Iraqi Case Research Articles

Captured by the Quagmire: Iraq's Lost Generation and the Prospects for Children across the Arab Region Today

Increasing legibility is now available through NGO and U.N. data, which has been collected across Iraq, for an assessment of the contemporary state of social welfare amongst Iraqi children and the residual effects of the regime change that took place in 2003. This data will be examined, contextualized to the post-2003 period and the potential for theory-building will be explored. The picture that emerges suggests the level of humanitarian catastrophe resulting from the U.S.-led 2003 invasion and occupation recommends further interrogation of the policy of ‘regime change’ for its role in informing U.S. actions. Additionally, such catastrophic humanitarian outcomes lead to questions surrounding future use of regime change efforts. The Iraqi case exhibits the destruction of the state apparatus, with social and cultural institutions built from Iraq's 1932 independence, rather than a direct replacement of those ruling the state. Iraqi children, not yet born when the 2003 invasion took place, have borne the brunt of the Iraqi state's destruction, with an absence of care from those who carried out the change in regime.

The Causes and Consequences 0f Terrorism in the 21st Century: The Iraqi Case

This thesis outlines main causes and consequences of terrorism in the world and specifically in Iraq. The hypothesis of the thesis is that terrorism is the phenomenon that created a lot of impacts in Iraq. Global terrorism in the 21st century has become one of the biggest domestic and international challenges for Iraq. It summarizes transformation of terrorism and the impacts that mark how it is evolved. Terrorism can backfire to a certain level in the political aims of terrorist factions and also reduce the willingness to make territorial and political concessions by targeted population. The evidence of terrorism effectiveness is somehow sparse. The nature of terrorism is being manifested clearly in our everyday life based on the number of victims it claims. The term “terrorism” stated since during the French Revolution in 1789, by the new region to consolidate its powers and intimidate all opponents. Most of the members of the regime were equally strong patriots of the old monarchy. The term was totally of a different connotation and was associated with the purpose of maintaining justice and democracy against the old order which was perceived to be tyrannical and corrupt. Terrorism for decades has always been a method in which the weak could use to overcome the oppressive and powerful. The researcher of this thesis is trying to identify the main causes of this terrorism that has increase so rapidly around world, especially Iraq after a War on Terror was declared by US and UK. Additionally, this thesis outlines how Iraq and international community policy-makers have responded to the challenges in the region. Terrorism poses a significant threat to the security in open societies and it inflicts grave harm upon modern economies and civilians. Problems in Iraq can bring tremendous consequences for the broader "war on terror".

Humanitarian Relief and Intervention

At the time of changing politics, environmental crises, and technological developments, the number of people in need of humanitarian assistance is increasing. This assistance is essential to save the lives of millions, alleviate suffering and protect human dignity. However, the assistance supplied is not enough for several reasons. To fulfill the legal mandate of humanitarian aid under international law and reach the Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs), as well as the main aims of humanitarian actors, significant changes in their practices to increase effectiveness and efficiency is needed. On the other side, the sphere of humanitarian relief and military intervention has undergone a relevant change, in sharp contrast to what was before, endorsed by many parts of the International Community. The increase of disasters and crises as well as the fast growth of human rights doctrine have inevitably led to a required redefinition of humanitarian policy and practice: as the humanitarian NGOs have been integrated into policymaking forums, policymakers have increasingly claimed to be guided by ”moral” or ”ethical” humanitarian principles, setting aside the existing legal framework mainly provided by the Charter of United Nations. Indeed, the aim of this paper is to highlight the current weaknesses and strengths of the UN system in this field, in the light of the evolving customary international law, and to provide recommendations to improve it. Throughout this paper, we will provide some facts and figures in the introduction. In chapter 2, we will discuss humanitarian relief, after defining the concept and pointing the main objective, the legal framework under international law and the relation with the Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs) will be covered. It will be followed by a close examination of the Global Governance Structure comprising of the UN System and the cluster approach. Such a huge structure with many actors working for millions of people in need, of course, has lots of strengths as well as weaknesses. Finally, recommendations to increase the effectiveness and efficiency of humanitarian relief will be provided. Chapter 3 is dedicated to a comprehensive analysis of the existing International framework of Humanitarian Intervention, indicating the main Organizations as well as the legal basis involved, with a focus on the United Nations system. In addition, this chapter will discuss the development of a “parallel” Just War Doctrine, against the background of some post-Cold War’s humanitarian crises, here duly reported, which is contributing to shaping a new international approach towards humanitarian interventions and bypasses the black-letter of the Law in place herein. This raises doubts on the effectiveness and efficacy of the existing system that, we will see, displays more weaknesses than strengths, posing interrogatives on the need for a solid and urgent reform of the entire mechanism. Chapter 4 will be covering the post-cold war era of the UNSC and its role transformation, while examining the Iraqi case through testing the elements of the just war theory on this specific case. In chapter 5, we will provide general conclusions drawn up from this paper.

