International Relations Theory Research Articles

Beyond International Relations and toward International Relationality?

This article provides a review and commentary on the articles in this special issue, which offer alter-IRs as approaches to bringing climate change into international relations theory and practice as a force or phenomenon that can transform theory and practice. I summarize the articles, as I read them, and suggest that this is a largely futile task. Is description of new ontologies and epistemologies sufficient to bring climate change into IR in a meaningful way? If the discipline is so constrained by its deeply rooted ontology and epistemology, why make the effort to attempt this transformation? And given that our task as philosophers is to ‘change the world’, what are the theories and practices that will make this happen?

Do We Really Need International Relations Theories to Plan for AI?

Do We Really Need International Relations Theories to Plan for AI?

Assessing Power and Hierarchy in Cyberspace: An Approach of Power Transition Theory

This study explores the application of Power Transition Theory (PTT) to cyberspace, aiming to establish a comprehensive framework for understanding and measuring cyber power. Utilizing PTT’s national power model, the research treats states as rational and unitary actors, integrating the rational actor model to assess state behavior in cyberspace. The objectives include defining cyber power, developing a novel metric for its evaluation, and categorizing states within a hierarchical structure of cyber power. By analyzing key components such as data resources, digital economic strength, and cyber political capacity, the study provides a nuanced understanding of cyber power dynamics. The results demonstrate that the traditional IR theories retain relevance in the cyber domain, offering a valuable lens for comprehending global cyber governance and geopolitical competition. This foundational work sets the stage for future analyses of power transitions within cyberspace, highlighting the critical interplay between traditional power metrics and emerging digital landscapes.

Carl Schmitt and Georg Simmel in the perspective of the theory of international relations and international law

Carl Schmitt and Georg Simmel in the perspective of the theory of international relations and international law

A Journey Towards a Non‐Western International Relations Theory: Non‐Western Conceptualization of the English School

The purpose of this study is to examine non‐Western international relations theory (IRT) and explore, at the theoretical level, the potential for epistemological autonomy from the confines of Western‐centered epistemology prevalent in existing IRT. As a consequence, the non‐Western world, subjected to colonialist expansion and modernization and often regarded as merely the leaves, has been relegated to a passive role within the international system, becoming a disengaged object of little interest. However, what has existed cannot be entirely erased. While it is undeniable that international politics was predominantly developed based on a Western‐centric epistemology, other ancient civilizations had diverse international systems and orders that molded their identities as regional international societies. Consequently, the study provides a crucial backdrop for theoretical endeavors aimed at integrating the voices and experiences of the Global South into IRT, which has traditionally been dominated by Western perspectives. This study seeks to explore the potential for transcending Western intellectual hegemony by critiquing the limitations of a singular worldview and expanding and transforming the English School Theory (EST). It seeks to investigate the possibility of moving beyond Western‐centricity in international relations theory by conducting a historical comparison of civilizations across countries and the associated disciplines within civilizations as a field.

“Win-lose” globalization and the weaponization of economic policies by nation-states

PurposeAfter decades of hypergrowth, since the 2008 global financial crisis there has been a deceleration of globalization and a partial jamming of its main engines (trade and foreign direct investment [FDI]). This study aims to critically reflect on the current phase, labeling it as “win-lose globalization” characterized by firm-firm competition increasingly intertwined with that between the respective nation-states, which aim to be the relative winners, even at the expense of joint absolute gains. Acting as “strategists,” states implement policies to weaponize economic interdependences, which the paper analyzes.Design/methodology/approachThe approach is “problem setting” rather than “problem solving.” The latter offers well-defined solutions but often assumes unambiguous definitions of problems, which obscure their complexity. This phase is so intricate that the problem itself is problematic. Thus, to advance knowledge, the focus is given on nation-state policies: FDI screening and the politicization of international trade relations; protectionism; misuses of antitrust and regulation.FindingsThe intensification of firm-firm/state-state competition, seeking disproportionate gains over rivals, is the ultimate result of the contradictions and dissatisfactions accumulated over decades of globalization, the benefits of which have been far from equally distributed. Conflicts in international economic relations are bound to intensify, and a return to win-win globalization is unlikely. International cooperation to strengthen existing/new supranational governance institutions in the interest of absolute global inclusive benefits is urgently needed.Originality/valueThe paper integrates the international business debate on the fate of globalization with interpretations from industrial policy studies and international relations theory. This allows for suggestions for policymakers, corporate executives and scholars.

