Ioo Years Research Articles

Haiti and the Black Romantics: Enlightenment and Color Prejudice After the Haitian Revolution in Alexandre Dumas’s Georges (1843)

MARLENE L. DAUT Haiti and the Black Romantics: Enlightenment and Color Prejudice After the Haitian Revolution in Alexandre Dumas’s Georges (1843) F or well over ioo years, the Haitian revolution haunted romantic fictions on both sides of the Atlantic.1 The Revolution appears in Leonora Sansay’s gothic romance Secret History, or the Horrors ofSt. Domingo (1808), Heinrich von Kleist’s tragic “Die Verlobung in Santo Domingo” (1811), Victor Hugo’s quasi-captivity narrative Bug-Jargal (1826), Harriet Martineau’s epic three-volume The Hour and the Man (1841), and Alphonse de Lamartine’s verse drama, Toussaint Louverture (1850). While all of these fictional works have become relatively well-known, the contributions of writers ofAfrican descent to a transatlantic tradition ofromancing the Hai­ tian Revolution has been far less acknowledged. After the Louisiana born francophone author Victor Sejour’s serialized short story, “Le Mulatre” (1837), and the Haitian author Emeric Bergeaud’s historical romance, Stella (1859), Alexandre Dumas’s adventure novel Georges (1843) is probably the most understudied of the black Romantic fictions of the Haitian Revolu­ tion. One reason for the lack of critical attention to the relationship of Dumas’s novel to the Haitian Revolution is likely due to the fact that like Herman Melville’s “Benito Cereno” (1855), Georges can only be consid­ ered an indirect representation of the Revolution.2 While both the plot i. For a bibliography of over 200 works written on the Haitian Revolution from 17871900 , see my website: http://www.haitianrevolutionaryfictions.com. 2. In Representations ofRevolution (1789-1820) (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1983), Ronald Paulson describes indirect representations of the French Revolution: “Day-to-day actions were therefore understood in terms of analogues or fictions which related to the shifting policies (foreign and domestic) of the government of the moment, or of different SiR, $6 (Spring 2017) 73 74 MARLENE L. DAUT and characters found in Georges reflect Haitian revolutionary themes and the Haitian Revolution is directly mentioned as the inspiration for a (foiled) slave revolt, the actual location of the story is not Saint-Domingue nor Haiti. Dumas’s novel, instead, tells the story of Georges Munier, a free person of color living in Ile-de-France (present-day Mauritius) in the era of the Napoleonic Wars (1803-1815). Georges, the son of Pierre Munier, a rich planter of color, has one older brother, Jacques, who, importantly, be­ comes a slave-trader. Because the Muniers are free people of color, much like Dumas’s own father had been in colonial Saint-Domingue, they are subject to cruel treatment by a powerful family of “white” slaveholders, the Malnredies. The major conflict between these two families occurs when at the age of twelve Henri de Malmedie steals a flag that Pierre Munier won in a battle against the British. Pierre Munier had given the flag to his son, but Henri cites the fact that he is “white” as proof that he deserves the flag for himself. When Henri cuts Georges’s forehead with a saber, leaving Georges with a scar to forever remind him of the prejudice that Henri has exhibited towards him, Georges and his brotherJacques leave the island for France, vowing to seek revenge at a later date. While in France, Georges embarks upon a self-enlightenment project that he likens to a combat with civilization, which includes proving that he can resist the temptation of women, that he is not afraid to die, and that he is immune to the addiction of gambling. When Georges completes his mental, physical, and intellectual “enlightenment,” he returns to the re­ named island of lie de Maurice (now British controlled), determined to prove his humanity to the Malnredies. Georges soon realizes, however, that his skin color outweighs his education, good looks, and studied valor and that the same prejudices that existed there at the time ofhis departure some fourteen years earlier exist still upon his return. As a result, Georges frees all ofhis own slaves and joins forces with a runaway slave from the Malmedie plantation, La'iza, with whom he plots a general slave rebellion in an effort to pursue his “war to the death against color prejudice.”3 The slave...

