Ireland's Foreign Relations Research Articles

Ireland's Foreign Relations in 2022

ABSTRACT: This review examines Ireland's foreign relations in 2022. As Ireland emerged from the final period of Covid pandemic restrictions it faced an unstable world. Russia's illegal escalation of its war in Ukraine would be the main focus of Ireland's engagement with the world. The EU agenda was dominated by the response to the conflict and Ireland demonstrated solidarity with its partners. 2022 was also the second and final year of Ireland's membership of the UN Security Council and saw Ireland take up the Presidency of the Council of Europe. Relations with the UK were strained by ongoing tensions over the Northern Ireland Protocol, not helped by political instability at Westminster. The review outlines how Ireland managed its foreign relations in this period and concludes by noting some significant deaths during the year.

Ireland's Foreign Relations in 2021

This review examines Ireland's foreign relations in 2021. As the Covid-19 pandemic continued to complicate economic recovery and the pace of the vaccine rollout caused frustration, 2021 saw Ireland's relations with the UK in particular severely tested. Brexit and its aftermath was a significant challenge to Anglo-Irish relations and the administration of Boris Johnson proved a difficult partner in Ireland's trilateral relationship between Dublin, London and Brussels. The inauguration of Joseph R. Biden as president of the United States came under the cloud of the January 6th violence at the Capitol, and what could have been seen as a return to normalcy instead highlighted how fragile democracy could be. The review outlines how Ireland navigated this difficult path in 2021, including its year as a non-permanent member of the United Nations Security Council (UNSC). It also notes a number of significant deaths in the year, both in Ireland and abroad.

Ireland’s Foreign Relations in 2021

This review examines Ireland's foreign relations in 2021. As the Covid-19 pandemic continued to complicate economic recovery and the pace of the vaccine rollout caused frustration, 2021 saw Ireland's relations with the UK in particular severely tested. Brexit and its aftermath was a significant challenge to Anglo-Irish relations and the administration of Boris Johnson proved a difficult partner in Ireland's trilateral relationship between Dublin, London and Brussels. The inauguration of Joseph R. Biden as president of the United States came under the cloud of the January 6th violence at the Capitol, and what could have been seen as a return to normalcy instead highlighted how fragile democracy could be. The review outlines how Ireland navigated this difficult path in 2021, including its year as a non-permanent member of the United Nations Security Council (UNSC). It also notes a number of significant deaths in the year, both in Ireland and abroad.

Ireland's Foreign Relations in 2020

Ireland's Foreign Relations in 2020

Ireland's Foreign Relations in 2020

Ireland's Foreign Relations in 2020

Ireland's Foreign Relations in 2019

Author’s e-mail: donnacha.obeachain@dcu.ie Irish Studies in International Affairs, Vol. 31 (2020), 255–294 doi: https://doi.org/10.3318/ISIA.2020.31.16 INTRODUCTION This article examines aspects of Ireland’s foreign relations in 2019. It begins with a synopsis of elections to the European Parliament, which took place in May, assessing the broad European trends and how the elections played out in Ireland. We then examine the Brexit negotiations process, particularly the impact of Boris Johnson’s rise to the British premiership. The article also assesses the significance of the Westminster election vote in Northern Ireland, which many considered a proxy for a referendum on Irish unity and which produced for the first time a greater number of nationalist than unionist MPs. The review then appraises relations between Scotland and Ireland as a bilateral review was launched to examine how the two countries might cooperate over the succeeding five years. Relations between Ireland and Russia are then surveyed, particularly Tánaiste Simon Coveney’s visit to Russia, the first bilateral meeting between foreign ministers since Ireland chaired the OSCE in 2012 and coming one year after both countries expelled each other’s diplomats as a result of the poisoning of military intelligence officer Sergei Skripal and his daughter. Subsequent sections are devoted to relations with Armenia and Turkey while the visits of Donald Trump and Mike Pence provide opportunities to reflect on the rapidly changing interactions between Ireland and the United States. Before concluding, the article contains a brief section devoted to those significant figures in Irish and international affairs who died during the year. ELECTIONS TO THE EUROPEAN PARLIAMENT On 24 May 2019 Ireland, along with twenty other EU member states, voted in elections to the European Parliament, the ninth such occasion since a direct vote Ireland’s Foreign Relations in 2019 Donnacha Ó Beacháin School of Law and Government, Dublin City University 256 Irish Studies in International Affairs to the assembly was introduced in 1979.1 Different visions of Europe competed in this election. After the Second World War, catch-all parties had helped move Europe from the extremes to the centre and created strong welfare states. Globalisation had eroded the guarantees and expectations of what the state could provide and produced a large cohort of economically vulnerable citizens susceptible to those offering easy solutions. In recent years populists had taken votes from the left and the right. UKIP and the Brexit Party in Britain were examples of this phenomenon, as they succeeded in attracting supporters from both the Conservatives and Labour. To accommodate the Brexit vote, the European Parliament voted in February 2018 to decrease the number of MEPs from 751 to 705 on the basis that the UK would withdraw from the EU as planned on 29 March 2019, two years after triggering Article 50. However, as the British government had sought an extension of Article 50 to 31 October 2019 the allocation of seats between the member states and the total number of MEPs remained as it had been in 2014. Ireland’s allocated number of seats in the European Parliament would increase from 11 to 13 but two of these MEPs would be able to take their seats only after Britain had left the EU. Despite being an election to one parliament, there remained major differences in how each member state conducted its affairs. In ten member states, including Ireland, candidates had to be at least twenty-one but for the majority (fifteen) the minimum age was eighteen. In Romania the requirement was 23, while in Greece and Italy one needed to have reached the relatively elderly age of twenty-five before being eligible to run. Ireland was one of four members (Malta, Slovakia and the Czech Republic being the others) that did not allow citizens to vote outside the state while in Estonia one could e-vote from­ anywhere in the world. Most member states voted for the EU parliament as single entities but five mapped out regional constituencies. Belgium had three constituencies, defined along language lines. The others were all geographical: thirteen in Poland, twelve in Britain, five in Italy and three in Ireland. Given that...