Towards a resentment-driven model of intergroup conflict: using the incel phenomenon to conceptualize resentment as the driving factor for ideologically motivated extremism

ABSTRACT This article outlines a new model for the initiation of intergroup conflict, in which resentment is theorized as the motivating factor. This model – drawing from existing theories in social psychology and international relations – describes the process by which members of a group become willing to engage in violent conflict with a target group, beginning with feelings of resentment arising from a perceived experience of victimization. The model is then applied to the involuntary celibate (incel) ideology and the trend of mass shootings perpetrated by incels, with two case studies.

The civilization state in the war against Ukraine

ABSTRACT Do considerations of civilization play a role in the Russian aggression against Ukraine? This study starts from the assumption that the conflict in Ukraine cannot be fully explained by the arguments of John Mearsheimer, the main representative of the so-called offensive realist school of international relations theory, who argues that the Russian invasion is driven by fear of NATO’s eastward expansion. The author challenges this dominant explanatory framework, arguing that we need to dig deeper to understand Putin’s intentions. The paper focuses on the role of the “civilizational state” created by the Putin regime and analyzes the role of its guiding ideology, Eurasianism. The author concludes that the war in Ukraine must be interpreted in the context of the confrontation between the West and Russia, and that this development cannot be understood without taking into account the specific logic and offensive nature of the Russian civilization state.

United Nations Peace Operations and International Relations Theory Edited by Kseniya Oksamytna and John Karlsrud

A comprehensive review of the book United Nations (UN) Peace Operations and International Relations Theory, edited by Kseniya Oksamytna and John Karlsrud, helps analyze the challenging notion that International Relations (IR) theories are impersonal and abstract. The book offers insights into international conflict resolution through the practical application of various IR theories.

The Role of the United Nations and Its Agencies in the Israel-Hamas War

Institutional Liberalism, an International Relations theory argues that international institutions play a significant role in influencing cooperation and peace among nations. Although criticized by some as unrealistic, the tenets of Liberal Institutionalism have contributed to the rising interest in the capabilities of international organizations like the United Nations (UN) in ensuring long-lasting international relations and peace among countries after the Cold War Era. This is due to their mediation ability that provides a ‘common ground’ for discussions among states while maintaining the common interest of each state actor. It is considering this tenet of Institutional Liberalism that we explore the role of the UN and some of its agencies in the ongoing Israel-Hamas war of 2023. The involvement of the UN in the Israeli-Palestinian tension dates back to November 29, 1947, when the UN General Assembly voted to divide Palestine into Jewish and Arab states with Jerusalem as its international city (Resolution 181- Partition Plan). However, the focus of this article is limited to the October 7, 2023, Israel-Hamas war, as the role of the UN and its agencies have been active in mediating international relations in a manner supported by the theory of Liberal Institutionalism. The agencies under consideration in this article include the UN General Assembly, UN Security Council, International Court of Justice, UNHCR, UNRWA, UNESCO, UNICEF, and WFP. This article is, however, limited to a few UN agencies and, as such, gives room for further research as to the role of unexamined UN agencies as well as other international institutions in the ongoing 2023 Israel-Hamas war.

North Korea's Evolving Perception of China: From Kim Jong Il to Kim Jong Un and the Evolution of Pyongyang's Nuclear Strategy

North Korea has shown more aggressive nuclear behavior during the Kim Jong Un era as has been evident in the rapid acceleration of its nuclear weapons development and its delivery system diversification, especially in 2016. This study seeks to determine why was there such an urgency in progressing its nuclear capability in the first few years following Kim Jong Un's ascent to power after the death of his father in 2011. It confines its research scope to Pyongyang's external motivations - its political and economic relations with the biggest regime backer, China - to conduct an academic investigation on whether Kim Jong Un's North Korea could still perceive China as a reliable patron. It concludes that the bilateral political and economic relations took a notable and simultaneous downturn, prompting it to focus on internal balancing, exemplifying the core principles of the IR theory of defensive realism.