The Five Questions of Physician Leadership

PHYSICIAN LEADERSHIP is widely considered to be essential for success in next-era healthcare systems. This message elicits a variety of responses from healthcare insiders, ranging from antipathy to fear, from resignation to anticipation. Views differ depending on personal experiences and biases, how leadership is defined, and how individuals believe their own career trajectories will be affected by possible shifts in power and influence. All of these reactions to change are normal. The perception seems to be widespread that moving to physician leadership will require major adjustments to relationships between physicians and hospital executives.Some consumers are bemused: Haven't doctors always been in charge? However, we in healthcare see prospect of medical professionals becoming organization leaders as something new, requiring solid planning and use of change management skills.In this issue of Frontiers of Health Services Management, authors of two feature articles share their thoughts on physician leadership and describe their organizations' efforts in this area. I review their programs from perspective of questions that must be addressed to create lasting transformation: why, what, how, who, and when.WHY IS PHYSICIAN LEADERSHIP IMPORTANT?We first need to ask ourselves why enhancing physicians' leadership abilities is important. Is it because, as some of my physician colleagues maintain, majority of tomorrow's CEOs should come from medical profession because nonmedical executives done a good job? Or do healthcare administrators perceive problems with skills of those who currently hold medical leadership roles (e.g., chief medical officers, chiefs of staff, department directors)? Have these medical leaders failed to deliver on objectives of their organizations? Or perhaps there is another reason for this recent emphasis on developing physician leaders.In their feature article, Hemker and Solomon explain that Palomar Healths commitment to engage and integrate physicians is part of a larger cultural shift... that puts patients' needs first. Accomplishing this shift requires an alignment of a diverse medical staff culture with administrative priorities. In his feature article, Oostra states that physician leaders have a prominent role in leading change, accelerating action, and driving integration. The authors of both feature articles state that hospital executives and medical staff members operated in silos, resulting in physicians' lack of engagement with healthcare organizations. The articles also suggest that reliance on traditional physician leadership models has resulted in strong alignment between hospital leaders and medical staffs with organization's mission and vision. Educating physicians for leadership roles, authors explain, will result in greater value for patients and communities by improving quality and safety while reducing costs through alignment of physician and organizational goals.Hospital historians Margarete Arndt and Barbara Bigelow studied multitude of practices and changes that taken place during past ioo years. They found that the problems ascribed to hospitals-in particular of high cost and inefficiency ... been remarkably consistent over past nine decades (Arndt and Bigelow 2000, 339). They argue that most authors simply assert that should adopt a practice, be it a product line, management, diversification, restructuring, or reengineering (344) and that healthcare organizations made little progress because we tend to accept without question current business trends. Similarly, they argue that healthcare executives tend to reflect on appropriateness of a particular practice for any and all hospitals (345), which may pose a problem because not all practices hold promise for all hospitals, and practices claiming transformational change will achieve it for all functions (361). …

Tragédie en musique at Saint-Cyr

Since the late 19th century, when the first studies of the Maison Royale de Saint-Louis appeared, French scholars have been fascinated with the history, music and educational practices of the convent school established at SaintCyr in 1686 by Louis XIV and his wife, Madame de Maintenon, for girls from noble but indigent families. Much of the scholarly interest in the institution is due to its association with important political, literary and musical figures of the time, including the poet and playwright Jean Racine, and composers Jean-Baptiste Moreau, Guillaume-Gabriel Nivers and Louis-Nicolas Clrambault. Anne Piejus's large and important work focuses on the series of theatrical tragedies with music that were created for performance by the girls at the school, beginning in 1689 with Esther, written by Racine with music by Moreau. In 1680 Frangoise d'Aubignd, the Marquise de Maintenon, began to support the educational enterprise of two Ursuline nuns who were raising a number of disinherited girls at Montmorency; Madame de Maintenon donated money for the upkeep of the children and started to send girls there, paying their pensions. The Marquise took a more active interest in 1682, renting a house in Rueil for the school and securing the aid of three more Ursuline nuns. After Madame de Maintenon's secret marriage to Louis XIV in 1683, the king himself became involved in the enterprise; beginning in February 1684, at his wife's request, Louis XIV began to pay the pensions of 120 girls and provided the chateau of Noisy for the growing community. In 1684 Madame de Maintenon prevailed upon her husband to build a new home for the girls, close to the park of Versailles in the village of Saint-Cyr. At the same time the educational institution was formally established as the Maison Royale de Saint-Louis, with a mission to provide for the upkeep and education of 250 girls from destitute families who could trace their nobility back at least ioo years. As part of their educational program the girls were coached in short plays with biblical themes, with the goal of developing their speaking skills while familiarizing them with Bible stories. According to Piejus, Madame de Maintenon was not happy with the quality of these short plays and was moved to commission a three-act tragedy from Racine that would include musical choruses and

