International Terrorist Organizations Research Articles

Authoritarian regimes against terrorism: lessons from China

Throughout history many terrorist organisations have originated in both democratic and authoritarian regimes. In their efforts to eradicate the terrorist threat, democracies and their authoritarian counterparts have employed a vast array of measures. Such measures, however, differ according to regime type. Thus, democracies generally have more constraints on their counterterrorist means than authoritarian regimes that are not bound by similar considerations. And while scholars agree on the differences in counterterrorist arsenals, no consensus exists as to whether democracies or authoritarian regimes are superior counterterrorists. This article presents a case study of China, a regime that has been fighting Uyghur separatism and terrorism since its founding in 1949 with authoritarian means. However, while authoritarian crackdowns in Xinjiang have ensured tactical respites leading to periods of relative stability, strategically China has facilitated the construction of a threat more radical than the initial Uyghur challenge. Thus, before September 11 China acknowledged links between Uyghur terrorism and separatism. After September 11, however, China announced it was fighting a war against international terrorist groups in Xinjiang. And while this rhetoric gained international acknowledgement, it at the same time has affected the nature of Uyghur terrorism, which has shifted in response to China’s framing. As a result, today we are witnessing transformations in the East Turkistan Islamic Movement activities, which are becoming increasingly reliant on al-Qaeda’s guidance and support.

Extension of International Jurisdiction over Crimes Committed by International Terrorist Organisations

In this article we analyses threats to international security posed by international terrorist organisations and main approaches to combating their criminal activities at the national and international levels. We offer own concept of responsibility of international terrorist organisations under international criminal law and establishment of an International Tribunal on Crimes of International Terrorist Organisations as a possible solution.

Russia's Very Secret Services

Russia's <i>Very</i> Secret Services

The FTO Reporter 2010

From the jungles of the Philippines and Colombia to the deserts of Yemen and Somalia, from the mountains of Afghanistan and Pakistan to the cities of the United States and Northern Ireland, 2010 demonstrated that the threat posed by international terrorist organizations is not waning. “Death by a thousand cuts” is what al Qaida in the Arabian Peninsula calls their strategy against America, but the evolving nature of the threat from designated Foreign Terrorist Organizations suggests that the technique is not limited to AQAP. Spanning the ideological spectrum, and claiming a variety of grievances, terrorist organizations pose just as much, if not more, of a danger than they did when the State Department first began designating them in 1997. These are just a few of the conclusions that come out of The FTO Reporter, a collection of selected news stories regarding groups designated by the United States as Foreign Terrorist Organizations (FTO). Even a cursory review of news involving FTOs in 2010 reveals the scope of the problem. And while the FTO Reporter is intended to offer data rather than analysis, themes have emerged. Here, we highlight only a few of those themes focusing on the evolving nature of the terrorist threat. By now it is axiomatic that the threat posed by FTOs is constantly evolving. One need only open a newspaper or tune into the news to see that terrorist groups continue to change their organizational structure, recruitment strategies, and operational tactics. The FTO Reporter, drawing on that open-source intelligence, indicates that 2010 was no different – new terrorist groups were identified while inactive ones were de-listed; terrorist groups expanded their reach and capabilities by increasing FTO cooperation; terror financing continued to pose a challenge to international law enforcement and intelligence officials; and the terrorist groups increasingly turned to the Internet to revolutionize the processes of radicalization, recruitment, training, and planning required for acts of terrorism.

ISLAMOPHOBIA: MYTH OF ISLAMIC THREAT IN INDONESIA, 2001-2004

Muslims in Indonesia, with extension to Southeast Asia are moderate and known as Muslim smiling faces. However, being the largest Muslim populated nation across the Muslim world, Indonesia has been alleged as hotbed of terrorist in Southeast Asia barely after the September 11 tragedy. Indonesia became the most fragile target of the terrorist attack in the form of bomb explosions. Since Bali bombing in 2002, Indonesian government has been facing the terror from so-called "Jama'ah Islamiyah (JI)" which has been associated as Southeast Asia regional network of al-Qaeda, an international terrorist organization based in Afghanistan. As such, this paper attempts to analyze Islamic threat in Indonesia where a terrorist group known JI is allegedly growing. Using an analytical approach of certain media, this paper finds that Islamic threat has been in the form of alarming account, and too much politicized in the expense of Islamist groups. This paper also provides some interpretation of JI and the myth of Islamic threat which is associated with it in Southeast Asia.