Forum: Debating the Chinese School(s) of IR Theory

Abstract The papers in this Forum, along with eight papers consecutively published in previous and current issues of this journal, constitute a special symposium, which engages in a dialogue between the “Chinese School” of International Relations (IR) theory and “Western” IR theories. The contributors are renowned Western theorists representing various Western paradigms and leading Chinese theorists from the three branches of the Chinese School, namely “moral realism,” “relational theory,” and “symbiosis theory.” The dialogue between the Chinese School and Western theories has become feasible due to recent theoretical breakthroughs achieved by the former and the observed efforts to enhance theoretical diversity in the latter. Contributors from both sides are committed to fostering an equal, comprehensive, and constructive dialogue. Western theorists provide an evaluation of the Chinese School as a whole and delve into the specifics of its branches. They compare the Chinese School with Western theories, highlighting similarities and differences, reflecting on shared issues, identifying both contributions and shortcomings of the Chinese School, and proposing solutions for its further development. In response, Chinese School scholars reiterate their theoretical concerns and refine their theoretical stances accordingly. This dialogue demonstrates the potential for Chinese and Western theorists to overcome language and cultural barriers to achieve mutual understanding and valuable collaboration.

Gender Wars? Diplomacy as a Depolarizing Practice in International Politics of Gender and Sexuality

Abstracts To what extent is diplomacy a depolarizing tool of international society? This article proposes a novel theoretical and empirical focus on depolarization in international politics of gender and sexuality. It operationalizes the concepts of polarization and depolarization and integrates them with Self/Other theory in international relations. It puts forward an argument that the logic of diplomacy is, although not unequivocally, compatible with the logic of depolarization. The claim and the application of the framework are illustrated with a case study of gender equality and LGBT+ rights diplomacies in Poland. Based on the empirical findings, the article contends that diplomacy is primarily a practice of depolarization.

The State of the Discipline: How Far Along Are We in Developing an IR Theory Based on Southeast Asia’s Experiences

Abstract Based on reflexive stocktaking and data collected from a cross-country survey distributed in seven Southeast Asian academic communities, namely Cambodia, Indonesia, Malaysia, Singapore, Thailand, the Philippines, and Vietnam, this article explores how much progress Southeast Asian international relations (IR) academic communities have made in advancing a theory or concept based on local experiences. It is argued that while mainstream IR remains dominant, debates since the early 2000s have introduced new concepts. At the same time, new theoretical proposals are rare due to the vast diversity in Southeast Asia and a general interest in producing policy- and empirical-oriented work. Nevertheless, there are opportunities for constructing a Southeast Asian theory based on the region’s distinct perspectives on international relations shaped by ASEAN norms and institutions and the complex interactions between politics at the domestic and international levels. Any new conceptual or theoretical framework must also provide useful implications beyond the region.

Gramsci in International Relations Theory: an analysis of concepts

This article derives from the I Virtual Meeting Regional Southeast promoted by IGS-Br and aims to historically introduce Antonio Gramsci in the Theory of International Relations (TRI) and discuss the main Gramscian concepts that are inserted in the theoretical debate of the area. Standing in the debate between Positivists versus Post-positivists, Gramsci exerts an important inflection in theoretical studies as concepts such as national-international, hegemony and State become central in the debate, new conceptual and methodological interpretation in the field of International Relations. And although Gramscian writings also advance in the international field, some authors such as Robert Cox, Stephen Gill, Craig Murphy introduce such concepts in the IRT, but do not delve with due merit. Such insertion demands a field of study with a more grounded analysis in Gramsci, both of its concepts and of the methods also in the international field.

