Liberal Interpretation Research Articles

Analysis of Humanistic Education: Unraveling Paulo Freire in Islamic Perspectives

This study delves into the educational philosophy of Paulo Freire, emphasizing its humanistic roots and exploring its intersections with Christian, Marxist, existentialist, phenomenological, and personalist philosophies. Influenced by liberation theology figures like Gustavo Gutiérrez, Freire envisioned education as a tool for conscientization, aiming to cultivate critical awareness among the oppressed. Freire's humanistic approach faces criticism, particularly concerning the ambiguity of its goals and potential psychological disturbances. The research methodology is rooted in an extensive literature review, incorporating both primary and secondary data sources. Primary data stems from direct references relevant to the research topic, such as scholarly journals and articles, while secondary data is derived from existing literature to construct a solid conceptual framework. Appropriate data analysis tools aligning with research objectives are employed to systematically evaluate the collected information. This methodology aims to provide a comprehensive understanding of the theories and concepts essential to the research. The outcomes and discussions underscore the fundamental disparities between Freire's humanistic education and Islamic perspectives. While Freire advocates for critical consciousness and social liberation, Islam centers its education on the Quran and Hadith, emphasizing moral and spiritual responsibilities as Khalifah. Islam interprets freedom as the pursuit of goodness guided by divine revelations, rejecting liberal interpretations. The study concludes by accentuating the stark differences in worldview and values between Freirean humanism and Islamic education, shedding light on the diverse philosophical foundations underpinning these approaches.

Courts as an arena for socioenvironmental change: Lessons from the Argentine courts

AbstractTrends in the Argentine courts indicate a judicial preference towards flexibility in light of possibly serious environmental consequences, particularly in relation to mining. Through a liberal interpretation of constitutional provisions where collective environmental rights are threatened, the courts have expanded access to justice, leading some to view the Argentine judiciary as “interventionist” or “political”. However, judicial decisions emphasise compliance with constitutional mandates without necessarily encroaching on policy‐making realms. The constitutionalisation of environmental rights has had a strong influence on the judiciary's approach, but in combination with other factors, particularly civic mobilisation, institutional changes and an evolving public ethos on environmental protection. Proactive judicial engagement with the full extent of its powers to ensure that policy‐makers meet their constitutionally mandated obligations can compel policy‐makers to address sustainability issues and rethink strategies. This positioning of the judiciary as a catalyst for more effective environmental governance offers useful insights for European courts.

Релігійні організації як учасники дискурсу концепції прав людини

The article carries out a theoretical and legal study of religious organizations as participants in the discourse of the concept of human rights, clarification of the peculiarities of their perception of human rights in the historical context. It is proved that the contribution of Western and Eastern religious organizations to the development of the concept of human rights is not homologous. Human rights theory is a legacy of Western civilization, and it is natural that Western religious organizations (both Catholic and Protestant) develop their human rights teachings within this cultural paradigm. World religious organizations in their social doctrines define their own position regarding certain human rights. Catholic and Protestant religious organizations were the first to form such doctrines, and at the end of the 20th century. this issue became relevant in the Orthodox Churches as well. It has been found that two polar positions can be traced in the modern leading religions of the world, on the one hand, emphasis is placed on the observance of all human rights declared by international legal documents, on the other hand, differences in their understanding of human rights and liberal legal interpretation are indicated. The position they take depends on which aspects of this problem they consider to be their priority

Between left and right: A discourse network analysis of Universal Basic Income on Dutch Twitter

Abstract Universal Basic Income (UBI) found its way back to media and policy agendas, presented as an alternative to the social investment policies omnipresent in Europe. In spite of the apparent appeal, however, UBI faces a discursive and political stalemate that seems hard to overcome. In an attempt to understand this tension, we explore the discursive coalitions surrounding UBI in a debate on Dutch Twitter. We use discourse network analysis to (a) cluster discussants endorsing similar positions and (b) see which political elites endorse these positions. We find that the known schism between the liberal and egalitarian interpretations of UBI is driven by ambivalence towards its redistributive implications. Moreover, we observe a turn towards social investment frames amongst UBI advocates, who centrally argue that UBI is activating and deregulating social security. This change in framing, however, seems to have little visible impact on elite coalition formation. Green-left elites remain overrepresented amongst proponents, while liberal and conservatives are opposed, and the socialist party remains divided on the issue. Thus, while the implementation of a ‘full’ UBI seems blocked by redistributive concerns, the social investment turn may be the political compromise that explains the popular appeal and political success of UBI inspired experiments.

