Irish Party Research Articles

Politics with Hidden Bases: Unearthing the Deep Roots of Party Systems

The research presented here uses a novel method to show that contemporary party systems may originate much further back than is usually assumed or might be expected—in reality many centuries. Using data on Ireland, a country with a political system that poses significant challenges to the universality of many political science theories, by identifying the ancestry of current party elites we find ethnic bases for the Irish party system arising from population movements that took place from the 12th century. Extensive Irish genealogical knowledge allows us to use surnames as a proxy for ethnic origin. Recent genetic analyses of Irish surnames corroborate Irish genealogical information. The results are particularly compelling given that Ireland is an extremely homogeneous society and therefore provides a tough case for our approach.

THE 2011 GENERAL ELECTION IN IRELAND: THE POLITICAL IMPACT OF THE IRISH RECESSION

The 2011 general election created some of the greatest upsets to Irish party politics since the foundation of the state. Indeed, the election has subsequently been assessed as the third most volati...

The Irish Green Party: From Protest to Mainstream Party?

In the comparative study of party organisation and party systems Irish parties have long been considered as deviant. While this might, in certain respects at least, be a proper description for the major Irish parties, the Irish Green Party mirrors the transformation from a loose protest movement opposed to ‘conventional politics’ into an established force in the Irish party system – most visible in its current government participation – that a range of Green parties in other European countries have already experienced. This paper analyses this transformation by focusing on the party’s organisational evolution from its foundation in 1981 until 2009. One of the core findings is that its growing political relevance was accompanied by a shift towards a stronger professionalisation of party elites, which pushed for a streamlining of intra‐organisational procedures. This development empowered the party in public office and thereby centralised the party organisation, a finding in line with theories on new parties’ long‐term evolution.

From Mainstream to Minor and Back: The Irish Labour Party, 1987–1992

This article charts the Irish Labour Party’s (ILP) journey from a minor to mainstream political party between 1987 and 1992. This is arguably the most turbulent period in the party’s electoral history, when the ILP performed significantly below its average result, before making unprecedented electoral gains. It identifies the factors which led to this fall and rise during the discussed period and reflects on the ILP’s place in the Irish party system arguing that the term ‘mainstream’ or ‘proximal mainstream’ party with regard to the ILP is perhaps more appropriate than the terms ‘major’ or ‘minor’ party, especially in view of its return to its usual level of support following the gains of 1992.

Redmond: The Parnellite (review)

Reviewed by: Redmond: The Parnellite Francis M. Carroll Redmond: The Parnellite, by Dermot Meleady, pp. 407. Cork: Cork University Press, 2008; distributed by Stylus Publishing, Sterling VA. $69.95. John Redmond is a name known to every Irish historian. He stood by Parnell during the split in the 1890s, led the reunified Irish Parliamentary Party in 1900, steered the Home Rule bill through the parliament between 1910 and 1914, and then was swept aside by the Great War and the Easter Rebellion of 1916. Although he appeared poised to become the first prime minister of an Irish government since the eighteenth century, history has not been kind to Redmond. His dubious status was characterized some twenty years ago, when he was featured in a Thomas Davis lecture series titled Worsted in the Game: Losers in Irish History (1989). In fact, an essay by Michael Laffan in that book and a brief Historical Association of Ireland booklet, John Redmond, by Paul [End Page 155] Bew in 1996, were the first serious biographical studies since Denis Gwynn’s The Life of John Redmond in 1932. Dermot Meleady has attempted to re-establish Redmond as a major figure in Irish history with this biography of his early years, distinguished by his leadership of the Parnellites. This is a meticulously researched biography based on extensive work in private papers and close readings of Redmond’s speeches and writings. Meleady does not make clear whether he plans a second volume about John Redmond, the Home Rule leader, although it was from 1900 to 1914 that Redmond rose to a position of great national leadership in Ireland and enormous power and responsibility in parliament. These are the years of his moment in Irish history, and of his undoing. Born into a prosperous Wexford family, young John Redmond was sent to Clongowes Wood College, where his leadership qualities stood out and where his literary and speaking skills developed. Redmond trained for the bar while following in the footsteps of his great-uncle and father in the House of Commons. After the death of his father he sought a seat in parliament, becoming a loyal supporter of Parnell. Although something of a junior figure among the members of the Irish Parliamentary Party, Redmond did crucial work. Sent on a ten-month trip to Australia, Redmond worked to raise funds and to promote the ideals of the party among the Irish community there; his eloquence and his ability to take the measure of his audience enabled him to win public support in the face of formidable criticism. In the House of Commons, he emerged as both a skilful parliamentarian and an increasingly brilliant speaker; many regarded Redmond as one of the most effective orators in parliament. When the split in the Irish party came over Parnell’s relations with Katherine O’Shea, the divorce, and his subsequent marriage—as well as Prime Minister Gladstone’s announcement that he could no longer work with Parnell—Redmond and a handful of others gave their continued support to Parnell. A majority of Irish MPs followed John Dillon in allying themselves with Gladstone and the Liberal Party. Parnell’s death in 1891 did not heal the wounds generated by the split, and Irish political life went through a decade of bitter and fruitless animosity. It was during this period, while Redmond was the leader of the rump faction of Parnellites, that he emerged as the most generous, dignified, and able figure among the Irish MPs. While not without criticism from among his Irish colleagues, Redmond was really the only factional leader who could be acceptable to a sufficient proportion of Irish members to lead a reunited party. Meleady notes that, while very much a man of principle (shown by his loyalty to Parnell), Redmond had a capacity to reach out to people and groups with views different from his own. Never actually a physical force advocate, [End Page 156] Redmond nonetheless worked hard to obtain amnesty for Fenian and Land War prisoners, and his speeches often praised and explained the motives of those involved in violent political action; Meleady concludes that Redmond probably met John Devoy on one of his visits to the...