Designated Terrorists: The Kurdistan Workers' Party and its Struggle to (Re)Gain Political Legitimacy

The European Union designation of the Kurdistan Workers' Party (PKK) as an international terrorist organization has led to a profound distrust of the EU on the part of the PKK. This has resulted in a perception that the Kurdish organization has turned against the EU and withdrawn its support for Turkey's accession. The PKK activities and viewpoints as presented and discussed in this article, however, indicate that this is not the case. Politically squeezed at home and sidelined abroad, it is argued, the PKK is, in fact, primarily concerned to (re)gain recognition as a representative of Turkey's Kurds (upon which it is making its support for Turkey's accession conditional).

Protecting vulnerable cities: the UK's resilience response to defending everyday urban infrastructure

The events of September 11 2001 in New York and Washington, and of July 7 2005 in London, have ushered in a new era in protective counterterrorist planning within UK urban areas. With the mode of terrorist attack now encompassing the possibility of no-warning suicide attacks, and target selection now often being seen as related to crowd density, a variety of public places such as sports stadiums, shopping centres, light rail systems, and nightclubs now have to consider ‘designed-in’ counterterrorism measures. As such the UK has developed a national counterterrorist strategy (CONTEST) which is constantly revised, and one strand of which focuses on protective security measures. In the context of this ‘Protect’ strand of policy, and the increased targeting of crowded places by international terrorist groups, this article outlines the recent attempts to design-in counterterrorism features to the urban landscape while paying attention not just to their effectiveness and robustness, but also to their acceptability to the general public and impact upon the everyday experience of the city. The article also addresses how the need to consider counterterrorism has affected the practices of built-environment professionals such as spatial planners. Reflections upon how this aspect of counterterrorism policy might develop in the future are also offered.

Définir Al-Qaida

The phenomenon of Al-Qaeda raises serious problems of understanding and interpretation. This makes it necessary to clarify its definition and calls for the long-term trajectory of Islam to be put into historical and ideological perspective with the assistance of a comparative approach. Al-Qaeda is at once an expression of contemporary Salafism (in its jihadist form) and at odds with it (by virtue of its unprecedented advocacy of global jihad). This divergence is worth underscoring for it feeds recurrent conflicts between Al-Qaeda and other (especially nationalist) groups engaged in armed jihad. While social movement theory feeds lively debate in the United States concerning the nature and evolution of this organization, it only partly answers the questions raised by the study of Al-Qaeda. Al-Qaeda&#8217;s dependence on the internet illustrates its originality as the foremost international terrorist organization as well as the elitist and avant-gardist manner in which it operates, with little effort made to encourage a mass movement. These reflections raise questions as to the reproducible and/or durable character of the organization. &#9632

Global Risk of Nuclear Terrorism

The emergence of nuclear terrorism, a threat that President Obama called "the gravest danger we face," has signaled a paradigm shift in international security. Since the collapse of the Soviet Union, sensitive nuclear technologies and materials have become increasingly available. Globalization and the inadequate enforcement of treaties and export controls have allowed the proliferation of nuclear weapons materials. Today, international terrorist organizations seek to employ weapons of mass destruction (WMD) as a means to influence national policies around the world. AlQaida spokesman Suleiman Abu Gheith declared that in order to balance the injustices that have been inflicted on the Muslim population worldwide, al-Qaida's new objective is "to kill 4 million Americans–2 million of them children." As political scientist Graham Allison notes, this could be achieved with either 1,334 attacks similar in magnitude to those of 9/11, or one nuclear bomb.Building a nuclear program is an arduous task that requires tacit knowledge, the recruitment of nuclear scientists, engineers, and machinists, and the resources and time to obtain nuclear materials and components. While it is unlikely that terrorist organizations have the capacity to develop full-fledged programs in the near term, terrorist development and acquisition of nuclear weapons remains a long-term threat that requires international action.

