Iranian Politics Research Articles

Under the Watchful Eyes of the Supreme Leader: Iranian Politics and the Art Market

Abstract This article studies the relationship between politics and the art market. It adopts the Iranian model and analyzes how the political advancement of the Islamic Republic influenced aesthetics, art production, and the art market, to highlight how a conservatively religious model—governed by theocracy—impacts an otherwise prosperous and affluent culture. As such, this study also explores the correlation between art and moral virtues within a society. According to data, exportation of Iranian art was enjoying a far more lucrative climate the world over prior to the 1979 revolution. After the Islamic Revolution, artists, collectors, art galleries, and museums were forced to carve a confined space of existence and self-expression as a consequence of the endless limitations imposed. The political realm directly affected artists’ aesthetics, materiality, subject matter, and exposure. Artists were somewhat isolated from the global art scene, and their practice was defined by predetermined moral restrictions and boundaries. As for the art market, it became a hidden and unregulated market where the sale of artworks was muddled with money laundering and illegal exchange.

(Un)familiar familialism: the recent shift in family politics in Iran

This contribution addresses the strategic significance of family politics for the Islamic Republic of Iran, facing multifaceted crises. It identifies Iran’s recent family and gender policies, which are characterised by the fusion of neoliberal principles with moral politics and can be found in other authoritarian neoliberal regimes. Drawing on a historical analysis of familialism in Iran, spanning pre- and post-revolutionary periods, we contend that the recent shift towards a gendered-moral politics emphasising harsh pronatalism and family-oriented governance, termed ‘neoliberal familialism’, reflects a profound shift in the political rationality of the Islamic Republic towards neoliberal governance to manage its socio-economic crises. In other words, not only have neoliberal principles affected the family politics of the last decade in Iran, but a specific form of masculine nationalist neoliberalisation in Iran has also been possible and advanced partly through neoliberal familialism.

Politics and Music in Iran (1980-2023)

Revolution in Iran, in 1979, established a new political system, known as Islamic Republic of Iran, which is based on strong relationship between religion and state. The preamble and many articles of it's constitution, including fourth article, stipulates that in this political structure all law and policies should be made according Islamic Law (Shariaا). So, music and other socio-cultural dimensions of life, has been made subjected to religious law, or at least this is the object of the government. But Iranians has followed their own ways of life, which in some major aspects is different from the formal ways of the government. This paper shows some major trends of music and their interactions or objections to politics in Iran (1980-2023).

The Islamic Republic of Iran’s Multipronged Approach to the Repression of Kurds

Since the establishment of the modern Iranian nation-state in 1923, successive regimes and governments of Iran have pursued an intricate policy of suppressing and persecuting its Kurdish people, presenting a significant threat to the Kurdish national identity, culture, and society. The successive Iranian regimes have, along with military means, employed the state’s cultural, educational, religious, and economic institutions to accomplish their goals of assimilating and conquering the Kurds. An examination of Kurdish history and politics in Iran reveals that while the international community has some knowledge of the Iranian state’s extensive deployment of military force and explicit militarization of Iranian Kurdistan (Rojhelat/East Kurdistan), the broader psychological and nonmilitary (soft power) practices employed to suppress the Kurdish movement, identity, and culture are lesser known to the outside world. By focusing on mass media and policies of “divide-and-rule” as measures and mechanisms used by the Iranian state to subdue its Kurdish citizens, this article aims to provide an analysis of the post-1979 state-Kurdish relationships in Iran.

Understanding of Hybrid Political System of Islamic Republic Iran: The Case Study of General Election 2024

The Islamic Republic of Iran possesses a hybrid political system. It encompasses both elements of democracy and Islamic theocracy. As a unique model of the Islamic governmental system, the political system in Iran rests on dual sources of legitimacy. The objective of this paper is to examine the voter behaviour and the result of the 2024 elections in the Islamic Republic of Iran as well as to study the impact of president death on the election schedule. This election recorded the lowest turnout in history. The voter behaviour, attitude, and concerns towards Iranian politics and electoral politics also studied. The factors that caused low turnout is also discussed. The data for conducting this research is collected from journals, articles, official websites, and other secondary sources. The study concluded that the hope of no political and social change in Iran exploits the voters and that’s the main reason of low turnout in elections 2024. This study recommends that Iran’s government should focus to make electoral process modern, and policies should be flexible.