STEPHEN GWYNN AND THE FAILURE OF CONSTITUTIONAL NATIONALISM IN IRELAND, 1919–1921

ABSTRACTThe Irish Party, the organization which represented the constitutional nationalist demand for home rule for almost fifty years in Westminster, was the most notable victim of the revolution in Ireland, c. 1916–23. Most of the last generation of Westminster-centred home rule MPs played little part in public life following the party's electoral destruction in 1918. This article probes the political thought and actions of one of the most prominent constitutional nationalists who did seek to alter Ireland's direction during the critical years of the war of independence. Stephen Gwynn was a guiding figure behind a number of initiatives to ‘save’ Ireland from the excesses of revolution. Gwynn established the Irish Centre Party in 1919, which later merged with the Irish Dominion League. From the end of 1919, Gwynn became a leading advocate of the Government of Ireland Bill, the legislation that partitioned the island. Revolutionary idealism – and, more concretely, violence – did much to render his reconciliatory efforts impotent. Gwynn's experiences between 1919 and 1921 also, however, reveal the paralysing divisions within constitutional nationalism, which did much to demoralize moderate sentiment further.

Fenians, Ribbonmen and popular ideology’s role in nationalist politics: east Tyrone, 1906–9

Irish nationalist politics between 1906 and 1909 revolved around the twin demands of self-government and a resolution of the land issue; as such, the period was demarcated by two pieces of Liberal government legislation: the May 1907 Irish Council Bill and Birrell’s December 1909 land act. The latter was partially a response to western Irish Republican Brotherhood (I.R.B.)-inspired ‘agrarian militancy’ on the part of the United Irish League (U.I.L.) and the emerging Sinn Féin movement’s ability to ‘outfank’ the Irish Parliamentary Party (I.P.P.) on the issue, which effectively forced Irish Party leader John Redmond ‘to adopt a radical agrarian policy in June 1907’. However, outside Connacht, the U.I.L. could not be regarded as ‘the Land League reborn’. In east Tyrone, the demand for self-government dominated the nationalist agenda, a situation reinforced by the fact that local politics had been ‘cast in the denominational mould which has characterised them ever since’. As a result, the Board of Erin section of the Ancient Order of Hibernians (A.O.H.) was the motor of popular nationalist mobilisation, leaving the U.I.L.