Removing Landmines: One Limb at a Time?

cwith one landmine per person, while Mozambique >seNg has been struggling with mine clearance as several million refugees sought to return to their lands. Until recently, these landmines have been removed one limb, or life, at a time ... a process that would last for centuries, with millions of victims. Now, with some mine clearance programs in place, the estimated time for total clearance is a mere ioo years! An individual woman peasant farmer seeks to prepare her field for planting ... and loses a leg in a landmine explosion. A couple of children, playing, lose their lives as their game takes them into an area of landmines. A mine clearance expert, risking his life to help stop the carnage, ends up in a hospital and requires prosthetic assistance. The statistic of z2,ooo per year casualties worldwide is composed of such individual cases. In too many African nations, nearly everyone knows a victim or a survivor of such unnecessary tragedy. With IOO,OOO,OOO landmines yet to be removed, several million more are being added each year. Anti-personnel landmines, easily held in one hand and scattered by various means, have killed more people than all the cold war weapons of mass destruction combined. But, is it just the immediate victim who is killed? What about the child who did not receive a vaccination because the landmine terror over-stressed the health sector? Or the malnourished family which cannot till fields strewn with landmines? It is hard to measure. Unfortunately, the immediate impact is minimal compared with the wider disruption of social interaction. A mere z8 mines (as was later dis-

Papal Policy: The Planning of Rome during the Renaissance

Papal Policy: The Planning of Rome during the Renaissance The investigation of patronage and town planning has become increasingly important for our understanding of the history of architecture and in particular for the history of Roman Renaissance architecture. The projects of individual popes have been thoroughly analyzed, but no attempt has been made to look at papal building policy during the Renaissance as a whole, to find out its principal motives, or to distinguish between continuous and discontinuous forces. This article suggests that much of the unique beauty of Renaissance Rome is the result of the particular character of papal government.' The center of the old city of Rome differs from that of other Italian towns in that it has two centers of gravity: the Vatican and the Capitol. Until Ioo years ago both were situated on the periphery of the city. The Capitol, which since the Middle Ages had been the seat of the communal administration, only attained its present representative character during the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries and earlier was anything but impressive. Even before its recent isolation from the rest of the city was achieved by archaeologists and patriots seeking to preserve its character, it did not play a role comparable to that of the urban centers of Venice, Florence, Siena, or other smaller towns. The Vatican, at

