

Abstract In the wake of the first murder of an Indian by two Pennsylvania colonists in 1722, the Delaware (Lenape), Shawnee, Conoy (Piscataway), and Conestoga (Susquehannock/Mingo) Indians engineered a confederated diplomatic and political identity to defend their homeland. They styled themselves the “Four Nations of Indians upon the Susquehanna” to counteract the “Covenant Chain” devised by the Iroquois and colonial governments. Anthropologists have identified “ethno-genesis” wherein peoples from multiple Indian cultures wracked by epidemics intertwined to form wholly new cultures and nations. This, however, is a story of “politico-genesis.” These four nations retained their individual languages and governing structures while living in multinational or adjacent towns and joined together to present a single diplomatic voice to the English government and the Iroquois League who sought to control them. This was an early and significant attempt at political and diplomatic confederation that Indian peoples would employ in centuries to follow.

Challenging Colonial Narratives: Nineteenth-Century Great Lakes Archaeology

Challenging Colonial Narratives: Nineteenth-Century Great Lakes Archaeology

"For the Good of Their Souls": Performing Christianity in Eighteenth-Century Mohawk Country by William B. Hart

Reviewed by: "For the Good of Their Souls": Performing Christianity in Eighteenth-Century Mohawk Country by William B. Hart Darren Bonaparte (bio) "For the Good of Their Souls": Performing Christianity in Eighteenth-Century Mohawk Country By William B. Hart. Amherst: University of Massachusetts Press, 2020. Native Americans in the Northeast. 288 pages, 6 halftones, 6" x 9". $90.00 cloth, $26.95 paper, $26.95 ebook. I grew up in Akwesasne, one of the three Mohawk communities in the valley of the St. Lawrence River. My ancestors left the old homeland in the seventeenth century to be a part of the mission villages of New France. They forged a new alliance with the Natives already there, placing themselves at the head of it. It is said that two out of three Mohawks were in Canada by the end of the century, but those who remained in our homeland did not dwindle away and disappear. The fire of the Mohawk Nation continued to burn just as brightly back in the old Mohawk Valley. The Mohawk Valley Mohawks, as I tend to call them, loom large in the history of the century that followed. They were a vital factor in how events unfolded in the colony of New York, first with the military conflicts with the French and then in the American Revolution. The people of these relatively small villages played such a critical role in the Revolutionary War that they had to stop living in them. Their descendants are now in Canada at the Six Nations Reserve on the Grand River and the Tyendinaga Mohawk Territory at the Bay of Quinte. [End Page 420] When they still lived along the Mohawk River, the Mohawks of the homeland continued to participate in confederacy affairs uninterrupted and undeterred by the absence of their wayward northern kin. They were still considered the "keepers of the eastern door" of the "extended lodge" that symbolized the League of the Iroquois. They would attend grand councils at Onondaga and join the rest of the confederacy in diplomatic or military endeavors. One might assume that because of that relationship, they maintained all of their traditional beliefs and eschewed Christianity, but that did not happen. Their close proximity to European colonists of New York brought the Protestant faith to their doorstep, which they found expedient to entertain. Much like the French and their Jesuits in Canada, the English and their ministers made for a similar chess game back in the homeland. This aspect of Mohawk history has been largely overlooked by historians, who typically gravitate to the soap opera romance of Sir William Johnson and his Mohawk wife, Molly Brant, or the warrior exploits of her hot-head younger brother, Joseph. John Wolfe Lydekker's The Faithful Mohawks, published in 1938, was the first book-length study of the subject, but it was not exactly something you'd take to the beach. William B. Hart brings a fresh, new focus to the subject of Christianity in the old Mohawk Valley in "For the Good of Their Souls": Performing Christianity in Eighteenth-Century Mohawk Country. Since there is a whole century (and a fair bit of the previous one) to cover in 288 pages, Hart goes about the work methodically, stepping back from the subject a bit to put it all in its proper perspective, then focusing in on a few key moments that illustrate his points as he crafts his narrative. The seasoned researcher might find some of the stops along the way to be repetitive of other scholarship, such as his take on the journey of the "Four Kings" to England in 1710, who were not really the big chiefs they were made out to be. But for those who might be new to the subject, he has written a great introduction to a complex topic. The author handles his sources very well for the most part, but I did notice one error that jumped out at me. He confuses two notable Mohawk leaders from the seventeenth century, the "Great Mohawk," Kryn, also known as Joseph Togouiroui, with Canaqueese, also known as Smiths John and the "Flemish Bastard," describing them as the same person. In his source citation...

Including the Iroquois Great Law of Peace in Introduction to Political Philosophy

Introductory courses in political philosophy would benefit from the incorporation of material on the Iroquois Great Law of Peace, including the story of the foundation of the Haudenosaunee Confederacy. Classroom study of this tradition will serve several purposes: introducing a valuable account of political phenomena such as negotiation, consensus, veto, and rational communication; contributing to the diversity of syllabi; tracing the influence of Iroquois law on Western political institutions; and comparing the Haudenosaunee story to early modern social contract theory, especially Hobbes’s Leviathan. This paper draws connections to relevant topics in a standard, historically-oriented course and suggests learning resources and objectives.