Meditations in Time of Civil War: <i>Back to Methuselah</i> and <i>Saint Joan</i> in Production, 1919–1924

Meditations in Time of Civil War: Back to Methuselah and Saint Joan in Production, 1919–1924 James Moran (bio) Hang out your brightest colors. —Bernard Shaw to Joanna Collins, sister of Michael Collins, August 1922 In 1923, G.B.S. made his final visit to Ireland, never again returning to his homeland in the twenty-seven remaining years of his life. He apparently felt that the country was blighted by a regressive and backward-looking kind of patriotism, and in 1930 he wrote that any cultured Irishman “felt that his first business was to get out of Ireland.”1 Indeed, in response to those who exhorted Shaw to participate in Irish affairs during the latter part of his life, he prepared a stock reply that he intended to have printed on postcards, curtly informing his correspondents, “Mr Bernard Shaw takes no sides in Irish party politics.”2 After all, in John Bull’s Other Island (1904), he had scorned the trite imagery that characterized much Irish patriotic discourse, lamenting that if anybody wanted to interest an Irishman in national affairs, “you’ve got to call the unfortunate island Kathleen ni Hoolihan and pretend she’s a little old woman.”3 As a result, his writings do not generally lend themselves to being incorporated into republican balladry. Nevertheless, the folk singer Brian Moore—who has recorded a number of patriotic songs such as “Croppies who will not lie down” and “Soldiers of Cumann na mBan”—has performed a track called “Michael Collins,” with the chorus: Hang out your brightest colors, His memory now recall. [End Page 147] Oh each one wants a part of him: No-one wants it all.4 These lyrics derive from a letter that Shaw wrote to the sister of the Irish revolutionary hero, Michael Collins, in the week after her brother had died. Shaw and his wife had dined with the thirty-one-year-old Michael Collins only hours before the shoot-out in West Cork that fatally injured Collins in August 1922. And, after hearing about the killing, Shaw wrote to Collins’s sister: “tear up your mourning and hang up your brightest colours in his honour; and let us all praise God that he had not to die in a snuffy bed of a trumpery cough, weakened by age, and saddened by the disappointments that would have attended his work had he lived.”5 Shaw’s affinity with the revolutionary leader, as well as the sting in the tail provided by describing those “disappointments” that an older Collins would inevitably have experienced, indicate how, in 1922, Shaw’s feelings for Ireland remained as complicated and paradoxical as when he had written his earlier dramas that deal explicitly with the country, John Bull’s Other Island and O’Flaherty V.C. (the latter written in 1915). Yet there is a kind of appropriateness in Irish balladry appropriating Shaw’s words about Collins, as, for all the playwright’s exasperation with Ireland’s patriots, Shaw felt irritated by those who had long attempted to stifle any Irish attempts at self-government. As Peter Gahan has recently pointed out, “The standard biographies give little indication that during the years 1918–21 . . . Bernard Shaw’s attention to his native country’s politics was at its most persistent.”6 As I will argue in this article, Shaw’s playwriting repeatedly engaged with Ireland during the Anglo-Irish War and the Irish Civil War, with the confusing and fluctuating political situation that existed between 1919 and 1924 affecting the composition and staging of the two significant dramatic works that he wrote during this time, Back to Methuselah and Saint Joan. Back to Methuselah By the closing years of World War I, Shaw had long supported the idea that Ireland ought to achieve a kind of Home Rule, an arrangement that would grant Ireland, England, Scotland, and Wales their own parliaments, but would also maintain a joint council to coordinate matters of mutual interest across the islands. Shaw despaired at the flourishing of divisive and mutually conflicting sectarian identities, and he endorsed instead the idea that Ireland and England ought to be natural allies. [End Page 148] When the Anglo-Irish...

Irish Political Parties and Policy Stances on European Integration

Support for the political and economic integration of Europe has formed an increasingly important policy issue for Irish political parties as the European Union has grown in importance at both the domestic and European level. This article examines the political positioning of Irish parties on the issue of European integration, comparing these positions across parties and across time. For data, it draws on expert surveys taken at each election since 1992, a time series of coded manifestos as well as a computerized content analysis of the 2007 party manifestos. The article also reports the results of a previously unpublished expert survey of Irish party positions on other political dimensions conducted by the author in 2007.