Temporal Scales in Coastal Erosion Systems

Three coastal cliff erosion systems on the east coast of England are used to illustrate the importance of spatial and temporal scales. These systems are described in terms of location, dominant processes and erosion rates. The time scales suggested by Schumm and Lichty (1965) are applied to these systems, and the existence of dynamic equilibrium conditions is emphasized. The relative importance of the catastrophic event (storm surge) and the moderate storm is discussed, and is shown to be a function of the time scale under consideration. SCHUMM and Lichty (1965) have examined the concept of scale in geomorphology, and have shown that the distinction between cause and effect in the development of landforms is a function of time and space. They applied these concepts to the study of river systems, and showed that the factors that determine the character of landforms can be either dependent or independent variables as the limits of time and space change. It is the purpose of this paper to apply the time scales and related concepts proposed by Schumm and Lichty to coastal erosion systems. The soft rock cliffs on the east coast of England will be used as examples; these cliffs provide a good starting point, for their short-term changes are appreciable. Current emphasis in geomorphology has indicated that systems analysis can provide a useful framework in which to set our abstractions of the real world (Harvey, 1969; Chorley and Kennedy, 1971). One of the many advantages is that a particular system may be divided into sub-systems which may be studied separately. This paper concentrates on a particular type of coastal system, the coastal cliff erosion system. This particular system may be divided into three sub-systems: the cliff, the beach and the offshore sub-system; all these will be discussed but particular emphasis will be placed on the cliff sub-system. The cliff sub-system may be defined as the zone extending io m landward of the cliff-top edge to the cliff toe, and the beach subsystem extends from the cliff toe to the mean low-water mark of spring tides. The offshore sub-system has been taken as extending from mean low-water mark of spring tides to a depth of 20 m, a distance of approximately 7 km along most of this coast. The main variable in the present study is the retreat of the cliff-top edge over a period of years. Inevitably the actual method used to measure the retreat rate is dependent upon the time scale; for instance in the short term (i to 2 years) cliff retreat may be measured in the field, while over the longer term (ioo years) cliff retreat rates may be obtained by comparing different map editions. Since sea level rose to near the present position (approximately 5000 years B.P., Jelgersma, 1971) no long-term value for cliff retreat exists. A study of the retreat rates for any length of cliff will show considerable variation in both spatial and temporal dimensions, and it is this variation that has yet to be explained in geomorphology. Location of the coastal systems The areas studied are all lengths of unconsolidated Quaternary cliffs (the term consolidation here is not used in the strict soil mechanics sense where it refers to a specific overburden weight), and are all on the east coast of England, bordering the North Sea (see Fig. i). The Holderness

Japan's Ecological Crisis

Part I of this paper begins by examining the significance of the ecologist's concept of the climax to social and economic geography. Some views of Sauer, Hutchinson and Malthus are noted, and it is suggested that present-day Japan may represent the nearest approach yet seen to the human-ecological climax situation. The intense congestion which now characterizes Japan has arisen basically because during the past ioo years the Japanese have superimposed a vast industrial economy upon an already exceptionally intensive agricultural base, in a country possessing an unusually low proportion of flat land. Part II examines first the primary geographical concentration of industry within the Pacific belt of Japan, as a preliminary to the consideration of problems of the urban living environment, pollution, and the despoliation of scenery. The discussion of each of these problems includes an indication of the remedial measures being employed by the Japanese government. Land shortage is discussed together with the impact of rising land prices upon urban land use. Problems associated with the juxtaposition of industrial zones and residential areas are also outlined. Four major incidents of pollution are described, and the paper ends by indicating the vulnerability of Japan's scenery in the context of an advanced industrial economy.