Kant and Revolution

Based on Kant’s political thought, this article deals with the relationship between a ruler’s power and freedom, law and morality. The assumed external freedom is to be guaranteed to individuals by a valid political authority (sovereign); however, the authorities do not have to obey the law, which means that the freedom of citizens is threatened. Thus, a tension appears between the freedom of the individual and obedience to an unjust law. From an authority’s perspective, peace is more important than moral development, and from a moral perspective, the rule of law is less important than ethical perfection. This leads to the question of whether revolutionary changes to the system can be justified on the basis of Kant’s assumptions, as some liberal interpretations of Kant’s thought propose. In this article, I argue that although the revolutionary moment is possible within Kant’s political philosophy, it is in a different place than most liberal authors point out and has no link to the common understanding of revolution.

Joseph Shine v Union of India: Farewell to a Victorian-Era Adultery Law

This case commentary critically analyses the rationale behind the decision made by the Indian Supreme Court in the case of Joseph Shine v Union of India [2018] Indlaw 899 (SC). The constitutionality of section 497 of the Indian Penal Code and section 198(2) of the Code of Criminal Procedure, which criminalise adultery, was challenged in this case. Being well aware that this case was a call made due to societal changes, the Supreme Court was prepared to adopt a liberal interpretation of the Indian Constitution. However, it had to face the sea of precedents flowing in the opposite direction of the societal changes. The Supreme Court, in dealing with these archaic provisions had carefully scrutinized Articles 14, 15 and 21 of the Indian Constitution to declare that the impugned provisions have long outlived their purpose and do not fit within today’s constitutional morality. This case is definitely one of the significant decisions made in the history of Indian law as it portrayed the Supreme Court’s bold move in finally bidding farewell to a Victorian-era law. As a result, adultery is no longer a crime in today’s India and this decision is the reason behind it.

Citizens and Tsars: Russian Caricature Postcards of the Provisional Government Era

Abstract Postcards, long used to mark significant occasions in the lives of individuals, were deployed in early 1917 to herald wholesale change in the life of the nation. Following the downfall of the Tsar, censorship was nominally abolished and amid a fast developing market economy, many different publishers sought to take advantage, both to profit and to persuade. Within days of Nicholas II’s abdication, postcards carrying revolutionary imagery were being offered in shops and kiosks, and within a few months, a wide range of different photographic, artistic, and satirical cards had also become available. This article focuses on commercially produced caricature postcards, adopting a broad remit to examine both anti-tsarist images satirizing the Imperial Family, and artist-drawn cards commemorating and critiquing the February Revolution. To this end, it has two main aims; first, to analyze the role of postcards as a political bridge between contemporary events and the Russian population; and second, to examine the key part played by private and commercial publishers in disseminating a broadly liberal interpretation of revolutionary events in the months after the Tsar’s overthrow.

Haredi Fundamentalism in the State of Israel

Since its establishment in 1948, the State of Israel, which defines itself as Jewish-nation state, has been providing Haredi Jewry, also known as ultra-Orthodoxy, with a vast autonomy in education, enabling the development of a Jewish “Society of Learning Men.”This goes back to the Status quo regulations, which blocks the separation of state and religion in the country. In this framework, Haredi Jewry, which was nearly extinct after the Shoah, has developed into a striving and confident fundamentalist religious Jewish movement. At the same time, it has become the demographically most dynamic Jewish current. The influence of Haredi Jewry in Israel is crucial, for its leadership and its members do consider their isolationist, counter-acculturative, anti-modern moulding as the only authentic and “pure” form of Judaism, and they actively combat liberal Jewish interpretations or denominations.In this paper, a discussion about the definition of Haredism as fundamentalism will be provided. Furthermore, it will be argued that through the basic requirement of the Status quo between State and Jewish (orthodox) religion, the Haredi society’s attempt to organize itself as a cultural and communal autonomy has been highly successful also against the background of the societal restrictions of this effort given the dependant relationship that has developed between the Haredi community and general Israeli society. As illustrations for this case study, the educational autonomy, the Haredi judicial power over Jewish and non-Jewish citizens and the struggle over the Shabbat regulations will be examined.

