Invasion Of India Research Articles

Factors and Consequences of the Battle between the Seljuks and the Ghaznavids at Dandanqan

Afghanistan, our wonderful country, has a glorious past. Many great men and heroes have been nurtured in this ancient land, leaving valuable contributions in the golden pages of our country's history, which society and the nation take pride in. Among them, we can mention the invaluable services of Sultan Mahmood of Ghaznawi in the political and cultural fields of the country. As soon as he became powerful, he made all possible attempts to broaden his territory. Although the establishment of the independent and grand Ghaznavid state is attributed to Alp-Tegin, its glory is linked to Sabuktigin, especially his son, Sultan Mahmud of Gaznavi. After the fall of the Samani state, Mahmood stepped in, restored the lost state, and founded a vast empire. He worked to strengthen the internal unity of the country by defeating his internal rivals and making comprehensive efforts to implement his various plans. Among his plans and programs was the invasion of India, which he pursued with strong determination and achieved numerous successes. The purpose of this research paper is to examine the factors influencing Sultan Mahmood Ghaznavi's military campaigns in India, his focus on conquests and expansion, the spread of the Islamic religion in non-Islamic lands, and the elevation of religion and the economy during this period. Research has various methods and approaches. This research paper has been prepared with the library research method and by using the most reliable historical books with complete integrity. In conclusion, we can say that Sultan Mahmood Ghaznavi established a central government in India, spread Islamic culture and religion there, and obtained significant economic gains and wealth from the conquest and occupation of India.

Genetic Variation in the Invaded Population of the Fall Armyworm, Spodoptera frugiperda (J. E. Smith) (Lepidoptera: Noctuidae), in India

The fall armyworm, Spodoptera frugiperda, an invasive, polyphagous pest, causes significant damage to corn. The majority of insects rely on a broad range of digestive enzymes and an intricate detoxifying mechanism to consume chemically diverse host plants. The genetic variation in S. frugiperda was analyzed using cytochrome oxidase subunit I (COI) and triose phosphate isomerase (Tpi). In addition, a new attempt was made to determine the variation with respect to two detoxifying genes, viz., carboxylesterase and glutathione S-transferase. The highest genetic variation (3.03%) was found between the S. frugiperda populations of Tirupati and Delhi with respect to the Tpi gene and between the populations of Punjab and Hosur regarding COI (3.30%). The results for various genes revealed that populations of the fall armyworm were homogeneous, showing low genetic distance using COI, ranging from 0.40 to 3.30%, and, using Tpi, ranging from 0.43 to 3.03%. The variation in carboxylesterase and glutathione S-transferase ranged from 0.04 to 0.15% and from 0.01 to 0.02, respectively. Amino acid sequences were also produced using DNA sequences from several fall armyworm populations. Populations in Tirupati, Solapur, and Hyderabad shared 98.7% of their sequence with that in Delhi. Fall armyworm amino acid sequences showed 79.7 to 82.0% identity with S. exigua and 69.6 to 73.0% identity with S. litura. Our study provides vital information for understanding the genetic variation in the fall armyworm following its invasion of India.

Colonial Roots of the Aryan Invasion/Migration Theory and the Contemporary Archaeological Evidence in Western Sources

William Jones, famously, by identifying close linkages between Sanskrit and European languages, gave birth to research into the common ancestry between Indians and Europeans. In the earlier years of contention on the matter, India was considered the cradle of civilisation and Sanskrit as the mother of all Indo-European languages. With the rise in the imperial power of Europe over India, the cradle of civilisation began to shift outside India and ultimately landed in Europe. Simultaneously, the idea of invasion of India by the ‘Aryan race’, or the Aryan invasion theory (AIT), was promoted. Since then, however, one archaeological find over another have consistently refuted the AIT, proving it as false. As flawed as it remains, this theory has, nonetheless, persisted and morphed in its current form as the Aryan migration theory (AMT) and continues to find mention and favour in contemporary academic discourse. In mainstream academia, today, whether in grade-school texts or in texts meant for undergraduate and graduate study, whenever India and Hinduism are mentioned, the coming of Aryans from outside of India and establishing Hinduism and civilisation in India are discussed as veritable facts. By examining the theory in anticolonial and postcolonial contexts, we show that despite considerable archaeological evidence refuting the theories of the invasion or migration of Aryans into India, its colonial embeddedness in the notion of the racial superiority of the Europeans or people with European ancestry that the theory does not fade into oblivion.