Space and/or Time: Opportunity for Substitution and Prediction

The use of space and the scheduling of time are interrelated. One can often be substituted for, or measured in terms of, the other. Periodic markets substitute time for space: by having the market meet only at intervals, less trade area (space) is required to support it and travel distances for customers are reduced. Many other activities, including peak traffic problems in cities, exhibit space-time interdependence. Turning from absolute or abstract space or time to consider relative aspects, different conceptions emerge. Change is thus considered the vital feature of time. Movement, related also to time, is suggested as the key to space. Without change there is no history, without movement or communication there are no spatial relations. Cause and effect can also be considered to replace time. The process can be reversed-effect cause, in a sense-and reflected in space, as in building a highway or other facility with initial excess capacity. Planning, by choosing a goal in advance and working towards it, provides the same effect. 'Future or past space' is also widespread, as in the contrast between Third World and developed economies. In foreign trade, or in the economic base of cities, exports into space and capital expenditures (or 'exports' into future time) are conceptually equivalent: the first is not 'here', the second is not 'now'. Space-time substitutions are widely imbedded in language and literature. The depiction or condensation of space and time, calls for special tools-maps for space, or plays and games for time. Modern means of transportation and communication are drastically and selectively cutting down space. Time, the active agent, 'the initial condition,' may be more intractable. To use the earth requires the organization of space and time. They provide the setting and the co-ordinates, and they are interrelated: one can often be substituted for, or measured in terms of, the other. Each has several definitions which provide opportunities for new and fruitful fusion. At first glance it might appear that this analysis is concerned with historical geography. This is not the intention. The concern is rather more with exploring concepts affecting retrodiction and prediction and specifically some comparative characteristics of space and time and the opportunities for substitution between them. In a recent pronouncement in historical geography Jakle (I97I) sounds in places as though he is close to the point of view of this paper, but this is largely illusory. He does, however, state: 'It is doubtful . . that geography can continue its search for spatial understanding by ignoring the integral dictates of time and space as a natural unity; thus have geographers come to focus on the processes of spatial organization through time.' Prince (I971) in his analysis of historical geography also indicates that historical geographers are looking at the topic differently. Nor does the concern have much in common with Isard's (197I) economic and social treatment of space-time, which appears rather to be a sophisticated extension of conventional metrics. The fact that both were started independently does indicate that the topic is of emerging importance to explorers of human terrestrial space. One example of space-time substitution or interdependence is provided by Hagerstrand, the Swedish geographer. He hypothesizes that each individual has a space-time envelope. A count of news items appearing Ioo years ago in the newspapers of Sweden indicated much more time-depth then than in today's newspapers, but, conversely, much less spatial extent in their coverage of news. Today, with improved communication, transport and contact, news covers more spatial extent and is less local, but also has less time-depth or historical coverage. The need

David Livingstone: A Mid-Victorian Field Scientist

For over ioo years David Livingstone has been-regarded as a hero. Recent studies have revealed his more human qualities and failings. This paper examines his contribution as a geographer and field scientist in a period when amateurism was still respectable but when the uneasy relationship between science and religion was giving way to the professionalism and selfassurance of field sciences following Darwin. Evidence is examined to support the argument that Livingstone's main preoccupation with African advance? ment through commerce and Christianity made him a myopic observer and recorder of human activity and of the economic potential of areas through which he passed. It is suggested that Livingstone was typical of the age in which he lived in that he tended to disregard scientific evidence when it contradicted his aims and grand designs. It is only as an observer of wild life and physical phenomena in which his ideals and emotions were not directly engaged that we see his true worth as a field scientist.

The Rādhānite Merchants and the Land of Rādhān

The Rddhdnites: From east to west. It is now more than ioo years since Ibn Khurdldhbe's book was first edited, by the French orientalist Barbier de Meynard. Seventeen years before this first edition, the fragment dealing with the Jewish merchants called Rddhdnites had been translated by another French orientalist, J. T. Reinaud, and thus brought to the attention of western scholarship. That fragment has since been the subject of a continuous discussion among scholars. According to Ibn Khurdddhbe, who wrote around the middle of the ninth century, these Rddhdnite merchants operated along several routes, stretching from the lands of Firanja and Andalus, i.e. Western Europe, to China in the Far East. The ramifications of these routes reached to the