Linking Local Insights to Global IR: Locating Malaysian Contours and Contributions

This article traces the trajectories, theoretical propensities, and thematic insights underlying Malaysian scholarly thinking and writings about international relations (IR). It argues that while their contributions to the Global IR research program have been indirect and implicit, they are not insignificant. The contributions are not claims of exceptionalism but expressions of diverse experiences, perspectives, and narratives that are reflective of the contesting, yet recurring logics significant for understanding and explaining small- and medium-sized states’ behavior in an anarchical world. Three themes are particularly pertinent: (1) external policy choices are extensions of internal attributes; (2) small-state outlook on regionalism and multilateralism; and (3) middle-state alignment behavior. Local insights contribute to Global IR by enriching, expanding, and exporting national narratives and regional mindsets into thematic thrusts pertinent for making sense of similar cases elsewhere, thereby pluralizing the universality and inclusivity of IR concepts and theories.

Introduction: Marxifying IR, IRifying Marxism

Although the neglect of Marxism has been a pervasive characteristic of IR theory, there has been a marked revival of interest in Marxism. Marx’s materialist insights into the general historical development of societies, as well as his critique of capitalism and political economy, have served as alternative starting points for different critical approaches to IR and offers a welcome alternative to neorealism, constructivism, and poststructuralism that have dominated IR for several decades. Marxism provides a redefinition of IR by focusing on changes in material circumstances, historical conditions, and society instead of assuming unchanging and fixed structures of anarchy or the state. Marx’s analysis and insights into the dynamics of international relations have become even more important given the ongoing crisis of neoliberal capitalism, the rise of authoritarianism, right-wing nationalist populisms, and the racial and gendered subordinations accompanying them pointing to the importance of Marxifying IR and IRifying Marxism.

IR Theory and Australia’s Policy Change Towards China, 2017-2022: An Introductory Essay

ABSTRACT The bilateral relationship between Australia and China has undergone significant challenges and fluctuations in recent years, arousing substantial interest among scholars in the field of International Relations (IR). This paper examines Australia’s policy changes towards China during the period of 2017–2022 from an IR theory perspective. By critically evaluating the strengths and weaknesses of prevailing arguments through the theoretical lenses of three IR paradigms—realism, liberalism, and constructivism—this paper not only provides insights into the primary factors behind the continuous and dramatic downturns in Australia-China relations over these five years (2017-2022) but also establishes a foundation for further examinations and debates among scholars. It argues that no single IR theory can fully capture the dynamic and intricate nature of states’ foreign policy and international relations. Therefore, it is crucial for scholars to adopt a ‘toolbox approach’, selectively utilizing different theoretical frameworks from competing schools of thought and drawing upon useful instruments from other disciplines. The three papers in this special section at JCC further illustrate how a theoretically eclectic approach can help better understand the dynamic economic, political, and security relations between Australia and China.

The Logic of U.S. Deployment in Norway: The Trump Administration and NATO’s Northern Front

Observers generally assume that domestic concerns or Donald Trump’s personality oriented his administration’s foreign policy. In this piece, I discuss the United States’s decision in 2017 to base military forces in Norway. I argue that the Trump administration’s decision is mainly explainable by balance-of-power motives and has little to do with domestic concerns. After showing the importance of Norway to the United States and describing the military balance of power in Northern Europe, this study tests competing IR theories. It is clear that realism and balance-of-power theory are far more amenable for describing U.S. policy toward Norway.

THE INTERSECTION OF RELIGION AND PAKISTAN'S FOREIGN POLICY DECISIONS: A COMPREHENSIVE STUDY

This research paper outlines a framework for understanding and analyzing the influence of religion on foreign policy in the context of the 'post-secular' shift in internationa l relations. As religion becomes progressively relevant to statecraft and foreign policymaking, its impact varies significantly across various states. The primary aim of this research is to examine the influence of religion on the foreign policy choices of Pakistan and to compare these influenc e s with those affecting India's foreign policy. By exploring these dynamics, the research seeks to uncover the possible implications for Pakistan and to identify how Pakistan can leverage religion as a tool of soft power in its statecraft methods. Furthermore, this study aims to contribute to the broader discourse on the role of religion in global politics, providing insights that could inform diplomatic strategies and international relations theory. Ultimately, the findings could help policymakers understand the nuanced ways in which religious factors shape internationa l interactions and state behavior.