Racial stratification in the United States has operated along bi-racial lines (White–non-White) for centuries.1 For demographic (the relative large size of the Black population) and historical reasons (the centrality of Blacks to the national economic development from the 17th to the middle part of the 20th century), the bi-racial order has been anchored on the Black–White experience (Feagin, 2000). Historically, those on the non-White side of the divide have shared similar experiences of colonialism, oppression, exploitation, and racialization (Amott & Matthaei, 1991). Hence, being non-White has meant having a restricted access to the multiple benefits or “wages of whiteness” (Roediger, 1991) such as good housing, decent jobs, and a good education. Nevertheless, the post-civil rights era has brought changes in how racial stratification seems to operate. For example, significant gaps in status have emerged between groups that previously shared a common denizen position in the racial order. Asian Americans in particular have almost matched the socioeconomic standing of Whites and, in some areas (e.g., educational attainment), have surpassed them.2 For example, in selective colleges across the nation, Asian Americans are represented at 3–10 times their national proportion (U.S. News and World Report, 2003). Another example of the changes is the high rate of interracial dating and marriage between Latinos and Whites and Asians and Whites (Moran, 2001; Qian & Lichter, 2000). These interracial unions, coupled with the collapse of formal segregation, have created the political space for “multiracial activists” to force the Census Bureau in 2000 to allow respondents to pick all the races they felt apply to them (Daniels, 2002; Parker & Song, 2001). Yet another instance of the changes in contemporary America is that few Whites endorse in surveys segregationist views. This has been heralded by some as reality as “the end of racism”