Rainfall Excesses in the United Kingdom

Rainfall has been recorded in the United Kingdom in a systematic fashion for over Ioo years. Information about the incidence of heavy rain is of particular interest to the hydrologist for use in flood prediction, but the data need to be classified. Bilham devised one method of classifying and predicting the frequency of heavy rain, but another more satisfactory approach is through the use of a Gumbel-type extreme value analysis, as this allows magnitude frequency relations to be determined at a point. The problems of transforming point values into areal assessments are described and a method for calculating the probable maximum precipitation is put forward. The low intensities of British maxima are significant in relation to the development and maintenance of the typical British upland scene. THE BRITISH weather and climate are supposedly free from the extremes experienced in other parts of the world. Yet unexpected snowfall throws the transport system into confusion, hurricane force winds cause considerable damage in urban areas and floods occur at a time of the year when a heat wave might be expected. The cost of these and similar events must amount to millions of pounds each year while, in addition, there is sometimes loss of life. Heavy rain is the usual cause of river floods, although rapid snow-melt is an important but rarer factor. Information about the amount and distribution of rainfall in the United Kingdom has been collected systematically for more than 1oo years, and now the network consists of some 6500 standard rain gauges, many read daily by volunteers. By comparison with other countries, this is one of the best national rain-gauge networks,1 in terms of the number of gauges and the lengths of records, although there are reasons to suspect the efficacy of the standard gauge.2 Unfortunately, the network of rain recorders is much more limited, both in number of gauges and length of records. Hence knowledge of the relationships between the intensity, frequency and duration of rainfall is somewhat limited for periods other than the rainfall day. The occurrence of exceptionally heavy daily falls of rain for the period 1863 to I960 has been described by A. Bleasdale.3 From that study and the map (Fig. I) it is evident that a rainfall of Ioo mm4 has been surpassed on some occasion in almost every part of the country. As might be expected, the heaviest falls have occurred in those parts of the north and west where the largest annual totals are recorded. On the other hand, it is noteworthy that there have been events of a similar magnitude in some of the regions of low rainfall, particularly near to the east coast and across the neck of the South-West Peninsula. This part of the West Country seems especially susceptible to heavy rain, possibly because convectional storms are reinforced by the effects of orography. Within the last 50 years it has experienced at least five storms which produced daily falls in excess of 50o mm, the most recent occurrence being on Io July 1968. On that day, amounts of up to I70 mm were registered to the north of the Mendip Hills and there were widespread falls of over Ioo mm. The outstanding example, however, was the storm of July 1955 when 280 mm was recorded at Martinstown, Dorset-the largest amount ever caught in one day at any United Kingdom station. Of course, limitations of the rain-gauge network, particularly in the mountainous areas, may have led to many other excessive falls not being recorded. There is also the fact that the probability of rain falling at 0900 hours (the time of observation) increases towards the north 49 This content downloaded from 157.55.39.45 on Tue, 19 Jul 2016 05:46:16 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms

The U. S. Office of Education: IOO Years of Service to Higher Education

(1969). The U. S. Office of Education: IOO Years of Service to Higher Education. The Educational Forum: Vol. 33, No. 4, pp. 453-466.

East African Seaports: An Application of the Concept of 'Anyport'

first century A.D., when the writer of the Periplus of the Erythraean Sea1 visited Mombasa and described trading stations along the coast to which Arab traders from the northern shores of the Indian Ocean brought wheat, sugar, cotton and china in exchange for slaves and ivory, rhinoceros horn, tortoiseshell and cinnamon. Early trading activity was based upon the seasonal reversal of winds in the Indian Ocean and upon the use of Arab sailing dhows; and because only the most rudimentary port facilities were needed, there existed a large degree of flexibility in terms of port sites. No fundamental change took place in this trade pattern until the nineteenth century when several factors combined to produce an acceleration and a reorientation of trade. In the earlier years of the century, African traders were moving increasingly to the coast, and Arabs penetrating farther inland from their base at Zanzibar; later European exploration and administration presented new necessities and opportunities for trade. Thus, the coastlands which for centuries past had been, in trading terms, nothing more than the western shore of the Indian Ocean,2 on the outer fringes of maritime circulations, became the maritime faqade of a developing region of considerable economic potential. This new orientation involved a crystallization of the formerly fluid pattern of port sites, as rail links were built inland and investment in port facilities grew, and the coming of the age of steam navigation also made possible the utilization of harbours hitherto neglected by the dhows. Five ports handling ocean-going vessels have emerged during the past 75 years to serve the needs of East Africa today: Mombasa, Tanga, Zanzibar, Dar es Salaam and Mtwara (Fig. I). Although there are important variations between the five seaports in terms of situation and site conditions, and in terms of facilities and traffic levels, they have shared many common features during their modem growth. This paper is concerned with the analysis of the development of these terminals within the framework of the 'Anyport' technique. The situation of the East African port group as a whole is generally advantageous, and site conditions at individual terminals do not present any insuperable obstacles to physical expansion, in the context of the functional framework within which each port now operates and is likely to continue to operate in the foreseeable future. The conditions of land and water situation which now favour the growth of the seaports have largely arisen during the last Ioo years; developments on both the landward and seaward sides, in transport and in economic and political geography, have now intensified and enormously widened the significance and relationships of the seaports, so that they no longer lie in a backwater but maintain links with major seaports in all the inhabited continents. The East African coast is equipped with several good natural harbours, where adequate shelter and deep water close inshore remove that dependence upon tidal fluctuations which so rigidly restricts shipping manceuvres in many