History as Memory: Alexander in South Asian Demotic Literature and Popular Media

Abstract The diversity and range of existing archives on the history and romance of Alexander have projected on him a multiplicity of images. Alexander’s conquests, military achievements, romance, myths, and legends have fascinated writers, scholars, historians, poets, filmmakers, the media, and designers of websites around the world. His invasion of India in 326 BCE left an indelible influence on Indian art, history, and literature. The present essay takes up a theme on which not much work has been done in modern scholarship. It focuses on the nature and diversity of the historical memory of Alexander in modern South Asia, particularly as reflected in modern Urdu and Hindi, the two major languages of the subcontinent. It also examines how Alexander is portrayed in popular culture and India’s nationalist discourse.

Speaking Truth to Power: Exploring Guru Nanak’s Bābar-vāṇī in Light of the Baburnama

This essay offers in-depth analysis of Guru Nanak’s works, collectively known as the Bābar-vāņī (“arrow-like utterances concerning Babur”), in the context of the memoirs of the first Mughal emperor Babur (1483–1530). It extends the number of works in the collection from a ‘fixed’ assemblage of ‘four’ to ‘nine,’ making it an open collection that dynamically responds to the specific questions raised by historians about Guru Nanak’s encounter with Babur. The resulting framework provides us with a fresh analytical gaze into the critical events related to Babur’s invasions of India and helps the novel readings of Guru Nanak’s verses shine through. It also examines how Guru Nanak’s voice of resistance was interpreted in the narratives produced by later generations. Departing from traditional views, the essay ends with a new understanding of the impact of the Bābar-vāṇī on the evolving Sikh conceptions of the relationship between spiritual and political powers.

English as a Language vs. English as a part of Curriculum

The most widely used language in research, business, politics and other areas of life in our twenty first century is the English language. The invasion of India by the British company and later by British government contributed immensely to the spreading of the language. The paper elaborates the effectiveness of English in our day today life and also how to study the same that is either as a language or a part of the curriculum. As English has come to us a result of invasion of British it is the foreign language nearest to our civilisation and we must learn it properly so that we can easily use it as our weapon against our opponents in this competitive world. The paper tells about the importance of English language and the methods which must be implied to learn the language properly so that it is not difficult for is to communicate with the people around the globe.

Aryans versus Non-Aryans: A Study of Dalit Narratives of India’s Ancient Past

This article discusses the Dalit narratives of India’s ancient past, particularly varied interpretations of Aryan invasion of India. The colonial administrators introduced Aryan theory and race science in order to justify their authority over India. In a response, social reformers and nationalist scholars, largely coming from upper castes, constructed their own narratives of Indian history, which promoted the idea of glorious Aryan-Hindu past. Contrary to the colonial and nationalist scholars, who had characterized the Aryan race as a founder of Hindu civilization, Jotirao Phule’s counter-narrative projected them as foreign invaders. In addition, as Brahmanas were identified with Aryans, all non-Brahmanas including Shudras and untouchables were identified as original inhabitants of India in Dalit writings. However, Ambedkar, who challenged the colonial and nationalist views on Aryan invasion, refused to accept Jotirao Phule’s identification of Aryans with foreign invaders. Instead, he rejected the Aryan invasion theory and presence of distinct warring races in ancient India. The article highlights the impact of the rapidly changing political atmosphere of the 1940s on Ambedkar’s counter-narratives that proposed a common Aryan identity for all—Brahmanas, Shudras and untouchables.