Ireland's Foreign Relations in 2019

Author’s e-mail: donnacha.obeachain@dcu.ie Irish Studies in International Affairs, Vol. 31 (2020), 255–294 doi: https://doi.org/10.3318/ISIA.2020.31.16 INTRODUCTION This article examines aspects of Ireland’s foreign relations in 2019. It begins with a synopsis of elections to the European Parliament, which took place in May, assessing the broad European trends and how the elections played out in Ireland. We then examine the Brexit negotiations process, particularly the impact of Boris Johnson’s rise to the British premiership. The article also assesses the significance of the Westminster election vote in Northern Ireland, which many considered a proxy for a referendum on Irish unity and which produced for the first time a greater number of nationalist than unionist MPs. The review then appraises relations between Scotland and Ireland as a bilateral review was launched to examine how the two countries might cooperate over the succeeding five years. Relations between Ireland and Russia are then surveyed, particularly Tánaiste Simon Coveney’s visit to Russia, the first bilateral meeting between foreign ministers since Ireland chaired the OSCE in 2012 and coming one year after both countries expelled each other’s diplomats as a result of the poisoning of military intelligence officer Sergei Skripal and his daughter. Subsequent sections are devoted to relations with Armenia and Turkey while the visits of Donald Trump and Mike Pence provide opportunities to reflect on the rapidly changing interactions between Ireland and the United States. Before concluding, the article contains a brief section devoted to those significant figures in Irish and international affairs who died during the year. ELECTIONS TO THE EUROPEAN PARLIAMENT On 24 May 2019 Ireland, along with twenty other EU member states, voted in elections to the European Parliament, the ninth such occasion since a direct vote Ireland’s Foreign Relations in 2019 Donnacha Ó Beacháin School of Law and Government, Dublin City University 256 Irish Studies in International Affairs to the assembly was introduced in 1979.1 Different visions of Europe competed in this election. After the Second World War, catch-all parties had helped move Europe from the extremes to the centre and created strong welfare states. Globalisation had eroded the guarantees and expectations of what the state could provide and produced a large cohort of economically vulnerable citizens susceptible to those offering easy solutions. In recent years populists had taken votes from the left and the right. UKIP and the Brexit Party in Britain were examples of this phenomenon, as they succeeded in attracting supporters from both the Conservatives and Labour. To accommodate the Brexit vote, the European Parliament voted in February 2018 to decrease the number of MEPs from 751 to 705 on the basis that the UK would withdraw from the EU as planned on 29 March 2019, two years after triggering Article 50. However, as the British government had sought an extension of Article 50 to 31 October 2019 the allocation of seats between the member states and the total number of MEPs remained as it had been in 2014. Ireland’s allocated number of seats in the European Parliament would increase from 11 to 13 but two of these MEPs would be able to take their seats only after Britain had left the EU. Despite being an election to one parliament, there remained major differences in how each member state conducted its affairs. In ten member states, including Ireland, candidates had to be at least twenty-one but for the majority (fifteen) the minimum age was eighteen. In Romania the requirement was 23, while in Greece and Italy one needed to have reached the relatively elderly age of twenty-five before being eligible to run. Ireland was one of four members (Malta, Slovakia and the Czech Republic being the others) that did not allow citizens to vote outside the state while in Estonia one could e-vote from­ anywhere in the world. Most member states voted for the EU parliament as single entities but five mapped out regional constituencies. Belgium had three constituencies, defined along language lines. The others were all geographical: thirteen in Poland, twelve in Britain, five in Italy and three in Ireland. Given that...