Iran's Political and Economic Situation during the British-Soviet Military Occupation

Iran's Political and Economic Situation during the British-Soviet Military Occupation

(Gender) Politics in the Field: The Precarities of Diasporic (Women) Scholars of Iranian Politics during and after the ‘Woman, Life, Freedom’ Uprising

(Gender) Politics in the Field: The Precarities of Diasporic (Women) Scholars of Iranian Politics during and after the ‘Woman, Life, Freedom’ Uprising

Ciné-martyrographies. Media techniques of witnessing in Iranian cinema

ABSTRACT The article explores the ‘making of martyrs’ at the intersection of media (especially cinema), propaganda, and body politics in Iran. Martyrs are not only highly contested bodies, but also surrounded by diverse media techniques which compete for the right to re-make these bodies and organize the visual economy of witnessing. In the Islamic Republic of Iran, the cultural industry called Cinema of Sacred Defence sought to monopolize the right to make martyrs after the 1979 Revolution, pursuing a strategy of ascribing different qualities of witnessing to different media. Along films such as Ebrahim Hatamikia’s Damascus Time (2018) and Mohammad Hossein Mahdavian’s Standing in the Dust (2016), the article examines the new ciné-martyrographies of the Sacred Defence and demonstrates how the Islamic Republic's visual propaganda machinery uses old and new digital media as 'messages’ – in terms of boundary building as well as the ability to generate genuine Islamic witnessing. In contrast, counter-martyrographies – such as Shahram Mokri’s Fish and Cat (2013) and Careless Crime (2020)— are explored that challenge the state’s iconology of the martyr and its monopoly on (blood) testimony by depicting media techniques of witnessing that remember those who have no right to be remembered as martyrs by the state.

Политическая власть в Иране: особенности влияния неформальных групп

The article studies the features of informal groups’ influence on power relations shaping in Iran. Based on the theory of interest group, the author analyzes the resources of influence of the five most powerful interest groups – the Shiite clergy, marketeers, religious bureaucracy, children of political and religious elite, and the Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps. The traditional pivotal place of religion in Iranian society renders an influential position to the clergy. The presence of an ideological base, institutional support, material independence from the state throughout history, and closeness to the people are the factors that allow the clergy, often from outside the official system of government, to exert significant influence on its dynamics. The merchant class (bazaari) has historically been an ally of the clergy, together with whom it has repeatedly opposed political and economic decisions of Iranian authorities. This symbiosis is pragmatic: the clergy receives material resources from marketeers, who by supporting the clergy can count on its influence in promoting favorable agendas for them at the highest level. The author has established that the official state bureaucracy in Iran is under the influence of a parallel religious bureaucracy that appeared after the Islamic Revolution for religious and ideological monitoring in state structures. Due to the long coexistence and the general context of Iran’s political culture, in which family ties play an important role in gaining access to power interests, both lines of the country’s bureaucracy today seem entangled. Social capital is also a key resource for the children of Iran’s religious and political elite (aghazadegan). This actor of Iranian politics evolved as an interest group of high-ranking officials’ children whose parents were legally barred from doing business. As a result, a group of interests has emerged that controls large economic resources in Iran and creates potential challenges for the political and ideological foundations of the current regime. Unlike the previous four interest groups, the Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps is a purely state structure, which is becoming an informal actor in Iranian politics due to the growing political ambitions. Legally, the Corps should not engage in politics, but, in fact, the military mobilization potential, large-scale economic activity and wide representation of loyal people in all structures of supreme power in Iran make it one of the key actors in Iranian politics. Based on the conducted study, the author concludes that the political life of Iran is difficult to understand only by studying the activities of official structures. There are other actors who, despite legislative restrictions on their powers or scope of activity, are actively involved in shaping the domestic political agenda in Iran.