Liberal Interpretation of Social Efficiency and its Acceptance to the NEA Reports on Social Studies in the 1910s

본 논문에서는 1910년대 사회과의 성립 배경 및 과정을 기록한 1916년 NEA 사회과위원회의 보고서 및 1918년 NEA 중등교육재조직위원회의 보고서에서 사회적 효율성이라는 용어를 어떤 의미로 사용했는지 살펴보고자 하였다. 이를 위해 19세기 후반부터 20세기 초반에 이르기까지 사회적 효율성이 학자들 사이에서 어떤 의미로 사용되었는지를 살펴보았으며, 이를 토대로 양 보고서가 사회적 효율성에 대한 보수적 해석을 수용하였는지 진보적 해석을 수용하였는지 살펴보았다. 그 결과 1910년대 사회과의 성립을 주도했던 사람들은 교육의 사회적 유용성을 강조하는 사회적 효율성주의의 기본가정에 동의하면서도 접근 방법에 있어서 성인생활 중심이 아닌 아동의 현재 삶, 직업훈련이 아닌 직업의 사회적 가치의 인식, 진로에 맞춘 특성화 교육이 아닌 학생 상호간 교류 및 상호 참조를 강조했다는 점에서 사회적 효율성에 대한 진보적 해석을 충실히 따랐다는 점을 확인할 수 있었다. 특히 NEA 사회과위원회는 학생의 현재 당면한 관심과 사회적 중요성이 내포된 사회문제에 대해 학습할 것을 권고하여 문제해결능력이 사회적 효율성이라는 진보적 관점을 지향하고 있었다.

Informal Empire: The Origin and Significance of a Key Term

Ever since the publication of “The Imperialism of Free Trade” by John Gallagher and Ronald Robinson in 1953, “informal empire” has been a key term for historians. It has, however, always been contentious. The central issue was whether imperial historians were prepared to accept a new concept of empire. This article explains the paradox of informal empire by creating a stronger provenance for the term. Since the early nineteenth century, imperial metaphors have been used to characterize Britain's position in the world economy. Gallagher and Robinson—like their immediate predecessors, Charles Fay and Keith Hancock—wanted to understand British imperialism in the broader context of European expansion while also formulating an alternative to the radical liberal and neo-Marxist interpretations widely current after World War I. Ultimately, the difficulty of using “empire” as a single category led Gallagher and one of his most influential successors to choose an alternative term.

Disputed interpretations and active strategies of resistance during an audit regulatory debate

PurposeThe paper aims to examine disputed interpretations of “key meanings” between the audit regulator and Big 4 firms during a highly contentious regulatory debate, showcasing their use of “strategies of resistance” to achieve their intended outcomes.Design/methodology/approachA qualitative analysis is performed of the discourse in a South African audit regulatory debate, set within the country's unique political and historical context. The analysis is informed by the theoretical construct of a “regulatory space” and an established typology of strategic responses to institutional pressures.FindingsThe study’s findings show how resistance to regulatory intentions from influential actors, notably the Big 4 firms, was dispelled. This was achieved by the regulator securing oversight independence, co-opting political support, shortening the debate timeline and unilaterally revising the interpretation of its statutory mandate. The regulator successfully incorporated race equality into its interpretation of how the public interest is advanced (in addition to audit quality). The social legitimacy of the Big 4 was then further undermined. The debate was highly contentious and unproductive and likely contributed to overall societal concerns regarding the legitimacy of, and the value ascribed to, the audit function.Practical implicationsA deeper appreciation of vested interests and differing interpretations of key concepts and regulatory logic could help to promote a less combative regulatory environment, in the interest of enhanced audit quality and the sustainability and legitimacy of the audit profession.Originality/valueThe context provides an example, contrary to that observed in many jurisdictions, where the Big 4 fail to actively resist or even dilute significant regulatory reform. Furthermore, the findings indicate that traditional conceptions of what it means to serve “the public interest” may be evolving in favour of a more liberal social democratic interpretation.

Against Convergence Liberalism: A Feminist Critique

AbstractConvergence liberalism has emerged as a prominent interpretation of public reason liberalism. Yet, while its main rival in the public reason literature—the Rawlsian consensus account of public reason—has faced serious scrutiny regarding its ability to secure equal citizenship forallmembers of society, especially for members of historically subordinated groups, convergence liberalism has not. With this article, we hope to start a discussion about convergence liberalism and its (in)ability to address group-based social inequalities. In particular, we aim to show that given the core features of the viewandreal-world pluralism, the policies needed to secure gender equality and protect equal citizenship for women will not be justified. We make our case by considering various inequalities that are due to the gendered division of labor and potential convergence liberal responses.