Boreal spring precipitation variability in the cold arid western Himalaya during the last millennium, regional linkages, and socio-economic implications

Precipitation in the monsoon shadow zone of the western Himalayan region, largely under the influence of mid-latitude westerlies, is the dominant regional socioeconomic driver. Current knowledge of long-term regional precipitation variability is scarce due to spatially and temporally limited weather and high-resolution proxy climate records. We developed the first boreal spring precipitation reconstruction for the western Himalaya covering the last millennium (1030–2011 C.E.). The annually resolved reconstruction is based on a large tree-ring data set of Himalayan cedar (Cedrus deodara) and neoza pine (Pinus gerardiana) from 16 ecologically homogeneous moisture stressed settings in Kinnaur, western Indian Himalaya. The precipitation reconstruction revealed persistent long-term spring droughts from the 12th to early 16th century C.E. and pluvial from the late 16th century C.E. to recent decades. The late 15th and early 16th centuries (1490–1514 C.E.) displayed the driest episode, with precipitation being ∼15% lower than the long-term mean. The early 19th century (1820–1844 C.E.) was the wettest period of the past millennium, with mean precipitation ∼13% above the long-term mean. The reconstructed boreal spring precipitation from the western Himalaya revealed large-scale consistency with hydrological records from westerly dominated regions in Central Asia, indicating synoptic-scale changes in atmospheric circulation during the major part of the Medieval and Little Ice Age periods. Protracted droughts in Central Asia could have caused severe contraction of the regional economy, as indicated by striking coherence of reconstructed drought periods and historic social upheavals and invasions of India from Central and Western Asian invaders. Vulnerability to climatic extremes underpins the need to develop a better understanding of the temporal and spatial variability in regional hydroclimate in order to devise viable water resource management plans.

Dunsterforce or Dunsterfarce? Re-evaluating the British mission to Baku, 1918

In August 1918, 1500 British troops sailed across the Caspian Sea and occupied Baku. Dunsterforce – named after its leader Lionel Dunsterville – ended in tactical failure. One month after entering the city, the British force withdrew. Many historians have written Dunsterforce off as an ambitious, but ultimately unsuccessful, intervention on a peripheral front. In this article, however, I argue that the operation achieved greater strategic success than it is often given credit for. Dunsterforce's achievements, however, cannot be disentangled from broader developments on other fronts in late 1918. As such, this success was largely incidental. Although some authors have argued that Britain was driven by economic interests, the principal objective of Dunsterforce was the protection of Britain's position in the Middle East and India. By occupying Baku and thus controlling the Caspian, Britain hoped to forestall a Turko-German invasion of India. Operating in an unpredictable strategic environment, Dunsterforce's objectives evolved over time; the operation suffered from what modern strategists have labelled ‘mission creep’. Originally tasked with training local levies, Dunsterville's mission had evolved into a field force: Dunsterforce. Under relative autonomy from London, Dunsterville drove the intervention. His ambitions extended to restoring the entire Eastern Front by linking up with forces in the Ukraine. Three factors contributed to Dunsterforce's failure. First, it arrived too late. By the time Dunsterforce disembarked in Baku, the city was already under siege by the Turkish army. Second, the resources available to Dunsterville – both in terms of men and materiel – were insufficient to accomplish the mission's tactical end: holding Baku. Third, the residents of Baku were too occupied with in-fighting to mount a united defence. Despite being a military defeat, Dunsterforce achieved some successes. The British presence in Baku helped deny the Central Powers access to Baku's oil for six vital weeks. No oil from Baku travelled further than Tiflis (modern-day Tbilisi) by the time the armistice was signed. At a time when German forces on the Western Front were hampered by chronic fuel shortages, this was a significant feat. Indeed, on 17 November, a British force occupied Baku once more. The capture of Baku by the Army of Islam proved the zenith of the Pan-Turanian dream, and Turkey's expansionist plans were never realized. The British retained command of the Caspian from their base at Enzeli in north-west Persia, giving the British a foothold from which the successor of Dunsterforce, Noperforce, could operate against the Bolsheviks. India remained unthreatened, and thus Britain had secured its strategic objectives in the region.