Coming Full Circle: The Seneca Nation of Indians, 1848–1934 by Laurence M. Hauptman

Reviewed by: Coming Full Circle: The Seneca Nation of Indians, 1848–1934 by Laurence M. Hauptman Joe Stahlman (bio) Coming Full Circle: The Seneca Nation of Indians, 1848–1934 By Laurence M. Hauptman. Norman: University of Oklahoma Press, 2019. 326 pages, 25 halftones, 5 maps, 3 tables, 6" x 9". $34.95 cloth, $26.95 paper, $29.95 ebook. Laurence M. Hauptman's Coming Full Circle: The Seneca Nation of Indians, 1848–1934 is a testament to his lifelong endeavor to document the long, twisting story between the United States, New York State, and the numerous communities of the Haudenosaunee. Coming Full Circle tells the origin story of the Seneca Nation of Indians ("Seneca Nation" hereafter) and its trials and tribulations during its first century of existence. Hauptman's approach to history is a combination of archival research, fieldwork, and interviews with Seneca Nation citizens and others involved in Seneca Nation history. Hauptman's delicate approach to his craft permits a telling of the history of the Seneca Nation, which has not been done sufficiently—or as completely—until now. Scholars who work with communities to tell their stories as accurately and succinctly as possible know it is a difficult task. In reading Hauptman's Coming Full Circle we must acknowledge that depth of historical knowledge and accuracy comes from the Seneca Nation's Archive Department guiding him to the well-preserved history of the Nation. As a result, the story of the Seneca Nation's first hundred years is a collective retelling that is inclusive of the community. Hauptman's latest work—coupling fifty years of archival research with community involvement—transcends the parameters of the American history canon. Even though he is listed as the primary author, be assured this is a collective effort. Though once part of the oldest continuously operating democracy in the world, the Seneca Nation path from the Haudenosaunee Confederacy to an independent nation is [End Page 214] one worthy of documenting. The Seneca Nation of Indians' 1848 Revolution is truly an inimitable transition for a Native Nation to take in the early nineteenth century. Up until 1848 a low number of Native communities embraced nontraditional forms of leadership. At the time of this political revolution the Seneca people became the fourth Native Nation to embrace a constitutional democracy. Collectively the community is rarely appreciated on the North American landscape; however, through his and the Seneca Nation's diligence, we can appreciate other Native Nations' actions and reactions in desperately trying to deal with the new United States and the rapidly changing landscape of North America. Here is where I appreciate Hauptman's delicate touch the most. He shifts through the darkness of the past and addresses the complexities Seneca people faced on all their borders. Coming Full Circle permits a proper telling of why the Seneca Nation decided to trek into the future on their own terms. Although written after his other books on the Seneca Nation, Coming Full Circle serves as his follow up to Conspiracy of Interests: Iroquois Dispossession and the Rise of New York State (1999) and a prequel to his In the Shadow of Kinzua: The Seneca Nation of Indians since World War II (2014). Hauptman ties these earlier works to the birth of the Seneca Nation. Hauptman is known for his careful attention to the historical record, and this text continues that tradition; he pays careful attention to Seneca settlement into the areas that became major settlement sites of the Seneca. He shows how each territory is distinctive in its own ways—not only in its separate land base but based on the different intrusions from capitalists and missionaries that informed the collective history of the Nation. Because this text really begins at the start of the Revolution of 1848, much of this story revolves around events that are highly contentious, political, and crucial in the survival of the Seneca Nation. Throughout his text, Hauptman avoids exclusive focus on the past hurdles the Nation overcame to exist today. He also documents several important Seneca moments that straddle the thin line of ongoing controversy. Hauptman points out the citizen's often critical—and accepted—view of their unique government...

Medicine Masks of the Iroquois People as Revealed by the False Faces Society

Present-day Iroquois are seeking to preserve traditional healing methods. Members of the False Faces Society routinely perform cleansing rituals using Hodo masks. The spiritual significance and proceedings of the rituals were conveyed by the employees of the Iroquois community center (Longhouse) and the fellow tribesmen gathered around these centers. The participants provided information on the ways of acquiring, crafting, invoking, storage, and honoring the sanctified, animated artifact – the mask. The author of the article confronts the current position of the Onondaga Reserve and the Grand River Reserve Iroquois with historical teachings. The elder generation of Indians has maintained their faith in the mystical power of the rituals, while the secularized new generation approaches them with a strong skepticism.

Understanding the intergenerational transmission of substance use and problem behavior: Implications for future research and preventive interventions.

The Constitution of the Iroquois Nation states that we should "look and listen for the welfare of the whole people and have always in view not only the present, but also the coming generations." The excellent intergenerational longitudinal studies represented here help us better understand patterns of behaviors across generations. Collectively, these studies provide a pathway for future research on contexts and trends in substance use, research on age of onset among early generations, and research related to epigenetics to improve prevention interventions. (PsycInfo Database Record (c) 2020 APA, all rights reserved).