Investigating the ‘curious’ case of civil war and foreign direct investment: evidence from Sudan

It is typically argued that civil war acutely inhibits inward flows of foreign direct investment (FDI). However, the evidence is inconsistent and does not support the assumed negative relationship between civil war and FDI. Some studies suggest that FDI enters countries with internal armed conflicts unabated; others show that civil war economies exhibit strong increases in FDI during conflict. Underpinned by a liberal interpretation of war, this scholarship finds these trends to be surprising, counter-intuitive and curious, arguing that FDI enters conflict zones in spite of violence. In contrast, critical perspectives can provide insights by acknowledging that violence can facilitate economic processes such as FDI, creating a particular form of security and stability that can be conducive to FDI inflows. This article examines the Second Sudanese Civil War (1983-2005), a country which exhibited strong increases in FDI during phases of the conflict. It is argued that particular types of violence perpetrated by the government’s armed forces and pro-government militias – groups which were sympathetic to the interests of key investors in the oil industry – facilitated FDI in Sudan’s oil sector during the 2000s to the detriment of large sections of the civilian population affected by the violence.

Model of Religious Moderation In Universities: Alternative Solutions To Liberal, Literal And Radical Islam

This study aims to offer a model for implementing religious moderation learning in higher education to stem contradictory ideologies with Islamic teachings such as liberalism, literalism, and radicalism. Their existence has recently significantly disrupted the stability of religious harmony in Indonesia. The current reality of extreme and exclusive religion is spreading in the academic world. Students who only use rational logic without religious texts will be trapped in radical logical reasoning, so they tend to be liberal. On the other hand, students who only adhere to religious texts without being accompanied by critical logic will be dogmatic in understanding religious texts literally. The existence of an understanding of Islam with two camps of liberal and literal interpretation is not in line with a moderation in religion which will obscure the actual value of Islamic teachings. This ideology will produce radical religious perspectives, attitudes, and behaviors. The research approach is research and development, which collaborates quantitative and qualitative. Methods of collecting data through interviews, observation, questionnaires, and documentation. The selection of respondents and informants through random sampling technique, while data analysis using the Miles and Huberman approach.

Variety of Possible Selves: The Role of Agency and Empirical Evidence Review

The development of possible selves theory has led to the introduction of new types of the construct. However, the types are inconsistent with the original definition by Markus & Nurius (1986). Researchers tend not to consider the phenomenon of agency playing a crucial role in the motivational function of possible self. Thus, now in the literature, we have non-systemized concepts of various types of possible self. The primary aim of this paper is to analyze existing types of possible selves through the lens of agentic energy, and to unify the understanding of the construct. We consider the most frequent types of possible self, such as hoped-for possible self, feared possible self, best possible self, self-regulatory and self-enhancing possible selves, lost possible self, shared possible self, and impossible self. Creating the systematic view is essential for the future of the theory as there are already some misconceptions that come from a liberal interpretation of the originally strong construct. We propose a solution in the form of a traditional literature review with the result of definitions reconsidered depending on the role of agentic energy in possible self producing. We conclude that taking into account the agentic potential reveals the processes behind the various types of possible selves. The expected outcome of the framework is to set a unified direction for further discoveries.

HUMANITARIAN KNOWLEDGE AT THE ENTREPRENEURIAL UNIVERSITY: STRATEGIES OF «JUSTIFICATION»

Humanitarian knowledge and “liberal education” have been a problem for the modern innovative/entrepreneurial university as a commercial firm for the last fifty years: “impact” as an imperative of the university’s public discourse in liberal democracies and university policy apparently contradicts the statements about the “self-worth” or “uselessness” of humanitarian knowledge. The purpose of the article is to consider the main directions of the “justification” of the “humanitarian component” of the university, the ways of its politicization (the term U. Beck): appeals to values (culture), to the public good, civic education, to the methodological function of philosophy and the humanities, undertaken in this regard. The absence of grounds for the above-mentioned methods of politicization to matter is demonstrated: both in connection with their own inconsistency of such values, and as an argument for the prevailing public discourse of the university. It is concluded that the prevailing liberal interpretation of humanitarian knowledge necessarily provides for its transformation into a product whose price is determined by the market. The actual “problem situation” is not related to the “nature of humanitarian knowledge”, but to the “struggle for status”, that is, it is a question of power and prestige in connection with their redistribution in an entrepreneurial university as a commercial company.