Ireland's Foreign Relations in 2018

Author’s e-mail: donnacha.obeachain@dcu.ie Irish Studies in International Affairs, Vol. 30 (2019), 235–264 doi: https://doi.org/10.3318/ISIA.2019.30.11 INTRODUCTION1 This article examines aspects of Ireland’s foreign relations in 2018. It begins with a brief synopsis of domestic politics in Ireland. Deteriorating relations between Russia and the West are then surveyed, particularly the Irish response to the poisoning of Sergei Skripal, for which the Kremlin was blamed, and which­ triggered the mass expulsion of diplomats. The visit of Pope Francis to Ireland is examined and provides an opportunity to reflect on the rapidly changing interactions between Ireland and the Holy See. Subsequent sections are devoted to signifi­ cant political events during the Brexit negotiations process including the ‘chequers plan’, the Salzburg summit and the withdrawal agreement negotiated by the European Union and the British Government. The review then appraises the presidency of Michael D. Higgins and its role in Ireland’s foreign relations. Before concluding, a brief section is devoted to those significant ­figures in Irish and international politics who died during the year. DOMESTIC POLITICAL SETTING Throughout the year, opinion polls suggested support levels for Fine Gael was at around 30 per cent, with Fianna Fáil trailing slightly on around 27 per cent, and Sinn Féin peaking at around the 20 per cent mark. Gerry Adams stepped down from the position of President of Sinn Féin after 35 years at the helm and was replaced by Mary Lou McDonald. The government enjoyed strong backing for its performance during Brexit negotiations. All parties in Dáil Éireann consistently supported the backstop, 1 The author would like to acknowledge the support of a Marie Curie Research and Innovation Staff Exchange scheme within the H2020 Programme (grant acronym: SHADOW, no: 778118). Ireland’s Foreign Relations in 2018 Donnacha Ó Beacháin1 School of Law and Government, Dublin City University 236 Irish Studies in International Affairs as did a majority in Northern Ireland. The confidence and supply arrangement put Fianna Fáil in the difficult position of propping up a party they opposed and sought to replace in government. Moreover, a general election was considered unlikely to fundamentally change the parliamentary arithmetic. In December, Fianna Fáil announced that it would continue to keep Fine Gael in office for another year, because of the uncertainties associated with Brexit. Party leader Micheál Martin said, ‘The chaos will not spread here from London… The national interest will come first’. This meant an election was considered unlikely before 2020.2 IRELAND, RUSSIA AND THE SKRIPAL CASE Ireland-Russia relations Ireland’s relationship with Russia has almost always been complicated. Due in part to its long-standing antipathy to communism, Ireland had the distinction of being the last EEC member state to establish diplomatic relations with the USSR. Fearing espionage and mischief making in Northern Ireland, foreign minister Garret FitzGerald had told his communist counterpart, Andrei Gromyko, in 1973 that he wanted the Soviet embassy to be a small mission. Gromyko, in turn, accused FitzGerald of uncritically repeating American propaganda .3 FitzGerald’s fears proved well founded when in 1983, a KGB spy ring was located operating out of the unlikely venue of the Stillorgan Shopping Centre. Consequently, three Soviet diplomats were expelled from Ireland.4 Difficulties persisted with the USSR’s main successor state, Russia.5 In 2010, the Gardaí concluded that the Russian embassy in Rathgar had been cloning the passports of Irish citizens applying for visas and distributing these bogus documents to Russian spies in the US. This resulted in the expulsion of a Russian diplomat. The ill-defined retaliation threatened by Moscow never materialised.6 Following Russia’s annexation of Crimea in March 2014 and military­ support for separatism in the Donbas region of Ukraine, Ireland participated in EU-sponsored sanctions, which reduced trade with Russia. While the EU ­ sanctions had targeted individuals and companies connected with 2 ‘Fianna Fáil guarantees no election in 2019 amid Brexit uncertainty as it extends confidence and supply arrangement’, Irish Independent, 12 December 2018. 3 Garret FitzGerald, All in a Life (Dublin, 1991), 126. 4 ‘Ireland and the KGB’, RTÉ Documentary on One...