Shane Leslie: Sublime Failure

Reviewed by: Shane Leslie: Sublime Failure Geert Lernout (bio) Shane Leslie: Sublime Failure, by Otto Rauchbauer. Dublin: Lilliput Press, 2009. 320 pp. €40.00 If Joyceans know Shane Leslie at all, it is as the author of two extremely negative reviews of Ulysses, one of which appeared in the Catholic journal Dublin Review under the name of "Domini Canis," in which the anonymous "dog of the Lord" (or heretic-hunting Dominican) called for extreme censorship, a type of reaction that Joyce may well have welcomed as the correct religious interpretation of a book that opens with a blasphemous version of the Catholic Mass.1 Although Leslie is now forgotten, between the two World Wars, he was not just a prolific and successful writer but also a major Catholic intellectual with connections in the highest political and ecclesiastical circles in London and New York. Despite his fame and despite a stunning output as a writer, Leslie has all but disappeared. The Modern Language Association bibliography lists only three articles about him,2 two of them on his role as reviewer of Ulysses; it is more than a little ironic that Leslie's only reason for survival is as part of a footnote in the biography of a writer he so totally condemned. Shane Leslie was born as John Randolph Leslie, the son of a protestant Anglo-Irish landlord (with holdings in County Monaghan that included Saint Patrick's Purgatory, the pilgrimage site at Lough Derg). His mother, Leonie Jerome, was one of three daughters of an American businessman, all of whom married into English society; one of the other sisters was Winston Churchill's mother, which made the future British Prime Minister Leslie's first cousin. As a scion of an absentee landlord family, Leslie enjoyed the correct kind of English education: first Eton, then a year at the Sorbonne, and then King's College in Cambridge, where he came under the double influence of the Oxford Movement and of the Irish Revival. His conversion to Catholicism was nothing if not methodical: first he joined the Anglo-Catholic (or "high-church") movement within the Church of England; then he embraced and practiced Christian socialism (visiting Leo Tolstoy, one of the movement's prophets, in Russia). Ultimately he made the big jump, even changing his name from the English John to the Irish Shane, while seriously contemplating becoming a Dominican friar. Today we can no longer imagine the import of Leslie's conversion, but at the time it must have been close to social and cultural suicide. It [End Page 164] is a pity that, despite access to the complete archives, Leslie's biographer, Otto Rauchbauer, has not managed to throw more light on this decision, which Leslie, in later life, refused to comment on because he felt that it was beyond rational explanation. As pointed out by his Anglican bishop, Leslie's conversion came at a most difficult time for the credibility of the Church of Rome—right in the middle of the so-called modernist crisis, when the authoritarian Pope Pius X steered the Church away from the historical study of the Biblical texts and the Christian past and away from all political, social, and cultural accommodation to the modern age (and to other Christian churches). Socially the decision meant that Leslie lost the right to the baronetcy, which went to his brother instead. Yet after his father's death in 1944, Leslie did become the third Baronet of Glaslough after all, and he was succeeded by his son, Sir John Leslie, the fourth and current Baronet, who in 2002 enjoyed a brief brush with fame when he inadvertently revealed that Paul McCartney and Heather Mills were going to get married at Castle Leslie. Leslie's social suicide did not lead to abject poverty either. He became an old-fashioned man of letters or "scholar-squire," as his biographer calls him (8). Becoming a Catholic was one thing, but joining the Celtic Revival and running for Parliament on John Redmond's nationalist Irish Party ticket in 1910 Ulster was an entirely different affair; it did not help that Leslie lost the election. He sent a sarcastic telegram to his parents...

Coping with a two‐dimensional political space: Party mobilisation in referendums on European integration

AbstractEuropean Union referendums invite national electorates to vote on transnational cooperation and regional integration, thereby creating tension between transnational ballot issues and domestic electoral mobilisation. Because of the tension, domestic political parties are forced to confront a two‐dimensional political space in EU referendums. In the referendum‐generated political space, unless integration issues are more salient than domestic concerns, intra‐divided and inter‐converged mainstream parties tend strategically to abstain from the campaigns. Yet, explicit inter‐party collusion may allow the pro‐integration mainstream to form a party cartel in EU referendums. Suggestive evidence is drawn from a case study of the two Irish referendums on the Nice Treaty. Based on a party‐candidate survey, Irish parties are mapped onto a latent two‐dimensional political space. The findings shed new light on the initial abstention of Irish mainstream parties in the first Nice campaign and their subsequent mobilisation in the second referendum.

The Positions of Irish Parliamentary Parties 1937–2006

Ireland is often described as the odd country out in studies of west European politics. Its parties do not readily fit into the classical European definitions of party families. This paper estimates the positions of the parliamentary parties since 1937, based on a dataset consisting of all parliamentary votes from 1937 to 2006 using a Bayesian ideal point estimation framework. It is shown that party competition in the Irish parliament adheres to a government‐opposition dimension, and that it is possible to distinguish only two blocs of parties in each period, one consisting of the parties supporting the government and one comprising the remaining parties as the opposition. It is argued that the estimated positions do not reflect party policy positions but are instead voting cohesion of two distinct blocs of the parliamentary parties. The findings are validated by a comparison with various expert surveys of Irish party positions.

