Trade Union Involvement Research Articles

Political attitudes of Italian workers: twenty years of survey evidence

. This article reviews two decades of survey evidence regarding the attitudes of Italian industrial workers towards labour politics. Convention has it that, whereas Italian industrial workers were probably the most radical in western Europe at the time of the hot autumn (1969), they have since then become progressively more disenchanted with trade union involvement in politics and increasingly more cynical and apolitical. Using the numerous sample surveys conducted since the hot autumn, I show that there is no evidence to support this view. Rather, industrial workers in Italy have always been highly differentiated in their views of union politics and it is the politically-relevant behaviour of union elites that is more important than the attitudes of the rank and file in shaping union interaction with the political sphere. Theoretical context is provided by a discussion of trade unions as institutions, and by attention to the analytic distinction between preferences, behaviour, and context.

Unions in politics: public opinion in the United Kingdom and Denmark

Abstract. The paper examines public opinion about the political involvement of trade unions in the UK and Denmark. Both are systems in which trade unions are linked to a political party and both have high rates of union density. However, whereas British unions have contested governments of both parties and opposed regulation of industrial relations, Danish unions have a tradition of cooperation with government and are entangled in a web of institutionalized industrial relations. Results, however, are amazingly similar. Both the public at large and union members accept unions in general and also their political involvement, but oppose contestation of political authority. Irrespective of union behaviour, beliefs in the supremacy of parliament seems to be firmly rooted in public opinion.

Bricks in the Wall: The Youth Training Scheme

From a base of active trade union involvement, the authors in this piece take an historical look at Job Creation, YOP, the rise of the MSC and the culmination of these in YTS (the new Youth Training Scheme launched in September). They describe and critically appraise YTS and look at the difficulties and contradictions of trade union involvement. They try to meet head-on the controversial issue of whether or not YTS should be rejected outright by the unions or if there is a case for its acceptance in the hope of changing it from within. Their conclusions provide food for thought for many people currently working on the left.

Unions, organisation change and alcohol policy

There is little doubt that company policies which successfully attempt to change employee behaviour patterns require a high level of trade union involvement. Workplace alcoholism policies are an example of this kind of initiative. This article presents some preliminary, survey evidence on the extent to which alcohol policies have been introduced in Scotland.

Trade union attitudes to flexible working hours

This paper describes a study of trade union involvement with flexible working hours or ‘flexitime’. This system is now viewed far more positively but ‘blue collar’ unions have more reservations than their ‘white collar’ counterparts.

Trade union approach to control to toxic substances

Summary The paper deals with some of the problems associated with toxic substances in the work environment, it illustrates these by reference to case studies. It also looks at the involvement of Trade Unions in health and safety issues. It points out flaws and limitations of the present legislative measures; the need to detect toxic substances before they are introduced into the workplace. There is a strong argument for new procedures and regulations to control and license toxic substances; it sets out criteria advocated by Trade Unions towards achieving this. It shows how a whole new strategy has to be agreed to, a strategy that puts as its priority the health of the population as a whole.

Industrial Relations and Safety Representation

The ‘Health and Safety at Work Act (1974)’ has always seemed to have important industrial relations implications. The Act was greatly influenced by the Robins Report which had stressed the need for greater voluntary regulation at the operational level. Substantively, the Act followed the Robins philosophy in the provision of the very important general duties of employers in section two. These duties, whilst comprehensive, were necessarily expressed in terms of relative standards, which need interpretation in particular workplaces. Although it was intended that codes of practice would be provided to facilitate this, the Act also followed Robins procedurally in providing for the appointment of employee safety representatives to participate in such interpretations. An amendment to the Act at the behest of the TUC provided that the legal rights and privileges of safety representatives be confined to those appointed by recognised independent trade unions. The passage of the regulations on safety representation are therefore a further stage in the formal development of trade union involvement in the control of health and safety at work. The purpose of this article is to assess the industrial relations implications of such safety representation.

Bastion Point and the Trade Unions

There is no doubt that Trade Union support was vital to the Ngati Whatua people during their 500 day occupation of Bastion Point. The involvement of Trade Unions in areas of social concern such as Bastion Point, which are outside the scope of 'bread and butter' issues has been a matter of deep concern to some people.