Ireland's Foreign Relations in 2018

Ireland's Foreign Relations in 2018

Ireland's Foreign Relations in 2017

Ireland's Foreign Relations in 2017

Ireland's Foreign Relations in 2017

Ireland's Foreign Relations in 2017

Ireland's Foreign Relations in 2016

Ireland's Foreign Relations in 2016

Ireland's Foreign Relations in 2016

Ireland's Foreign Relations in 2016

Ireland's Foreign Relations in 2015

Ireland's Foreign Relations in 2015

Ireland's Foreign Relations in 2015

Ireland's Foreign Relations in 2015

Ireland's Foreign Relations in 2014

This article examines aspects of Ireland's foreign relations in 2014. It begins with a brief overview of the domestic and international context in which Irish foreign policy was devised and implemented before discussing the significance of the major extension of Ireland's diplomatic network, which was announced at the beginning of the year. The decision to re-open the embassy to the Holy See provides the starting point for a broader discussion of the rapidly changing interactions between Ireland and the Vatican. Deteriorating relations between Russia and Ukraine are then examined, particularly the Irish response to the Kremlin's annexation of the Black Sea peninsula of Crimea. The article proceeds to survey the high-level meetings that took place last year between the taoiseach and government representatives from Saudi Arabia, Qatar and the United Arab Emirates, highlighting the difficulty in striking a balance between economic interests and human-rights concerns. It then considers the response of the Irish political elite and the general public to the Israeli invasion of Gaza and the decision of both houses of the Oireachtas to support recognition of the state of Palestine. There are foci on various aspects of Ireland's relationship with the United States, including controversies surrounding exclusionary practices of the organisers of St Patrick's Day events, the use of Ireland by US companies for tax-avoidance purposes and the appointment of a US ambassador to Ireland after an unprecedented lapse of almost two years. The paper assesses Ireland's place in the continuing US-led ‘war on terror’, before discussing the achievements and challenges of the government's overseas aid programme. The interest of Ireland, north and south, in the referendum on Scottish independence is then appraised. Finally, the article sheds light on significant political events and processes in Northern Ireland and developments in Anglo-Irish relations generally during 2014.

Ireland's Foreign Relations in 2014

Ireland's Foreign Relations in 2014

Ireland's Foreign Relations in 2013

This article examines aspects of Ireland's foreign relations in 2013. It begins with a brief overview of Ireland's six-month presidency of the European Union before assessing features of Ireland's relationship with the EU, including its exit from the EU/IMF/ECB loan programme in December. It then proceeds to survey relations with the Middle East and North Africa, in particular with Egypt, Syria, Turkey and Israel–Palestine, before discussing the achievements of and challenges to the government's overseas aid programme during 2013. Deteriorating relations with Russia and Ukraine are then examined. Next, the paper assesses events related to Irish-US affairs, including the Obama family's visit to Ireland; the fallout from the Edward Snowden revelations of illegal surveillance by the National Security Agency; and efforts to ameliorate the plight of undocumented Irish immigrants to the US. President Higgins's tour of Central America is then reviewed, and this is followed by an examination of Ireland's interaction with Asia, particularly China. An appraisal of Ireland's reaction to the death of Nelson Mandela is provided, along with a short account of Ireland's evolving relationship with South Africa. Finally, the article sheds light on significant political events and processes in Northern Ireland and developments in Anglo-Irish relations generally during 2013.

Ireland's Foreign Relations in 2013

Ireland's Foreign Relations in 2013

Ireland's Foreign Relations in 2012

This article examines aspects of Ireland's foreign relations in 2012. It considers the fallout from the decision to close the embassy to the Holy See before discussing the vicissitudes of the government's overseas aid programme. It proceeds to survey the high-level meetings that took place last year between representatives of the Irish and Chinese governments, highlighting the difficulty in striking a balance between economic interests and human-rights concerns. The paper outlines Ireland's place in the continuing US-led 'war on terrorism' and the significance of Ireland's election to the United Nations Human Rights Council. There are foci on the Israeli-Palestinian conflict and developments in Ireland's relationship with Latin America. The article also sheds light on significant political events and processes in Northern Ireland and developments in Anglo-Irish relations generally during 2012. The article concludes with a comprehensive overview of Ireland's year-long chairmanship for the first time of the Organisation for Security and Cooperation in Europe (OSCE).