Reviews: The Memoirs of John M. Regan, a Catholic Officer in the RIC and RUC, 1909–1948, Becoming Conspicuous: Irish Travellers, Society and the State 1922–1970, Nineteenth-Century Ireland: The Search for Stability, Landlords, Tenants, Famine: The Business of an Irish Land Agency in the 1840s, Ireland's Great Famine: Interdisciplinary Perspectives, When the Potato Failed: Causes and Effects of the last European

Reviews: The Memoirs of John M. Regan, a Catholic Officer in the RIC and RUC, 1909–1948, Becoming Conspicuous: Irish Travellers, Society and the State 1922–1970, Nineteenth-Century Ireland: The Search for Stability, Landlords, Tenants, Famine: The Business of an Irish Land Agency in the 1840s, Ireland's Great Famine: Interdisciplinary Perspectives, When the Potato Failed: Causes and Effects of the last European

THE POLITICAL JOURNAL OF SIR GEORGE FOTTRELL

I think it may perhaps at some future stage of Irish politics prove useful to have from an eye witness some notes of the events now passing in Ireland or rather some notes of the inner working of the Government and of the Irish party. I have rather exceptional opportunities of noting their working. I have since I attained manhood been a consistent Nationalist and I believe that the leading men on the national side have confidence in my honour and consistency. On the other hand I am a Crown official & I am an intimate personal friend of Sir Robert Hamilton, the Under Secretary for Ireland. My first introduction to him took place about 18 months ago. I was introduced to him by Robert Holmes, the Treasury Remembrancer. At that time Sir Robert was Mr. Hamilton & his private secretary was Mr. Clarke Hall who had come over temporarily from the Admiralty. Mr. Hamilton was himself at that time only a temporary official. Shortly afterwards he was induced to accept the permanent appointment as Under Secretary. From the date of my first introduction to him up to the present our acquaintance has steadily developed into a warm friendship and I think that Sir Robert Hamilton now probably speaks to me on Irish matters more freely than to anyone else.

Managing Change: Party Competition in the New Ireland

Ireland represents a useful case for studying political parties and their strategies as independent variables. In a context of unprecedented social and economic change, party leaders have demonstrated unusual organisational creativity in adopting strategies to manage the political consequences of these changes. While the potential for new issues, cleavages and parties surely exists in this changing environment, and while elections have been hotly contested in the recent era of increasing floating voters and declining party membership, the traditional political parties have maintained their overall electoral dominance through it all. They have done so by systematically removing potentially contentious issues from the domain of electoral politics. This article is about political agency, focusing on the strategic choices of political party entrepreneurs. The current Irish party literature’s emphasis on electoral outcomes fails to appreciate sufficiently the various ways parties adopt strategies along electoral, ideological and organisational dimensions. As a result, the recent literature has understated longer term continuity present in the patterns of party competition.

Nationalism and the Irish party: provincial Ireland, 1910–1916. By Michael Wheatley. Pp 310. Oxford: Oxford University Press. 2005. £65. - Land and revolution: nationalist politics in the west of Ireland, 1890–1921. By Fergus Campbell. Pp 376. Oxford: Oxford University Press. 2005. £70.

Nationalism and the Irish party: provincial Ireland, 1910–1916. By Michael Wheatley. Pp 310. Oxford: Oxford University Press. 2005. £65. - Land and revolution: nationalist politics in the west of Ireland, 1890–1921. By Fergus Campbell. Pp 376. Oxford: Oxford University Press. 2005. £70.

Recruiting Sergeants for John Bull? Irish Nationalist MPs and Enlistment during the Early Months of the Great War

In September 1914 John Redmond promised Britain that nationalist Ireland would fight Germany `wherever the firing line extends'. Although the creation of an `Irish Brigade' was blocked, Redmond encouraged nationalist enlistment in the 16th (Irish) Division. Separatists accused him and his colleagues of being `recruiting sergeants' for the British army. This charge influenced how the Irish party was seen both during the war and after 1922. This article argues that, as with other core Redmondite themes, the nationalist party was in fact divided over Irish enlistment in Britain's army. It concludes that the majority of home rule MPs did not share Redmond's commitment to recruiting but instead shared the `mental neutrality' which characterized much of nationalist Ireland during the early part of the war.