Book Review: Japan’s Last Bid for Victory: The Invasion of India, 1944 by Robert Lyman

Book Review: <i>Japan’s Last Bid for Victory: The Invasion of India, 1944</i> by Robert Lyman

Haremeyn, Şam, Cidde, Habeş, Yemen, Hindistan ve Mısır ile İlgili Bir Takrir

Report (takrir) that we have discussed here and assumed that it was written at the end of 1525 and at the beginning of 1526 is one of the important sources about the first quarter of the XVI. century. It isn’t certainly known who has written the report. The report includes important information about condition of Mecca, Medina, Damascus, Zabid, Yemen, Ethiopia, Jeddah, Egypt, India, Gujarat and about Portugal’s invasion of India. In our study we discussed the writer of this source who hasn’t attracted attention hitherto, when it was written and what kind of information it includes about the said areas

The Conquests of Alexander the Great by Waldemar Heckel

442 PHOENIX though each focuses much more on one than the other. In Lac., the ephors, like Cyrus, have the power to punish offenders on the spot. Hiero, of course, can be the law with eyes; but both by his own example of adhering to the law, and by rewarding others who do so, he can extend the success of his city beyond his lifetime (12). Both types of government strengthen their communities, though in different ways. Lycurgus produced a great military power by making the most of Sparta's limited manpower. Hiero, because of Syracuse's greater resources, could develop a strong army and build a thriving economy. Both used honor and dishonor as incentives (13). The general introduction also briefly covers Xenophon's biography, the authorship of the three works, and their textual tradition. Particularly useful are Gray's comments on Xenophon's language and style: she provides a general discussion, specific treatments of all three works, and makes observation as appropriate throughout the commentaries. The commentaries focus more on historical and literary matters and assume a fairly advanced knowledge of grammar and syntax—this book is not for students fresh out of elementary Greek—in keeping with the scope of the series. In general this is an accomplished and highly welcome addition to Xenophon studies. My one, rather minor, complaint is that the bibliography dates to a period quite a bit earlier than the date of publication. Wright State University Bruce LaForse The Conquests of Alexander the Great. By Waldemar Heckel. Cambridge University Press. 2008. Pp. xxii, 218. Waldemar Heckel, a prolific and respected contributor to Alexander Studies, aims in this book to provide for students and general readers "an intelligent introduction" to the wars of the Macedonian conqueror (ix). In nine well-paced chapters, Heckel lays out his approach and methodology, surveys the ancient sources, sketches the Macedonian background, assesses the Persian enemy, and then covers the military campaign in five phases: the defeat of Darius hi, the challenges to Alexander's authority in Central Asia, the conquest of the Punjab, the return west, and the final months in Mesopotamia. To this clear exposition, the author adds a chronological table (including king lists and sources), a glossary, and three useful appendices on Alexander's officers, troop numbers, and satrapal appointments. The bibliography is up-to-date, and the text is supported by 336 notes. Heckel understands that assigning students a book without adequate notes and bibliography is like throwing bricks to the drowning. This work offers us a balanced scholarly treatment that neither glibly heroizes Alexander nor blindly castigates him as an unstable monster. Heckel's Alexander is a pragmatist, motivated by policy rather than the selfish pursuit of irrational urges. The conqueror's most controversial actions (the siege of Tyre, journey to Siwah, invasion of India, Gedrosian march, Carmanian revels, "reign of terror") were therefore strategic calculations and not, as many writers claim, the reckless conceits of a megalomaniac. At times, however, this Alexander can appear too politic, as when Heckel suggests that the king intentionally provoked his army to balk at the Hyphasis (120-124) and issued the Exiles' Decree to incite rebellion in Greece (147). More attention might have been paid to the maps, which are bland and do not always reflect the geographical reconstructions argued in the text. Map 6, for example, shows various modern rivers that have been identified with the ancient Pinarus, but not the one BOOK REVIEWS/COMPTES RENDUS 443 (Kuru Çay) settled upon by Heckel (58-60). Similarly, Map 9 takes Craterus through the Bolan Pass, a route expressly rejected by Heckel (132). The battle diagrams, on the other hand, work well (even though Heckel apologizes for them in his Preface). There are no pictures, but Heckel paints in prose. He often employs historical parallels to enliven his analysis. He refers to the Inca, Mongols, tribal Africa, crusaders, the CIA, conquistadors, and countless other peoples and institutions from around the world. Students will find familiar names (Hamid Karzai, Princess Di, Napoleon, Peter the Great, Charlemagne) as well as some that will perhaps send them scurrying to an encyclopedia (William Yancey, Charles xn of Sweden, Isidore of Seville). The...