Sufism in the Modern and Contemporary Iranian Politics

"The objective of this article is to explore how political Sufism, in conjunction with political Shī’ism, influences contemporary Iranian internal and external affairs, the decision-making process, and the future political ideology. While religion has consistently been an integral part of Iranian state and culture, the primary faith has not always played a definitive role in political decisions throughout history, particularly in recent decades. To gain a deeper understanding of Iranian politics and its future trajectory, it is essential to comprehend the role of Sufi elements within it. This work elucidates the core political Sufi ideas and their persistence and development within Persian borders up to the present day, despite facing substantial opposition from the ulama. Furthermore, in order to identify these Sufi elements within the current Iranian political landscape, the article analyzes all presidential administrations since the Revolution and highlights how political Sufism has become ingrained in both the decision-making process and political propaganda. Key-words: Sufism, Iran, politics, Shī’ism, propaganda, eschatology"

Kurdish Politics in Iran: Crossborder Interactions and Mobilisation since 1947, by Allan Hassaniyan

Kurdish Politics in Iran: Crossborder Interactions and Mobilisation since 1947, by Allan Hassaniyan

On some aspects of economical diplomacy and foreign economical priorities of Iran's government

The article discusses some aspects of economic diplomacy and the main foreign economic priorities of the Government of Iran headed by President E. Raisi and its activities for their implementation. It is noted that economic diplomacy occupies an important place in the foreign policy of the current government of the country, because it can really contribute to expanding the export opportunities of the Iranian economy, fi nding new markets for Iranian goods, attracting foreign investment to the country, as well as neutralizing the negative eff ect of long-term anti-Iranian sanctions of the West. The article analyzes the main problems of the Iranian economy, which have a direct impact on economic diplomacy. As part of the implementation of the main foreign policy and foreign economic priorities — "development of relations with neighboring states" and "multilateral economic integration" — Iran seeks to expand cooperation along the so-called "axis of resistance" with Iraq, Syria and Lebanon and due to this factor, under the conditions of Western sanctions, to increase signifi cantly the volume of its economic cooperation with the above-mentioned countries. Another priority foreign economic direction of the Government of Iran is the course to intensify cooperation with interregional and global integration organizations (SCO, BRICS, ECO, EAEU) in such areas as the development of transit potential and the implementation of the North–South project, the construction of new transport communications, coordination of actions in the oil and gas sector and the electric power industry, in the fi eld of fi nance and banks, customs interaction. The Government of President E. Raisi seeks to build and intensify Iran's political and economic strategic cooperation on a long-term basis with such friendly and influential states as China and Russia. The article highlights some aspects and prospects for the development of Russian-Iranian relations at the present stage.

Իսլամական հեղափոխության պահապանների կորպուսի դերն Իրանի քաղաքական համակարգում

The complex political situation created by the Islamic Revolution provided the basis for the creation of the Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps (IRGC). The Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps supplements regular Armed Forces by performing functions outside the traditional role of the army, operating separately, and carrying out various operational tasks. The research into this organization indicates that the IRGC that mainly carried out the security of the Khomeini groups has become a powerful structure. It could be said that today the IRGC functions as a broad socio-political and economic institution whose influence extends to all aspects of Iran's political and social life. Today, the Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps is also a corporate unit of Iran's military, intelligence, political, political, ideological, as well as financial and economic institutions. It can also be emphasized that this powerful structure is the backbone of the Islamic Republic of Iran today. According to Ayatollah Montazeri, one of Iran's most influential figures, the Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps is the child of the revolution and is the only body in its kind that has broad religious, political, and military powers.