John Locke, the state of nature and terrorism

This paper examines John Locke's political theory in order to see if it can offer any important insights into how to deal with international terrorism. The paper begins by outlining the central aspects of Locke's social contract theory and the way that Locke thinks that it is mirrored in international relations. A general definition of ‘state of nature’ and ‘legitimate common authority’ is offered that is then applied to both civil conflict and international terrorism. The situation that nation-states find themselves in with respect to international terrorist organisations is then analysed in terms of these concepts. The United Nations and the European Union are then examined in order to see if they fulfil the criteria of legitimate common authority necessary to deal with international terrorism in a just and unbiased manner.

Guerilla Warfare &amp; Law Enforcement: Combating the 21st Century Terrorist Cell within the U.S.

Both domestic and international terrorist organizations employ guerrilla warfare tactics, techniques, and procedures. Thus, the ability to identify and defeat the members of these organizations, cripple their infrastructures, and disrupt their financial resources lies in the understanding of modern guerrilla warfare as it develops in the twenty-first century within the United States.3 The forms of asymmetric warfare4 adopted by domestic and international terrorist groups alike is no longer intended to gain simple media exposure or governmental manipulation; they want to make an overpowering impact by causing massive loss of life and severe damage to infrastructure and are often motivated by religious imperatives and political goals. As terrorism analyst Stephen Flynn has observed, "Throughout the 20th century [Americans] were able to treat national security as essentially an out-of-body experience. When confronted by threats, [America] dealt with them on the turf of our allies or our adversaries. Aside from the occasional disaster and heinous crime, civilian life [in the United States] has been virtually terror-free." With the turn of the twenty-first century, terrorist operations have become more prevalent in the United States and are taking shape in the form of modern guerrilla warfare, thus creating new challenges for federal, state, and local law enforcement agencies. After reviewing the origin and nature of these challenges, this article will offer some suggestions for countering guerilla warfare in the United States.

Review: Women and Terrorism

WOMEN AND TERRORISM Female activity in domestic and international terror groups Margaret Gonzales-Perez London: Routledge, 2008. 162pp, US$140, cloth (ISBN 978-0-415-46467-3)Although history offers abundant examples of women fighting in wars, we still tend to see female militancy as aberrant, and the mainstream academic literature on warfare largely excludes women. Margaret Gonzales-Perez has made a significant contribution to the small but growing body of work that examines female militancy. While her book suffers from methodological and typological weaknesses that limit the application of her theoretical framework, its scope exceeds everything else in print. She examines 26 domestic and international militant groups, most of which have heretofore not been studied from a gendered perspective. This contribution ensures that, despite its shortcomings, Women and Terrorism will be a mainstay in the field for the foreseeable future.Drawing on a broad base of research, the book's central claim that women are more likely to join domestic terrorist organizations than international ones for two reasons. First, domestic groups offer greater opportunities for female members to improve their status. Second, these groups are more likely to reject traditional gender roles and welcome women as members. Conversely, international terrorist organizations attract fewer women because they tend to focus on external opponents and rarely challenge conventional gender norms (1-2).Gonzales-Perez discusses some well-known groups, including the IRA, the Baader-Meinhof gang, and the Palestinian Liberation Organization. She also examines groups in which women are not commonly known to have operated, including some from Zimbabwe, Mozambique, and Algeria. The quality of this research makes this book one ofthe most comprehensive analyses of women in African political violence to date (79). The chapter on the Americas considers the role of women in Uruguay's Tupamaros and El Salvador's Farabundo Marti, particularly their positions after conflict has ended. In the Farabundo Marti, for instance, women were employed and treated in the same way as men during the conflict. Afterwards, however, the group refused to provide the director of the Women's Secretariat with pay equal to comparable departments, and 70 to 80 percent of the female excombatants did not receive the benefits accorded them through the post-revolutionary land reform program (27). The reversion to societal norms in the postconflict phase indicates that while some organizations expected women to fight and participate in the conflict, these same organizations were not willing to recognize that participation during demobilization. Gonzales-Perez's discussion of women's demobilization, though brief, groundbreaking, since the question has yet to receive much academic attention.The book's theoretical model, which aims to explain differing levels of female participation in terrorist organizations, falls short because of fundamental methodological problems. The author's definition and application of the term terrorism - which she insists is not intended to imply any normative value or judgment - insensitive to the political implications of the term and ignores the consequences of applying it to independence movements and insurgent groups (79). …

A single, improvised “Kassam” rocket explosion can cause a mass casualty incident: a potential threat for future international terrorism?