"No Imperial Privilege": Justin McCarthy, Home Rule, and Empire

"No Imperial Privilege":Justin McCarthy, Home Rule, and Empire Paul Townend (bio) Late in 1879, W.E. Gladstone, the leader of the opposition Liberal party, then engaged in the last of his titanic struggles against Lord Beaconsfield, sent word to the well-known littérateur and recently elected Irish home rule member Justin McCarthy through a mutual friend, James Knowles, the editor of Nineteenth Century.1 Would McCarthy, Gladstone urged, undertake to explain home rule to an English audience in the pages of that prestigious publication, paying particular attention to the widespread concern that the measure would damage the British Empire? Gladstone's request, made in part to build bridges with a potential parliamentary star as well as to explore the contours of Irish sentiment, was consistent with subsequent public remarks in which he indicated a willingness to consider home rule only if the empire could be preserved and the cause disentangled from "separation, treason, and violence."2 Gladstone was aware that, in 1879, home rule had next to no traction in English politics beyond certain Radical circles. English voters and MPs, furthermore, even Liberal ones, were suspicious of any prospective Liberal-Irish alliance, and were [End Page 201] especially concerned about the likely constitutional and imperial consequences of any as-yet-unarticulated home rule measure.3 Gladstone's previous dalliances with Irish members on questions of Church disestablishment and land reform had not only embittered Tories in and out of Ireland, but had also earned him enemies within his own party, many of whom considered his relationship with the Irish to be emblematic of erratic and at times irresponsible leadership.4 Such anxieties sharpened as Disraeli's government weakened over the course of 1879. If the prospect of an end to Beaconsfieldism pleased many British Whigs, Liberals, and Radicals, the political situation in Ireland was very disturbing indeed. With the death of Isaac Butt in May, power within the Irish party passed from the moderate and reassuringly ineffectual Butt to belligerent Irish obstructionists and Land League radicals, increasingly led by the provocatively confrontational F.H. O'Donnell and the bitterly determined Charles Stewart Parnell. The much-discussed "New Departure" of the Irish party suggested an emergent tacit understanding between a variety of distastefully extreme nationalist positions, whose popular appeal was rooted in pro-Fenian, anti-landlord, anti-Parliamentary, and anti-imperial sensibilities.5 Could such men be trusted? And where would respectable and respected Irish home rulers such as McCarthy position themselves in relation to the new party and any new Liberal government? [End Page 202] These concerns were compounded by the particular challenges facing the empire in the late 1870s. In the minds of many Liberals, Disraelian hubris had inspired ill-advised and unsustainable imperial expansion. Famine and broken budgets disturbed British rule in India, while a muddled campaign in Afghanistan lurched from failure to failure. In South Africa, ambitious Crown commissioner Bartle-Frere's effort to compel consolidation by promoting war with King Ceteweyo's Zulu nation had proved a humiliating disaster, with the destruction of a 1,300-strong invading column by the disciplined Zulu impis at Isandhlwana on 22 January 1879. Many Liberals, most notably Gladstone's himself during his famous Midlothian campaign, criticized all of this from many different angles.6 For example, at West Calder on 27 November 1879, he called for a foreign policy that began with "good government at home," "preserved the blessings of peace," expended "the strength of the Empire" only on "great and worthy occasions," "acknowledged the equal rights of all nations" and was at all times "inspired by a love of freedom."7 But Gladstone was no anti-imperialist, and no Liberal voices matched the intensity of the bitter Irish critiques of British imperial policy at gatherings of Irish Americans across the Atlantic and at Land League meetings across Britain. Most disturbingly, over the course of 1878–79, leading Irish home rule members joined the attack.8 Irish MPs urged organized parliamentary [End Page 203] opposition to estimates for the Afghan and Zulu military campaigns, staged walkouts during foreign policy debates, and in general roundly condemned the Afghan and South African wars in and out of Parliament as...

Nationalism and the Irish Party: Provincial Ireland, 1910-1916. By Michael Wheatley.

Nationalism and the Irish Party: Provincial Ireland, 1910-1916. By Michael Wheatley.

Nationalism and the Irish Party: Provincial Ireland, 1910-1916

Nationalism and the Irish Party: Provincial Ireland, 1910-1916