The Iranian Politics of Britain and Russia During and After World War I (1914-1925)

İran, tarih boyunca üzerinde bulunduğu stratejik konumu ve sahip olduğu yeraltı kaynakları sebebiyle emperyalist devletlerin dikkatini çekmiştir. 19. asrın son yarısından itibaren de İngiltere, Rusya ve Fransa’nın sömürgeci siyasetine maruz kalmıştır. Özellikle 20. asrın başında nüfuzunu İran’da hissettiren İngiltere, aynı topraklarda hedefleri olan Rusya’nın Hindistan güzergâhına sarkmaması ve Fars Körfezi’ne ulaşmaması için bütün diplomatik manevraları devreye sokmuştur. İngiltere, Rusya’nın masa başında oyalanması, İran’ın kuzeydeki topraklarını işgal etmesi ile yetinmesi siyasetinde başarılı olmuştur. Kaçar idaresinin başlarında Fethali Şah döneminde kuzeydeki toprakların işgali ile başlayan İran-Rus Savaşlarının güneye sıçramaması için arabulucu rolü oynamış, bu rolü neticesinde iki devlet arasında imzalanan Gülistan ve Türkmençay antlaşmalarıyla İran’ın ağır savaş tazminatına mahkûm ettirilmesini sağlamıştır. Rusya’ya ödenecek tazminat, mali açıdan İngiliz nüfuzunun kurulmasını kolaylaştırmış, işgal edilen toprakların Rusya’da kalması ise bu devleti durdurmuştur. İran’ı I. Dünya Savaşı öncesinde kendi nüfuz bölgesi olarak gören İngiltere, bir yandan Kaçar idaresini de yıpratarak adım adım hedefine doğru ilerlemiştir. Rusya ise bu hedefin içerisinde rol almak suretiyle İran üzerindeki yayılmacı siyasetini ortaya koymuştur.
 Çalışmamızda adı geçen iki sömürgeci ülkenin İran’da gerçekleştirdikleri işgali, İngiltere’nın savaş sırasında temel gıda maddelerini stoklamasıyla ortaya çıkan kıtlık ve toplu ölümlere nasıl sebep olduğunu, Sovyetler Birliği’nin sosyalist ihtilal ile savaştan çekilmesiyle İran’da ortaya çıkan durumu vermeye çalışacağız. Sovyetler Birliği’nin İran siyaseti ve İngiltere’nın diplomatik hamleleri ile bu siyasetin etkisiz hale getirilmesi, Kaçar idaresinde sıkça gerçekleşen hükümet değişiklikleri ekseninde ele alınacaktır. Savaş sonrasında imzalanan İran-İngiltere Anlaşması ile bağımsızlığın elden çıkışı ve Rıza Mirpençe’nin niçin iktidara getirildiğini dönemin kaynakları doğrultusunda ortaya koymaya çalışacağız.

ریشه‌ها‌ی تاریخی و پویایی سیاسی «پرسش کُرد»

The revolutionary movement of ‘Woman, Life, Freedom’ began in Kurdistan and spread to Iran. This slogan is a product of Kurdish freedom movement which has been ongoing for more than a century. The strategic significance of the slogan ‘Woman, Life, Freedom’ in the current conjuncture of Iranian politics slogan necessitates a dynamic and historical understanding of the so-called ‘Kurdish question’ in Iran and the wider region. This paper is a tentative response to this need through an intellectual framework that on analytical level avoids ‘methodological state-centrism’, and on theoretical level avoids ‘internalism’. It foregrounds the intersocietal nature of the historical emergence and evolution of the Kurdish question and the abiding significance of geopolitical dynamics within it. It argues that due to the international dynamics of the Kurdish question only a new, plural and democratic conception of ‘the nation’ and political and cultural ecentralization can offer a sustainable solution to it.

