International Relations Theory Research Articles

JOHN MEARSHEIMER’S REALISM AND THE UKRAINIAN CRISIS

The paper sheds light on the ongoing debate around the Ukrainian war in American and Western scholarship, the focus is especially on John Mearsheimer’s views on the Western perception and attitudes towards Russia’s military invasion of Ukraine. An in-depth critical analysis of Mearsheimer’s essay titled “Why the Ukraine Crisis Is the West’s Fault” published in the aftermath of the Russian annexation of Crimea in 2014 and his other works have shown that putting the blame on Putin and demonization of Russia for the Ukrainian crisis is a dominant and prevailing discourse in the West. In this ongoing debate, John Mearsheimer seeks to change such narratives viewing them as one-sided and biased, forcefully and persuasive ly arguing that the Western nations led by the United States are to blame for this international crisis that has led to military conflict in Ukraine. The prime cause of the Ukrainian conflict according to Mearsheimer, lies in the eastward expansion of NATO since the 1990s, which is seen by Russia as a grave threat to its national security. Another reason of why there is a bitter tension between the West and Russia is that the American and European leaders’ beliefs of international politics are shaped and guided by a flawed view in which they tend to trivialize realis m, contemporaneously subscribing to liberalism, a school in international relations theory that dominates the discourse about the Transatlantic security. Although Mearsheimer’s realist stance and views about the Ukrainian war and European security do not constitute mainstream discours e in the West, they contribute to a proper understanding of this international crisis from the perspectives of realism.

Review of Ethiopia’s Foreign Policy Responsiveness Capacity to Red Sea Militarization between 1991-2018

Abstract This article aims to assess responsiveness capacity of Ethiopian foreign policy on political and militarization dynamics in the Red Sea region from 1991 to 2018. Primarily, the evaluation employs the Effectiveness and Adequacy policy measurement criteria to assess the foreign policy's responsiveness. The review employed explanatory and argumentative approaches to examine different sources. The study also designed a logical framework of analysis by incorporating relevant IR theories like Hegemonic Stability Theory (HST) and Realism. The analysis then divided foreign policy objectives into General objectives and specific objectives which include Eritrea, Somalia, Egypt, and the Arabian Peninsula. Consequently, Adequacy and effectiveness policy evaluation criteria are used as to examine whether or not Ethiopian foreign policy assumptions are aligning with the Red Sea political dynamics and effectively achieve the stated objectives. The study shows shortcomings in responsiveness of both adequacy and effectiveness criteria. This is due to change in prior policy assumptions caused by rapid global and regional power dynamics. nevertheless, country specific findings are different. In country such as Eritrea and the Arabian Peninsula the policy is found to be is ineffective and inadequate; where as in Somalia it’s both effective and adequate. on the other hand, policy towards Egypt bound to have adequate assumptions but not effective. Therefore, revision and adoption of a holistic policy towards Red Sea region recommended.

Measuring Public Preferences for Strategic Choices in an Era of Great Power Competition: Taiwan as a Case Study

As the U.S.–China relationship tilts toward competition and confrontation, scholars and policymakers have focused on the strategic choices faced by the citizens of small and medium-sized countries caught between the two great powers. However, methodological deficiencies remain in how public preferences for these strategic choices are measured. This paper attempts to fill this gap by developing a new means of measuring public opinion regarding strategic choices. Using survey data collected in Taiwan in March 2023, we demonstrate how this measure is constructed and why it aligns more closely with the theoretical concept of strategic choices. Our findings indicate that preferences for different strategies in Taiwan follow a U-shaped distribution that is centered either on hedging with the United States or with China. Multivariate analyses show that factors such as the threat of China, the U.S. security commitment to Taiwan, skepticism toward the United States, confidence in Taiwan’s military, and partisanship are all correlated with public preferences for different strategies. This paper helps us understand these preferences among citizens in small and medium-sized countries and contributes to the literature on public opinion, international relations theory, and policymaking.