Politics and Organized Labor in India

]7rade unions in India, although not formally committed to any political party, are steeped in party politics. The political involvement of trade unions is widely attributed to the partisan links of the leaders of organized labor. It is indeed argued that, but for these leaders, organized labor might be free from the domination of political parties, and a unified labor movement might emerge.' Implicit in these writings is the assumption that the rank and file members have no stake in party politics. One of the few explicit statements on the extent of rank and file interest in politics is that by Agarwal:

The revival of China's organised Labour 1973-86

This paper analyses the development and role of Chinese trade unions in the post Cultural Revolution era. The growth of organised labour fronz virtual dissolution in the late 1960s is charted at national and enterprise level. The text outlines significant post 1973 trade union involvement in industrial welfare, education and productivity. The current status of wage fixation and grievance handling in Chinese labour relations is also explored. The paper concludes by appraising Chinese trade unionisrn and its relationship to industrial policy in recent times.

Book Review: Labor and Labor Organizations: Political Involvement of India's Trade Unions

Book Review: Labor and Labor Organizations: Political Involvement of India's Trade Unions

Political Involvement of India's Trade Unions.

Political Involvement of India's Trade Unions.

Political Involvement of India's Trade Unions: A Case Study of the Anatomy of the Political Labor Movement in Asia. By N. Pattabhi Raman. New York: Asia Publishing House, 1967. Taplinger Publishing Co., distributor. Pp. xi, 203. $5.25.

Political Involvement of India's Trade Unions: A Case Study of the Anatomy of the Political Labor Movement in Asia. By N. Pattabhi Raman. New York: Asia Publishing House, 1967. Taplinger Publishing Co., distributor. Pp. xi, 203. $5.25.

The Partisan Involvement of Trade Unions in Ceylon

Deep political involvement is commonly identified as a dominant characteristic of trade unions in the newly independent states of Southern Asia and Africa. Trade unions frequently are led by politicians, maintain intimate connections with political parties, and participate actively in the political process. The close association between trade unions and politics has been linked to the prevalent social and economic conditions which promote protest and alienation and weaken the bargaining power of workers, the existence of conspicuous social problems and inequities, the politicizing influence of national independence movements, the paramount role assumed by the state as an employer and regulator of employment conditions, and, with the advent of universal suffrage, the attractiveness of trade unions as mass organizations for politicians.' The present study of the political involvement of trade unions in Ceylon seeks to examine the partisan connections of trade unions, the advantages unions derive from accepting partisan leadership, the benefits parties obtain or expect from trade union sponsorship, and the behavior of unions and parties in a highly competitive political struggle. Ceylon's relatively strong and well-established trade union movement has existed for more than 50 years and has grown considerably in size, aggressiveness and influence in the two decades since independence. The general characteristics of trade unionism and problems and conditions confronting trade unions in Ceylon are fairly typical of those found in the new states. Ceylonese trade unionism is deeply enmeshed in politics. In common with other new states, voluntary associations are neither strong nor numerous. The trade union stands along with the political party as one of the few agencies mediating between the large mass of the population and the authoritative structure of the state.

The Partisan Involvement of Trade Unions in Ceylon

The Partisan Involvement of Trade Unions in Ceylon

The Santiago Iglesias Case, 1901–1902: Origins of American Trade Union Involvement in Puerto Rico

In November of 1898, Samuel Gompers, president of the American Federation of Labor, lashed out at the expansionists and denied most emphatically that there was “justification for our enforced conquest and annexation ”of the “semi-nude people ”of Puerto Rico, living in a state of “peonage.” At large, the American trade union movement appears to have been caught up in the movement for Cuban independence—both political and economic. Puerto Rico, however, was a different matter. The trade union leadership had shown no special awareness of the island or of conditions prevailing there and, following the American occupation, adopted a strongly anti-imperialist stand. Yet, in February of 1901, the American Federationist (edited by Gompers) warmly applauded the Louisville conventions decision “. . .to organize the 15,000 skilled workers of the island of Puerto Rico on the unshakable basis of the trade union.” By the summer of 1902, trade union opinion had largely reversed itself and fraternal ties between the American Federation of Labor and the Federación Libre of Puerto Rico had been irrevocably forged.

Political Involvement of India's Trade Unions: A Case Study of the Anatomy of the Political Labor Movement in Asia.

Political Involvement of India's Trade Unions: A Case Study of the Anatomy of the Political Labor Movement in Asia.