IRAQ: YEARS OF POST-SADDAM INTERNAL AND EXTERNAL DEVELOPMENTS

Iraqis very important for the world community because of its strategic position at the crossroads between the Persian Gulf, theMideteraneanSeaand theRed Seaalong with huge oil and mineral wealth. Moreover, Iraqi case illustrates all aspects of the US Middle Eastern policy since the end of the Cold War. The article analyses political and economic processes in Iraq after the demise of Saddam Hussain’s regime, evaluates the efficiency of post-war reconstruction of this Arab country in security and economic fields, singles out the reasons behind the civil war between Sunni and Shia followers, explains the paradox of semi-independent status of Iraqi Kurdistan as well as foreign policy of official Baghdad towards important neighbours – Turkey, Iran, Saudi Arabia and Jordan. The rise of Islamic State of Iraq andLevantcapitalizing on sectarian devide and an attempt of Iraqi leadership to neutralize this threat also has become the part of analyzis.

Corruption in the extractive industry sector reinventing trusted governance "Iraqi Case"

In the natural resource governance, corruption and transparency both got high attraction from the public and worldwide institutions, which focus on transparency, corruption and good governance. Tackling corruption in extractive industry in countries endowed with natural resources is the core concern for the people, yet governments in most developing countries are not concerned about being prepared for the transparency and accountability initiatives for creating open governments. This study offers a review existing literature aiming at evaluating the impact of E-Government for transparency and accountability in the extractive industry sector in Iraq since 2003. In fact, the natural resource governance needs good governance principles to be enforced for improving transparency and accountability between the government and the companies during, licensing, exploration, contracting, extraction, revenue generation and the allocation process of the revenues. While, E- Governance has got international attention from developed and developing countries, the initiative started with Kimberly Process Certification Scheme (KPCS), followed by the Global Witness/ Publish What You Pay Coalition (PWYP), with the recent emergence of the Extractive Industries Transparency Initiative (EITI). Many resource abundant countries such as Iraq, Nigeria, Venezuela, Angola, etc, underperform in terms of socio-economic development, those countries face the ‘the resource curse’ as an economic phenomenon, which is interlinked to the politics of resource governance. Indeed, corruption and transparency as the main principles of pure governance in natural resources set the picture of government for being accountable for his populations. This study aims in answering this thesis:
 In the absence of E-Government, corruption hampered the revenues in Iraq similarly as many other rentier states

Oil production and abrupt institutional change: the multi-cyclic Hubbert model and the case of Iraq

Iraq, one of the world's leading crude oil producers with the fifth largest share of proven global oil reserves, recently ranked as the second-largest producer among Organization of the Petroleum Exporting Countries (OPEC) members. Nevertheless, performance of the upstream subsector in terms of oil production volume has been subject to severe disruptions for more than four decades. The main sources for these fluctuations are multi-institutional changes caused by nationalization, wars and United Nations sanctions. This article applies to the Iraqi case an extended version of the multi-cycle Hubbert model, developed by Reynolds and Kolodziej in 2008 and 2009. This econometrics model explores and attempts to quantify statistically the relationship between oil production and multi-institutional changes within Iraq. Findings indicate the negative and significant impacts of abrupt institutional change on the performance of the oil industry where this adverse impact varies in magnitude from one episode to another. As Iraq is still yet in the midst of a turbulent transition, the article also discusses the major challenges of the post-2003 era, associated with the present and potential future development of the Iraqi oil-producing sector. This is especially with regard to the increasing economic and political fragmentation that stems from the absence of a unified oil policy.