Introduction:Over 2000 improvised rockets (called “Kassam” rockets) have been targeted at the south of Israel from the Gaza strip since 2001. Most of them have injured relatively few people. The...

The Dynamics of Terrorist Networks: Understanding the Survival Mechanisms of Global Salafi Jihad

Today terrorists usually work in network forms to conduct attacks. Terrorist networks remain active and can still function even after being severely damaged by authorities. Analyzing terrorist networks from a dynamic point of view can provide insights about the mechanisms responsible for the survival of terrorist organizations. This paper studies the dynamics of a major international terrorist organization over a 14-year period – the Global Salafi Jihad (GSJ) terrorist network. We found that a scale-free topology gradually emerged as new members joined the GSJ network based on operational needs. In addition, since the network has been experiencing member losses while it grows, we also studied the robustness of the GSJ network. We used a simulation approach to examine its vulnerability to random failures, targeted attacks, and real world authorities' counterattacks. We found that authorities' counterattacks have been rather ineffective in disrupting the terrorist network.

“Homegrown” Terrorists: Theory and Cases in the War on Terror's Newest Front

The realities of a globalized society now allow international terrorist organizations like al Qaeda to dramatically expand their potential reach by courting sympathizers in dark corners around the world and teaching them how they can best serve al Qaeda's interests—without necessarily visiting an actual military training camp or even speaking directly with al Qaeda. In fact, despite their somewhat haphazard outward appearance, homegrown terrorist cells often possess a remarkable shared connection through reliance on particular al Qaeda training manuals, audio and video recordings, and even Internet chat forums. While these young men (and, increasingly, women) may have no formal contact with any terrorist organization, they can become virtual partners of al Qaeda by carefully studying its online knowledge base and executing terrorist attacks against its enemies. Recent law enforcement investigations have uncovered a surprisingly sophisticated network of budding terrorist “entrepreneurs” lurking in a host of major cities across Europe and North America.

Differentiation of international terrorism: attack as threat, means, and violence

AbstractThis study examined whether international terrorism could be differentiated into different behavioural themes related to the way of using force. The sample consisted of 217 international terrorist organisations that had perpetrated five or more terrorist incidents. A non‐metric multidimensional scaling analysis revealed that all of the terrorist incidents could be assigned to one of three themes reflecting different styles of the use of force: ‘attack as threat’, ‘attack as means’, and ‘attack as violence’. In the current sample, 189 of the terrorist organisations repeated one theme in more than 50% of their series of incidents, suggesting their preference for one of the three themes. Copyright © 2008 John Wiley &amp; Sons, Ltd.

The 'War on Terror' Slippery Slope Policy: Guantanamo Bay and the Abuse of Executive Power