United States-India Relations 1947–1962: Stresses and Strains Over Communist China

The United States had an inbuilt constituency in India, a constituency that had its origins in the pre-independent period. Although the British were under fire, they enjoyed a certain amount of respect for their commitment to justice and law. The Indian elites were the products of English education. All these resulted in a love-hate relationship between the Indians and the Anglo-Saxon groups in general. Besides, the amount of importance the Indian nationalist leaders gave to the mediatory role of President Franklin D. Roosevelt and the liberal American Press in bringing about India's independence bears testimony to this formulation. Thus in 1941 when India won independence, the United States enjoyed considerable goodwill in India. The United States was willing and far abler than Stalin's Soviet Union to help in the economic betterment of India. The US launched the Point Four Programme, a politico-humanitarian package.1 Jawaharlal Nehru, the Prime Minister of India, was consciously warm towards it because, apart from other reasons, he found it good tactics to use against domestic communism, and the collapse of the Telengana rebellion in Southern India proved him right. During his first visit to the United States in 1949, Nehru and President Truman seemed to have achieved a reasonable desire of mutual sympathy in genera! outlook on. world affairs. What alienated India's diplomacy from that of the United States most was the difference in their views of the nature of Chinese Communist threat and what approaches could be made about it. The United States had not yet given in to Dulles's pactomania, nor had the dreadful McCarthy era started. Yet guided by their different experiences, the two countries began to choose their different paths which did not converge until the Communist Chinese massive invasion of India's north-eastern border in October 1962. So conflicting were the approaches of India and the United States that they found themselves ranged on opposite sides on many issues regarding China. This worked clearly to the disadvantage of both. The differences discouraged economic assistance to India while the United States lost the sympathy of the emerging Asian nations. My paper examines the various aspects of these Indo-American differences over Communist China in order to define the impact on their political relations. It establishes that the ‘China Question’—the non-recognition by the United States, non-admission to the United Nations, the status of Formosa, etc., created bitter differences between India and the United States till the China War of 1962. This provided cause for an unparalleled deepening of the Indo-US involvement.

Russia's Plans for an Invasion of India in 1801

Russia's Plans for an Invasion of India in 1801

Ancient Indian Medicine.

Dr. P. Kutumbiah has written an erudite and systematic study of ancient Indian medicine and surgery and many of its branches that is much more practical for use by the medical historian than is Jolly's work. Writing was known and employed in the Indus Valley civilization during the third and second millenia BC, but its peculiar script has yet to be deciphered. Indian prehistory extends from the earliest times to the Aryan invasion of India about 1500 BC. The archaeological discoveries at Harappa, Mohenjo-dāro, Chanhu-dāro, and other sites in the Indus Valley have disclosed that at the dawn of history there existed in the plains of the lower Indus an extensive, highly evolved chalcolithic civilization. This Indus Valley civilization was contemporaneous with those of Mesopotamia, Egypt, and Crete, and there was intimate contact between them all. Ancient Indian medicine was most probably derived from the Indus Valley civilization and must

The Concept of Neutralism

Since the Chinese invasion of India a good deal of effort has been devoted to a reappraisal of the policy of neutralism which has long been considered to constitute a cornerstone of India's foreign policy. As that policy and reappraisal is by no means confined to India, it might be of more than local interest to examine the concept of neutralism itself on which that policy is grounded. Indeed, the reappraisal has not been sufficiently intense or agonizing because the examination has been too long delayed and “neutralism” has been allowed to slumber undisturbed, tacitly assumed to be an unassailable term in the vocabulary of the foreign office. We shall deal with the related concept of non-alignment at a later stage in the discussion. In order to put both these concepts in proper perspective it will be necessary to say a few words on the logic of foreign policy formulation.