An Analysis on Effects of Story Mapping in Writing Short Stories in EFL Classes, Iraqi Case

In this study, it is investigated that how much story map graphic organizers contribute to foster writing short stories. Eighteen EFL students from foundation year were randomly chosen and provided eight writing courses. First, the writing teacher provided a topic to the students for each course, and asked them to write three short stories about given topics. In the following two lessons, the instructor introduced graphic organizers and taught the elements of short story to the students. Later, they were given another three topics for the following three courses to create short stories using story map graphic organizers created by writing teacher. Then, the researcher selected two of their first and second pieces randomly and developed a scale to assess the students’ first and second products. The results were classified by including story elements.in two tables as percentage.

Oil and the Kurdish question: how democracies go to war in the era of late capitalism, The Kurdish spring: a new map of the Middle East

These two volumes share more than a focus on Kurdish issues, which neither approaches in a narrowly academic manner. Each has been given an alarmingly misleading title. Stephen Pelletiere writes as if the ‘Kurdish question’ applies exclusively to Iraq, where considerably less than 20 per cent of all Kurds live. He has relatively little to say about the impact of oil on Iraq's Kurdish question, although it is considerable, and says practically nothing at all either on how democracies go to war or about the late capitalist context. David Phillips, on the other hand, does address the plight of the Kurds in Turkey, Iran and Syria, as well as Iraq, and at least until the last 50 pages or so, he pays equal attention to them. However, although he would clearly like to see a new map of the Middle East, and one that takes account of Kurdish aspirations, his volume offers few reasons why we should expect such a map to emerge any time soon, and many reasons why we should not. In so far as there is such a prospect, his comments apply exclusively to the Iraqi case. Although Phillips touches on the recent march of events in the regions of the Middle East where Kurds mostly reside, he does little to explain quite why he thinks there is, or has been, a ‘Kurdish spring’.

Strategic Framework for Sustainable Management of Drainage Systems in Semi-Arid Cities: An Iraqi Case Study

For the purpose of this paper, Erbil city, located in the northern part of Iraq, has been chosen as a representative case study for a large number of cities, particularly in semi-arid areas, lacking sustainable drainage systems (SuDS). The study assesses (a) the role of SuDS as a measure in areas with a water shortage; (b) water scarcity in decision-making processes; (c) the lack of legislation to implement SuDS; (d) the adverse effects of climate change on the urban drainage system; and (e) the effects of an increased population on SuDS implementation. An integrated methodology that incorporates a self-administrated questionnaire, workshops, face-to-face communication and interviews, as well as electronic media interactions, were used to achieve the objectives. A generic platform that consists of thirteen pillars, supporting the short to long-term national policies and strategies towards a sustainable urban drainage system, has been developed. Results showed that environmental laws need to be introduced. Findings also indicate that a growing population, which is partly due to an increase of internally displaced people, is a major challenge to an early application of SuDS, due to a rise in land demand and a lack of financial resources.

Political Marketing in Post-Conflict Elections: The Case of Iraq

This article examines political marketing in post-conflict elections through an illustrative case study of post-Saddam Iraq. It does so through articles and media reports as well as interviews and participant-observation research conducted in Iraq during the 2014 national and provincial elections. The article argues that, despite having a number of the comparative and ethnic conflict country characteristics that work against a market-oriented approach, Iraqi political parties have become increasingly professionalized and, to a lesser extent, willing to change their product in response to market research. It further argues that the Iraqi case can contribute to broader debates in the political marketing literature over the definition of market orientation and over the comparative factors that can help or hinder the spread of political marketing techniques.