Indonesia's Government Estates and Their Masters

THE RESOURCE BASIS for Indonesia's economic development over the past ioo years has largely been provided by plantation agriculture.* Today it is questionable whether this will continue to be true much longer. From the middle of the i9th century, Dutch plantations pioneered the new crops and new methods which made the Netherlands Indies the remarkable example of the application of science to agriculture in the world.' They yielded most of the wealth that made possible the new investments from which the process of economic development in the former colony built up momentum. Because of them, the policy of the colonial government was constantly directed towards maintaining an export-oriented, low-wage economy, which gave Dutch estate produce much of its competitive strength on the raw material markets of the world. Naturally, Indonesian independence brought great changes for the estates, although at first they remained almost entirely foreign-owned. The inflation of costs left many marginal plantations unable to compete on world markets.2

The End of the Seven Against Thebes

So many scholars nowadays believe that the final scenes of the Seven against Thebes as we have them have been considerably distorted and interpolated that some may not be aware that such an opinion was first expressed little more than ioo years ago. The first scholar to do so was A. Scholl, who afterwards recanted (1 and 2);

The Bodmer Papyrus and the Prologue of St. John's Gospel

On the 28th of December I956 The Times printed a photograph of the first thirteen lines of St. John's Gospel from this MS which was acquired recently by the BODMER Library of Geneva. Its date is thought to be about 200 A.D., i.e. at least Ioo years earlier than Codex Vaticanus and its only rival Sinaiticus, which was purchased from the Russians for the British Museum in 1933 for Ioo,ooo. There is extant a precious scrap of papyrus (in JOHN RYLANDS Library) which contains a few words of St. John's Gospel, dated about I30 A.D., but this BODMER papyrus is an even greater treasure, for it is a witness to the text of almost the whole of the Gospel, copied at a date which can hardly be more than Ioo years removed from the original dictation. According to the famous Anti-Marcionite preface, which is preserved only in a few ancient MSS of the Vulgate, but was derived from a Greek document of the middle of the 2nd Century A.D., and ultimately from statements of PAPIAS, this Gospel was written down from John's dictation by the hand of MARCION. This brilliant son of the Bishop of Sinope was soon afterwards excommunicated-as the preface tells usby John; and also by his own father. Half a century later he had become the most famous of heretics. In c. 154 A.D., when, in Rome, he met POLYCARP, the faithful disciple of John and martyr Bishop of Smyrna, he had the impudence to remind him of their former acquaintance; for they had both been pupils of the aged Apostle. Do you not recognise me, Polycarp ? Yes, he replied, I recognise you as the first-born of Satan. This expression is found also in the Epistle of POLYCARP, in close connection with a quotation from the Ist Epistle of St John, which was also directed against the heretical, docetic, opinions of Marcion, who denied Jesus Christ to have come in the flesh and did not acknowledge the witness of the Cross.