Mahsa Amini's killing, state violence, and moral policing in Iran

Iranian cities have been the scene of daily antigovernment protests by young women and men since September 16, the day Mahsa Jina Amini died in the custody of the “morality police” in Tehran. Over the next weeks, the waves of protests snowballed as the often very young demonstrators poured into the streets in some 160 cities, chanting antiregime slogans. Many women removed their mandatory headscarves at street protests to call for an end to the dual life forced upon them by the state's dress code. The protesters’ anti-authoritarian outrage met with broad public sympathy, moved beyond the discontented middle classes, and engaged significant segments of working-class youth and the ethnic Kurdish and Baluchi communities. However, workers, teachers, and other sectors of organized labor, who saw no immediate victory in sight, did not join the call for a national general strike. An estimated 500 demonstrators were killed, including 67 children, and more than 15,000 people were arrested. Three months of ongoing protests in Iran have garnered more international sanctions against the Islamic Republic. Though initially shaken, regime has doubled down in its brutality to eliminate the movement. The regime's reluctance to reform has convinced many observers that new waves of protest will follow, converging to break Iran's political impasse. This article outlines an analytical lens for understanding the movement's cultural transformative power as well as its challenges in achieving its political goals. I examine four critical aspects of this protest movement to explore where it stands in Iran's recent political turmoil. These include the radicalization of politics in Iran due to rising state violence over the past decade, the growing number of forced veiling dissidents, the contribution of the youth crisis to the protests, and finally, the confluence of ethnic outrage with women's and youth anti-authoritarian politics.

The Instrumental Dimensions of Ethnic Politics in Iran

The Muslim WorldEarly View Article The Instrumental Dimensions of Ethnic Politics in Iran Hamid Ahmadi, Corresponding Author Hamid Ahmadi [email protected] orcid.org/0000-0001-6867-7139 University of TehranSearch for more papers by this author Hamid Ahmadi, Corresponding Author Hamid Ahmadi [email protected] orcid.org/0000-0001-6867-7139 University of TehranSearch for more papers by this author First published: 26 February 2023 https://doi.org/10.1111/muwo.12466Read the full textAboutPDF ToolsRequest permissionExport citationAdd to favoritesTrack citation ShareShare Give accessShare full text accessShare full-text accessPlease review our Terms and Conditions of Use and check box below to share full-text version of article.I have read and accept the Wiley Online Library Terms and Conditions of UseShareable LinkUse the link below to share a full-text version of this article with your friends and colleagues. Learn more.Copy URL Share a linkShare onFacebookTwitterLinkedInRedditWechat Early ViewOnline Version of Record before inclusion in an issue RelatedInformation

Relations between Theatre and Power: The Iranian Quarterly Faslnameh Teatr (1977—)

The quarterly journal Faslnameh Teatr has been published in the Iranian capital of Tehran since 1977, although with some interruptions. In a country where, since the Islamic Revolution, systematic efforts have been made to erase any trace of past monarchies, the continued publication of this journal proves to be an extremely rare, if not unique, occurrence. Of course, the prominence of the Ta’zieh ritual gives imposing visibility to the current dominant ideology within Iranian society, and the journal is effective in propagating the desired vision of the ruling Shi’ite power. The journal, then, since its very inception, has been intertwined with the affairs of power and has been consistently used as a tool in the hands of the agents of cultural politics in Iran. It has become the mirror of the country’s highly ideological cultural policy and, as a result, studying it provides knowledge of the fluctuations of culture in general, and of the theatre in particular, in Iran. Fahimeh Najmi is the author of Le Théâtre, l’Iran, et l’Occident (L’Harmattan, 2018) and of articles in Alternatives théâtrales and Registres. Deprived of work in Iran after five years of teaching, including in the Faculty of Art and Architecture of Tarbiat Modares University (TMU) in Tehran, she now lectures and researches in France. She holds a doctorate in Theatre Studies from the Université Sorbonne Nouvelle in Paris.

Body Politics in Iran: Clothing, Sexuality and Body

Body Politics in Iran: Clothing, Sexuality and Body

Persian Poetry and Politics in Iran: The Thinking of Supreme Leader Ali Hosseini Khamenei

Persian Poetry and Politics in Iran: The Thinking of Supreme Leader Ali Hosseini Khamenei