Land tenure administration: Towards a regulatory backdrop to land tenure in Iraq

This paper discusses some of those aspects of land law in the Iraqi case that might have a direct bearing on national development or retardation. In so doing it will follow a reviewing to the historical-developmental approach to questions of legal doctrine, thereby pointing in the direction to which the Iraqi land legal development is proceeding. This paper introduce background reviewing, and discuss the Iraqi’s key institutional & regulatory framework, and introducing the administrative authorities of land and giving brief details of its hierarchy and responsibilities in this respect. Accordingly, this paper explores the Iraqi case within 5 different periods of time to review all those doctrines and decrees that shaped the pre-modern laws of land and land rights by focusing on the main administrative progresses during the implementation of the Iraqi national development. The discussion progresses to deal with the Iraqi current crisis in order to assess the role of Iraqi Land Authorities (ILAs) focusing on their efficiency under the influence of the recent situations. The paper also highlighted a set of the Iraq's complex critical factors, which are believed to be the fundamental considerations for implementing the land tenure and its security and saving the land users’ rights in the Iraqi current case.

Political Change and National Integration: An Inquiry into the Iraqi Case

Political Change and National Integration: An Inquiry into the Iraqi Case

Analysis of UN Resolutions Relating to North Korea: A Comparison with Resolutions Relating to the Second Gulf War

This work attempts to understand whether it is possible to talk about the emergence of specific recurring linguistic patterns in UN resolutions, used as a political strategy. The paper presents a comparative analysis between a corpus of resolutions related to the Second Gulf War and to the 2011 North Korean nuclear crisis, focussing on ethic adjectives and preambulatory and operative phrases used in these resolutions. It is attempted to show how vague and weak expressions can be used either to lead to intentionally biased interpretations of the law as was supposed in the Iraqi case, or to mitigate international tensions, though maintaining a firm position against international threats, as supposed for North Korea.

Assessment of Clinical Safety and Estimate of Survival in Iraqi Patients with Chronic Myeloid Leukemia Switched From Glivec (β-Crystalline Form of Imatinib Mesylate) to an α-Crystalline Copy of Imatinib Mesylate

AbstractAbstract 4439 Background:Several reports have recently been published documenting the experience of patients with Philadelphia chromosome positive chronic myeloid leukemia in the chronic phase (CML-CP) who were switched from Glivec (IM), the β-crystalline form of imatinib mesylate, to non-identical alternate copies of imatinib mesylate (IMac) including those composed of the α-crystalline form. As a result of pre-clinical tests performed during the early development of IM, the β-crystalline form of imatinib mesylate was selected for further development due to its superior stability. In one case report evaluation, 126 Iraqi patients with CML-CP were switched from IM to an IMac that was the α-crystalline form of imatinib mesylate. At the time of switch to IMac, patients had previously received 400mg IM once-daily for an average of 50 months and were at least in complete hematologic response (CHR). Post-switch, patients were initially placed on the same IMac dose and followed-up on a monthly basis; more frequently in cases of poor response or adverse events. By 3 months post-switch, 22 (17%) patients had lost hematologic response and of these patients 18 (14%) and 4 (3%) had progressed to accelerated phase (AP) and blast crisis (BC), respectively. By 6 months post-switch, an additional 20 patients (16%; 33% total) had lost hematologic response. Safety assessment for IMac in this cohort has not been previously published. Objective:To assess the clinical safety and to estimate the survival of Iraqi CML patients switched from IM to IMac. Methods:Patient case records were retrospectively reviewed for safety findings as assessed by the treating physician. A previously published Markov transition-state model was used to compare projected life-years (LYs), progression-free life-years (PFLY), and quality-adjusted life-years (QALYs) of IM patients switched to IMac vs. patients not switched. Patients entered the model after a mean 50 months of IM therapy. At that time, based on the IRIS trial results, patients were considered to have CHR (4.7%), partial (6.5%) or complete (88.9%) cytogenetic response. Patients remaining on IM transitioned within these 3 responses levels and no hematologic response, AP, BC, and death according to the original model probabilities. For patients switched to IMac, transition rates were based exclusively on response rates observed in the Iraqi study (Scenario 1) or on the Iraqi study for the first 6 months, and thereafter based on the transition rates originally in the Markov model (Scenario 2). Utilities were from the original model. Results:Non-hematologic adverse event (AE) rates observed in patients who were switched to IMac are reported (Table). Patients remaining on IM were predicted to experience 15.7 LYs, 14.5 PFLYs, and 13.4 QALYs. Corresponding numbers for patients switched to IMac were 2.4 LYs, 1.1 PFLYs, 1.4 QALYs (in Scenario 1) and 11.4 LYs, 10.2 PFLYs, and 9.6 QALYs (in Scenario 2). Results were also sensitive to response distribution at model entry. Conclusions:The clinical safety, efficacy, and tolerability of IM have been established from more than 10 years of clinical experience. Recent introduction of generic versions of imatinib (including α-crystalline form) allows assessment of whether patients switching from IM to a generic version are able to achieve the same clinical outcomes as with the branded drug. The Iraqi case report is the largest cohort currently available for such review. This case report suggests that switching from IM to an IMac that does not have the safety and/or efficacy may result in substantial loss of LYs, PFLYs, and QALYs. Robust pharmacovigilance programs may need to be established to differentiate safety findings for originator drugs vs. substandard generic versions.Observed in Iraqi StudyAdverse EventAll Grades (%)Bone Paina87.3Muscle Crampb81.7Fluid Retention67.5Nausea52.4Skin rash34.9Diarrhea26.2Fever27.8Vomiting21.4Parasthesia20.6Weight Gain16.7Stomatitis11.1Alopecia7.9Abdominal Pain7.9aincludes bone pain and joint pain,bincludes musculoskeletal pain and muscle cramps. Disclosures:Botteman:Novartis: Consultancy. Magestro:Novartis: Employment, Equity Ownership. Manley:Novartis Pharma AG: Employment. Zernovak:Novartis Pharmaceuticals Corp: Employment, Equity Ownership. Woodman:Novaris Pharmaceuticals Corp: Employment, Equity Ownership.