The Use of Engel's Laws as a Basis for Predicting Consumer Expenditures

added to the discretionary spending power possessed by the great mass of consumers, has increased the pressure to find tools for predicting the volume and direction of consumer expenditures. Under this duress, increased attention has been given of late to the so-called Engel's Laws. As is known, these laws originated nearly ioo years ago from some researches conducted by Ernst Engel, a German statistician. Engel investigated the expenditures of different income groups for broad classes of commodities. His studies led to some rough conclusions as to the effect of income on

The Vocabulary of Moby Dick

CRITICAL appraisal of the language employed by Herman Melville in his novels and tales has varied, in the ioo years since the publication of Moby Dick, from caustic ridicule to lavish praise. Melville's contemporaries lampooned the 'extravagance' and 'eccentricity' of the author's expression, characterizing it as 'execrable' English and 'drunken' language.1 Recent critics, who have developed insights leading to a thorough reevaluation of the author's place in American letters, have almost unanimously applauded Melville's style.2 Richard Chase suggests that 'an intense verbal analysis might tell us much about Moby Dick. It might give us the word and form the New Testament of Melville criticism.'3

Reflections on Japan

I LEFT Australia Tokyo in March i946 to represent jointly the United Kingdom, Australia, New Zealand and India on the Allied Council Japan, and held that post until September I947. From April to September I947 I was concurrently Head of the Australian Mission to Japan. I had not been to Japan before, had no specialist knowledge of the country and had a good enough sense of my limitations not to attempt to learn the Japanese language. Hence I write as a political observer, not as an expert. Moreover, my views are personal and unofficial. The Occupation of Japan has been completely controlled by the authority and dominated by the personality of the Supreme Commander. General MacArthur's outlook seems to be built on three basic convictions. First, he believes that defeat, demilitarisation and disarmament, together with the loss of her Empire, make it impossible Japan, in any foreseeable future, to be again a military danger to her neighbours. General MacArthur has said that Japan is destroyed as a military threat for at least ioo years. Second, he believes that the defeat and the Occupation have completely changed the hearts and minds of the Japanese people. They have become genuine converts to democracy and peace. Third, he believes that since Japanese democracy can be overthrown by only the extreme Right or the extreme Left, and since the extreme Right has been destroyed or converted, the only actual danger is the extreme Left. Hence the danger of Soviet influence in Japan. It is therefore urgent, in General MacArthur's view, to help and strengthen a democratic Japan against the menace of Communism and the Soviet Union. It is a key strategic area in a world struggle. General MacArthur's actions in Japan spring from these three convictions. The question that now faces the Allies is what part these convictions should play in the making of the peace. It is not possible the peacemakers to evade this question.

Taming the Lumberjack

A BOUT ioo years ago when the whitepine timber of Maine was approaching exhaustion New England loggers began moving to Michigan, then later to Wisconsin and Minnesota. By 50 years ago, as the timber resources of the Lake States in turn threatened depletion, a migration to the Pacific Northwest was well under way. Because the heavy forests of Douglas fir grew close to the water, the shores of Puget Sound and of the lower Columbia River had been ideal for ox-team logging. By i895, however, when this second big migration was gaining momentum, the steam engine was in general use throughout the densely timbered coastal strip west of the Cascade Range. The old time logger, whether a bullwhacker or a puncher, seldom married. A lumberjack who had labored in the woods of Vermont, Wisconsin and Washington for 25 years before he was snared by matrimony confesses: don't believe I ever really regretted it, but there have been times when I had a terrible hankerin' to throw a roll of dirty blankets on my back and hit the trail for an old-fashioned bunk house, where single blessedness was the order of the day. That was a great and glorious freedom and he-men could talk to he-men in he-man language.' In logging communities, both past and present, growing boys often rehearse in their play activities roles they will later enact in actual logging shows. An experienced logger wrote me as follows about his boyhood 40 years ago: In my day, every ambitious boy wanted to become either a hook-tender or a donkey puncher. We would make donkey engines from old wheels and other discarded junk. They were pretty good too! And with these, using cords for cables and shoe eyelets for blocks we would build miniature skidroads. Each operation was carried out strictly according to appoved logging methods. . . . Bill, my younger brother, who had spent a summer as whistle punk in Thurston's camp, was hook-tender by virtue of his experience. He'd stand on a stump and give orders. When things went haywire, he poured forth expletives in true logger style.