On September 11, 2001, the United States, the most powerful democracy in the world, was struck by a horrible event: aircraft hijackers' attacks to the heart of the City of New York put an end to the lives of 2,973 innocent civilians. An international terrorist organization, Al Qaeda, took responsibility for the act. In response to the attacks, the U.S. Government Executive branch put in place a series of highly controversial procedures. Amongst these procedures, the Executive branch claimed authority to detain indefinitely individuals who were arbitrarily labeled as enemy-combatants. In light of the foregoing events, the central goal of this Article is to assess the legitimacy of current presidential policies toward the detainees held in Guantanamo. Specifically, I will analyze the dangers of a system that allows equivalent detentions for the following vastly different groups: 1) those detained and yet to be adjudged enemy combatants; 2) those adjudged to be enemy combatants, who may or may not be subject to military commissions; and 3) those adjudicated and found not be enemy combatants at all. The Article, however, will do more than analyze the nature of these detentions. On the one hand, it will question the disparate treatment visited upon non-citizen enemy combatants, as opposed to the constitutional safeguards provided to U.S. citizen enemy-combatants. Additionally, with regard to the authorization of this treatment, this Article will challenge the U.S. Supreme Court to meaningfully accept the burden of ensuring that constitutionally required separation of powers are observed between the branches. Part I of this Article presents an analysis of the Executive actions which led to the creation of Guantanamo Bay and the use of Military Commissions, and questions whether the Executive branch holds the power to undertake such actions in light of the principles of separation of powers and checks and balances among the three branches of Government. In developing the analysis of relevant congressional actions, Part II will argue that separation of powers principles are at heart of the organization and function of the U.S. Constitution. This Part will further challenge these congressional actions as part of a discussion about whether certain congressional delegations of legislative power to the President were appropriate. Part III will develop a discussion on the critical role the Judiciary plays in directing a more active congressional response or 'check' on presidential actions. This Article suggests that such a role has not been satisfied to the level the Founders intended. A critical reading of the Federalist Papers evinces that the Founders spelled out the necessity that checks and balances be preserved. By virtue of the U.S. Supreme Court review of the substance of legislation Congress enacted, the Framers' aimed at fostering a system in which individuals' liberties should remain protected as enunciated in the Constitution. This part will then question whether the Executive has confined itself to the constitutional boundaries. In addition, this Part will briefly discuss the concept of enemy-combatants and what the consequences are of being labeled as such, including what implications can arise from being a U.S. citizen as opposed to a non-U.S. citizen. Part IV of this Article will develop attempts to provide for alternative solutions to the detainees' unbounded detention. It will then analyze the impact of current U.S. presidential and congressional choices with respect to Guatanamo Bay on foreign policy, including international treaties to which the U.S. is a signatory. In so doing, this Article suggests that U.S. policies are likely violative of Article Fourth of the Geneva Conventions which provides foreign individuals' protections from submission to military tribunals prior to having been declared prisoners of war (POW) and having charges properly filed against them. Guatanamo Bay Military commissions have proscribed procedural and evidentiary rules, which are distinct from those of military courts-martial, or other U.S. federal courts. This Article will suggest that these rules fall short of what is required for these proceedings to be endorsed as acceptable under our domestic law and treaty obligations. This Article concludes by suggesting that even though the Uighurs release may mark an initial showing of U.S. Government progress in detainee treatment, it appears that a more active and stricter judicial intervention may be necessary to secure rights for other detainees. Such a posture is necessary to avoid abusive encroachments of power among the branches of Government, and to ensure the effectiveness of checks and balances erected by the Founding Fathers. Furthermore, judicial intervention is critical to persuade the international community that the U.S. still respects due process of law and its obligations to ensure the protection of fundamental human rights under international treaties, even in a 'theater of war.'

The GRP-MILF Peace Process After September 11 and the Involvement of the United States

Internal conflicts including the conflict between the Government of the Republic of the Philippines (GRP) and the Moro Islamic Liberation Front (MILF) are considered domestic challenges although most if not all have international implications. The alleged links of the MILF and other groups in Mindanao with international and regional terrorist groups for example became an important consideration for the United States (U.S.) to assist the Armed Forces of the Philippines (AFP) against these groups. This and the other interventions of the U.S. in Mindanao have implications for the GRP-MILF peace process. U.S. intervention through military assistance and threats of including the MILF in the U.S. list of foreign terrorists organizations are threats to the peace process. On the other hand, promise of providing development aid and the assistance of the U.S. Institute for Peace contribute to the peace process.

Feedyard Managers and Veterinarian Response to a Delphi Feedyard Biosecurity Survey

Biosecurity is an important aspect of disease prevention in any agricultural production system. The beef feedyard is particularly vulnerable to disease introduction because of the large number of different cattle arriving from multiple sources. Additionally, the large concentration of animals makes a feedyard a likely target for bioterrorism from domestic or international terrorist groups. The economic losses that accompany the treatment or elimination of an infectious or toxic agent to a feedyard would be substantial. The purpose of this survey was to determine the importance of different aspects of biosecurity in feedyards utilizing a Delphi survey.

Whatever Happens to Somalia…Ignoring it is No Longer an Option

The war against terrorism has brought Somalia, a country located in a key strategic region, back onto the radar of US and Western security concerns. Following a vicious civil war, a failed peace support operation and several attempts to start a peace process, lawless Somalia, a country without government, has gained the potential to be exploited as a terrorist base. Although this country in the Horn of Africa does not represent a direct and immediate threat to the US or its Western allies, its potential to destabilize the region is extremely high. This article offers an analysis of Somalia's potential to become a ground for terrorist activities and suggests a two-track approach. On the one hand, US foreign and security policy in Somalia needs to be more assertive; on the other, the only way to prevent Somalia from becoming a fertile ground for international terrorist groups is to help stabilize the country. In order to achieve this objective, it is crucial to adopt any initiative aimed at strengthening Somalia's civil society.