WMD Monitoring and Verification Regimes: Lessons from Iraq

In the years following the 2003 invasion of Iraq, there emerged a generally accepted view that the US government misinterpreted, or even deliberately misconstrued, the intelligence on Iraqi weapons of mass destruction (WMD) and that, in sharp contrast, international monitoring and verification regimes correctly verified prior to the war that Iraq had no WMD and deterred Saddam Hussein from pursuing them. Critiques of international inspections tend to overstate their capabilities and the levels of confidence that inspection processes can give the international community in verifying weapons development and rollback claims. The Iraqi case is important for thinking about current and future monitoring and verification regimes, but important lessons are being overlooked – and the wrong lessons are being learned. A sober reassessment of the strengths and weaknesses of the monitoring and verification in Iraq provides important lessons for those dealing with difficult cases now and in the future.

Saddam, Israel, and the Bomb: Nuclear Alarmism Justified?

Efforts to understand Saddam Hussein's strategic thought have long been hampered by the opacity and secrecy of the Baathist regime. Newly available, high-level Iraqi archival documentation demonstrates that in the late 1970s and early 1980s, Saddam viewed nuclear weapons through a fundamentally coercive, revisionist lens. He had long hoped to wage a grinding war of attrition against the Israeli state, and he believed that Iraqi acquisition of the bomb would neutralize Israeli nuclear threats, force the Jewish state to fight at the conventional level, and thereby allow Iraq and its Arab allies (with their larger economic and population base) to prosecute a prolonged war that would displace Israel from the territories occupied in 1967. These findings have implications for the existing theoretical literature on the causes and consequences of nuclear proliferation, as well as for the growing body of work on “nuclear alarmism.” The Iraqi case undermines the thesis that states proliferate primarily because of defensive concerns. Saddam certainly viewed possession of the bomb as a means of enhancing Iraq's security, but his attraction to nuclear weapons revolved around offensive objectives. Saddam hoped to exploit the deterrent balance with Israel to initiate a bloody conventional war that would have likely been immensely destructive and destabilizing for the Middle East as a whole. In other words, though Saddam never obtained nuclear weapons, his views on their potential utility give good cause for both pessimism and alarm.