‘Capital as power’: an alternative reading of India’s post-2011 economic slowdown

ABSTRACT A study of the post-2011 economic slowdown in India that challenges liberal and Keynesian interpretations by drawing on Nitzan and Bichler’s argument of 2009 that modern-day capitalist activity is shaped primarily by differential rather than absolute accumulation and the accumulation of power so as to squeeze and lock out competitors, monopolize resources, sabotage production and acquire unused capacity. In an exploration of the deep-rooted entanglements of power, crisis and accumulation, firm-level data from India are examined to show that a growth slowdown, economic crisis and destruction of the livelihoods of millions of people have provided an opportunity for top corporate houses to entrench their power and wealth. Crisis, in other words, has been good for business.

Packaging, Persuasion and Propaganda: Popular Preaching and Islamic Counter-publics in Indonesia

ABSTRACT Indonesia’s Islamic counter-publics have entered a new phase. Dominant definitions of the counter-public emphasise its reliance upon modes of publicity and public deliberation that conflict with dominant ones. In contemporary Indonesia, however, the practice of contemporary counter-public preachers requires a new definition. Preachers linked to Hizbut Tahrir Indonesia (HTI), such as Felix Siauw and Fuadh Naim, do not counter-position in relation to popular culture, but appropriate it to reach broader audiences. Where popular culture might suggest an ethic of freedom or liberal sociability, such cultural forms are appropriated alongside messages that explicitly proscribe those liberal meanings. Contemporary counter-public preachers appropriate the symbolic repertoires of multiculturalism such as Javanese puppetry and poetry, as well as the images and music of the Korean Wave, yet do so to critique emergent liberal interpretations. These strategies are connected to contemporary politics, for both preachers have been long-time devotees of the pro-Khilafah cause that has recently been banned from public activity by the Indonesian government. The appropriation strategy suits the current moment, when dissimulation is a necessary element of practice for preachers who support the cause. In other words, they rebrand HTI by packaging almost everything with persuasive purpose to propagate Islamist ideology.

Modification of the Principles of Freedom and Equality in Early Twentieth-Century Russian Liberal Thought

ABSTRACT This article analyzes the change in interpretation of the principles of freedom and equality in liberal thought in Russian in the early twentieth century. From the classical negative understanding of freedom as noninterference of the state in a person’s private life, the new liberalism transitioned to a positive interpretation of freedom as the state’s ensuring of conditions for citizens to enjoy equal freedom. The classical liberal interpretation of equality as the absence of various social privileges and restrictions was supplemented by the idea of equality of opportunity. Thus, formal-legal equality was balanced with social equality. With that in mind, this article devotes special attention to the new liberals’ defense of the right to a decent living as a complex of personal social rights, as a rights claim that allows every citizen to demand a minimum of social benefits from the state. This article shows that early-twentieth-century liberals proposed a qualitatively new interpretation of the relationship between the state and the individual, one that affirmed the mutual rights and obligations of the individual and the state and entailed the expansion of the latter’s social functions. The author concludes that early-twentieth-century liberalism substantiated the idea of a legal social state for which implementation has proven the most important task of the current stage of social development.

To the End of History

More than 30 years have passed since the article and then the monograph by Francis Fukuyama about the end of history were published. The author repeatedly pointed out the incorrect interpretation of the main ideas expressed in the book. Fukuyama subsequently insisted that the end of history, understood as reaching the final point in the evolution of society through the spread of liberal democracy on a global scale, was articulated by him as a goal of development, and not as an already achieved result. The discourse around the idea of the end of history, thus, was formed partly against the author’s will. The idea lived its own life. Trends of the last few years have actualized a new wave of discussions about the end of history, but now — “The End of the End of History”. The processes of deglobalization, the strengthening of authoritarian political regimes and their influence on the world agenda, the victory of populist forces in elections in Western countries — all this is perceived by Fukuyama's critics as a sign of the end of the end of history. We believe that the conclusion about the end of the end of history is hasty. The authors developing this thesis build their arguments around criticism of the West. Accordingly, the end of history, understood as the total spread of Western-style democracy, was provoked by the West itself. At some points, such an approach will lead to correct results, but it must be borne in mind that we find ourselves in the trap of Orientalism, believing that the dominant right to interpret democratic discourse belongs to the West and depends on the West. A more relevant analytical framework could be the thesis that the characteristic of modernity is not the end of the end of history, but the erosion of the former dominance of the West in the discourse regarding the interpretations of liberalism in economics and democracy in politics.