Indian Neutralism Reconsidered

THE INVASION OF INDIA by China in October i962 was accompanied and, for a few months, followed by a lively debate and some soul-searching on India's foreign policy. Non-alignment was, naturally, a prominent topic. Under impact of initial shock discussion was more ardent than rational but as excitement subsided, thoughts become more sober. At same time volume of debate also diminished greatly. There was a tendency among Indian public to relapse into normalcy, with foreign affairs playing as usual a very subordinate role. The Times of India complained that the sense of emergency is already far less acute than it was three months ago,' and soon thereafter even these complaints could no longer be heard except in opinion journals of Government's Opposition. The Government itself seemed concerned about this return to routine life and to politics as usual-if only because tough new tax bill and other measures toward defense effort were yet to be announced. Its persistent but not very effective appeals to patriotism and national unity appeared perhaps to retard but not reverse trend. The early demise of scheme for compulsory savings deposits; failure to utilize voluntary labor freely offered under Villager Volunteer Force and Defense Labor Bank plan; economic inertia; growing corruption-these were some of signals justifying government's anxiety. Broadly speaking, past combination of Mr. Nehru's monopoly on foreign policy with widespread approval of non-alignment as psychologically rooted (among other things) in isolationism, had conditioned Indian public to have little interest in foreign affairs. A change could hardly be expected overnight. Yet public's amazement at what government had failed to do in maintaining nation's security and at how little people had known about international affairs did not lead to a sudden change in political ways of life. On contrary, crisis contributed little to diminish detrimental effect of factionalism and individualism in Indian politics. The performance of some politicians compared quite unfavorably with inspiring readiness to sacrifice on part of poorest sections of population or defenceless soldiers along northern borders. All parties agreed that emergency had to be faced. But each offered its own suggestions on how this was to be done, and accused all dissenters of bad faith and pursuit of selfish interests. The reproach that Government or

A Note on the Hipparchies of Alexander

By the courtesy of Mr P. A. Brunt whose admirable paper now published (p. 27 ff.) I had the pleasure of reading at an early stage, and of the Editor in allowing me at Mr Brunt's suggestion to add a short note here, I am enabled to write about a point on which I was unable to follow Mr Brunt in his interpretation. It concerns the date at which Oriental cavalry was first introduced by Alexander into the hipparchies of Companion Cavalry, which (following Mr Brunt) I now believe to have become eight in number by a reorganisation of the year 328.About the Oriental cavalry actually named by Arrian (at the Hydaspes battle) as participating in the invasion of India there is no disagreement between Mr Brunt and myself: the Arachosians and the Parapamisadae horse, the Bactrians, Sogdians, Scythians and Dahae are mentioned by Arrian in terms that show clearly that they were not included in the hipparchies at this time but were serving as separate units (A. v 11.3, 12.2: Brunt, 43 f.). These people, however, represent only a part of the Oriental cavalry forces available to Alexander, if he chose to use them, at any time after (say) early 330 B.C. for the central satrapies of the Persian Empire (Susiana, Persis and Media), and after the end of 330 for the satrapies occupied with little resistance during that year (‘Parthia’, Tapuria with Hyrcania, Areia and Drangiane). These Western or Central Iranians are never named by our sources as having participated in any of Alexander's campaigns, though the Far Eastern Iranians (Bactrians, Sogdians, etc.) are so mentioned by Arrian at the Hydaspes battle, and indeed as early as the year 328 (A. iv 17.3, Bactrians and Sogdians only).

Inspection in a Nuclear-Free Zone

Recent international incidents, although military and aggressive in nature, have actually improved the chances for disarmament and arms control agreements, especially among the smaller powers. The Cuban crisis brought the world to the brink of nuclear war, and, even as the two major powers drew back, the smaller nations knew that in the event of such a war, they would become involved, and their very existence would be threatened through no fault of their own. Similarly, the Chinese invasion of India made it clear that a specific position of neutrality does not guarantee freedom from conflict. The smaller states look at

Tibetan Invasion of India in 747 A.D.

Tibetan Invasion of India in 747 A.D.