From Indifference to Obsession: The Role of National State Celebrations in Iraq, 1921–2003

Rulers and elites have invented rituals and commemorations in order to serve their interests—to legitimize their hegemony as well as to maintain the existing social and political order. This process is most salient in the new modern states, whose national identity and collective memory are at an early stage of construction. This article analyses Iraq's state celebrations in the context of its state formation and nation-building processes. Before the US occupation in April 2003, Iraq had been governed by four regimes: the monarchy (1921–1958), ‘Abd al-Karim Qassem (1958–1963), the ‘Arif Brothers (1963–1968), and the Ba‘th (1968–2003). This article shows how successive Iraqi regimes moved from indifference to obsession with regard to celebrating national holidays. It advances three major arguments. First, each regime attempted to de-legitimize its predecessor by erasing or significantly changing its national calendar of holidays. These changes adversely affected the ability of the Iraqi polity to establish a shared historical memory serving as a basis for its national identity. Second, though a modern invention of British colonialism, Iraq's cultural artefacts of celebrations were taken from a mixed reservoir: foreign—both Western European and Eastern European—and local or ‘traditional’, either Islamic or pre-Islamic. The end result of the use of this wide symbolic market was a calendar reflecting a hybrid political culture. Third, the Iraqi case study shows that an inverse correlation exists between the calendar's density and the regime's perceived legitimacy. It seems that a ‘thick’ calendar reflects a shortage of legitimacy while a ‘thin’ calendar reflects a more secure and legitimized regime.

Beyond 9/11: Terrorism and Media in a Mid-term Period View (1998–2005)

By drawing upon the first results of an analysis carried out on the 1998–2005 period, this work tries to reconstruct the trends in terrorist attacks and their media coverage in seven international daily newspapers. Also the dynamics of media over/under-representation are investigated, as well as the existence of differentiated coverage related to the geopolitical distance/proximity of the country object of attack. Special attention is paid to an empirical analysis of the Iraqi case. The work opens with a short methodological discussion on the issue of terrorism measurement, from its operational definition to the choice of the database on which to carry out the analyses.

IDP and Refugee Return to Northern Iraq: Sustainable Returns or Demographic Bombs?

Regime change in Iraq has opened the door to the return of hundreds of thousands of refugees and internally displaced persons (IDPs), the majority of whom were expelled from Kirkuk and other areas in northern Iraq. The Iraqi case presents three broad, readily identifiable categories of displaced persons: refugees in Iraq's neighbouring states, internally displaced persons, and refugees and migrants in third countries further afield. The first two categories include the largest numbers of displaced people as well as the majority of those with a great desire or pressing need to return to their homelands in Iraq. Although some of those displaced have succeeded in making a good life for themselves in their new new homes, those who did not manage well after their displacement generally long to return to their original towns and homes. However, the following general problems, in order of gravity, impede the success and sustainability of returns to northern Iraq: (i) sectarian competition over political structures and power distributions in post-Saddam Iraq; (ii) increasing lack of security in Iraq; (iii) insufficient preparations and slow policy implementation by the former CPA and Coalition Forces; (iv) insufficient financial resources to deal with the full magnitude of the displacement problem in Iraq; and (v) high expectations of returnees vis-a-vis continuing lack of opportunities and the slow rate of positive developments in the social, economic and political situation in Iraq. However, the emerging political contests over the future of the new Iraq greatly complicate effective and comprehensive return programs; the ultimate test of success and sustainability of return to Iraq will depend on the future of post-Saddam Iraq itself.

Reconstructing Gender: Iraqi women between dictatorship, war, sanctions and occupation

This article explores the role of Iraqi women in reconstruction processes by contextualising the current situation with respect to changing gender ideologies and relations over the past three decades. Before discussing the Iraqi case specifically, I provide a brief theoretical background about the significance of gender in reconstruction as well as nation-building processes. A historical background aims to shed light on the changing gender ideologies and relations during the regime of Saddam Hussein. The article focuses particularly on the impacts of the early developmental – modernist discourses of the state and the impacts of war (Iran – Iraq war 1980 – 88, Gulf wars 1991, 2003) as well as on the comprehensive economic sanctions regime (1990 – 2003). The latter involved wider social changes affecting women and gender relations but also society at large because of the impoverishment of the well educated middle-class, wide-scale unemployment, an economic crisis and a shift towards more conservative values and morals. It is against this historical background that contemporary developments related to ongoing conflict, occupation and political transition affect women and gender relations.