Architectures of Terror

International Relations theory, in spite of having undergone several epistemic iterations, continues to analyze urban warfare via outdated perspectives. This is exemplified in the state-centric analyses that dominate the literature on the history of Israel-Palestine. There is an overwhelming concentration on policy and belligerent behaviors and little to no consideration of anthropocentric perspectives. This results in a near-total exclusion of human suffering from discussions of the conflict and its impacts on everyday civilian life, which in turn heavily alters the socio-political foundations. The academic domains of critical theory and human geography have, however, made good progress in capturing the severity of these discourses, enabling a nuanced understanding of the manner in which conflict management takes place. This paper aims to unify these perspectives and in so doing, expand the grammar of realpolitik – identifying it as a competent domain of IR that primarily focuses on conflict and its modalities. Making use of diffractive reading and analysis, this paper showcases the impact of realpolitik from the perspective of those affected. The aim is to inject empathy into contemporary mainstream discussions that deal with complex geopolitical situations such as Israel-Palestine. To that end, post-structuralist perspectives from continental philosophy, human and critical geography and affect theory are employed. Additionally, the philosophy of realism is theorized to be the epistemic foundation of realpolitik, and is subsequently dissected. The paper concludes by arguing for interdisciplinary approaches into the existing subject matter of realpolitik, a re-evaluation of the epistemic foundations and reflections on practical novelties. Note that this paper in no way aims to suggest political solutions, legal interventions or strategic shifts, but rather interprets the methods of urban warfare used by the Israeli Defense Forces, which defies traditional operational logic.

Commonsense sovereignty: a practice theory of Flanders’ paradiplomacy to the European Union

ABSTRACT European regions implement up to 70% of EU legislation, yet they are generally considered ‘objects’ rather than ‘subjects’ of European governance. This article proposes an original conceptual framework derived from practice theory in IR for the analysis of regional paradiplomacy in multilateral institutions. Through a case study of the Delegation of Flanders to the EU based on interviews with Flemish and Federal members of the Belgian Permanent Representation, this research contributes to the literature on paradiplomacy by critically examining the commonsense acceptance that sovereign authority can be delegated to substate actors while the unity of sovereign political representation must remain unchallenged. The analysis therefore shows that regional strategies of engagement with the EU are not only determined by formal institutions but are also shaped by taken for granted understandings of sovereignty which set the standards of competent diplomatic practice and inclusion for substate representatives.

American Presidential Elections 2024: The Core Point of Future Geopolitical Changes

Purpose: This research is focused on the ongoing Russia – Ukraine military conflict, which has already caused some significant changes in foreign policy priorities of major players of international political system. Objective: The objective of this study is to investigate the impact of U.S. 2024 elections to the Russia – Ukraine military conflict outcomes with the aim of analyzing different foreign policy philosophies the two potential candidates have, that can have an effect not only on current Russo-Ukrainian conflict but on the whole global geopolitical situation in the current world. Theoretical Framework: realism as an international relations theory with the system level analysis is used to explain current global geopolitical issues. Method: The issue of methodology is decided according to the necessities of tasks of this article and is mostly based on data analyses, comparison of similarities or differences and case study. Results and Discussion: the current work claims that the major war on the European continent disrupts the core security arrangements which has a shattering effects of unipolar liberal order and how much will this order be changed, is mainly depended on the dedication to it by the U.S.A, European union countries and their liberal democratic allies around the globe. Research Implications: the research findings contribute in raising awareness of the current Ukraine conflict and accumulate the type of knowledge that enriches the political science with theoretical and practical value.

Strategic principles for co-existence in a multinodal world

In realist international relations theory, world order is assumed to be a vertical structure ordered by relative power, with the hegemon, or the contest of hegemons, at its apex. Power is viewed as the ability to coerce, and security lies in the avoidance of defeat. But the proportional changes in the globalized economy of this century have created a new reality, one in which effective pursuit of one’s own national interest is more complex than compelling or submitting. Differences in relative power and capabilities still matter, and differences in situations create conflicts of interests. But the horizontal dimension of continuing interaction among autonomous actors is more important than the vertical dimension of unilateral imposition. Without hegemony, states have agency, but they face greater uncertainty. The diplomatic calculus of each state is to pursue its national interests, but a major component of this pursuit lies in reducing uncertainty. Strategy for a post-hegemonic multinodal world stresses the complex ecology of action, the importance of relationships, the utility of partnerships, the encouragement of common interests, and the problems of conducting limited conflicts. These are principles of strategic prudence relevant to the global matrix of asymmetric international relationships.

Hegel and the Theory of International Relations: General Paradigm of the Hegelian System

Hegel and the Theory of International Relations: General Paradigm of the Hegelian System

The United Nations (UN) at Crossroads in 2022: An Assessment of ‘Geopolitical Tensions’ in International Relations (IR)

Purpose: This paper is an alarming assessment of the keynote address and remarks at the opening of the 77th General Assembly of the United Nations Organization (UN) by the Secretary-General to world leaders. The alarm is that the world, from small to big, powerful to the less powerful are “gridlocked in colossal global dysfunction,” and are not ready or willing to tackle the challenges that threaten humanity’s future – and the planet’s. “Our world is in peril – and paralyzed,” the Secretary-General Antonio Gutiérrez laments. Do these remarks collaborate with the daily multiplying effects of the Russia-Ukrainian war; the climate emergencies and devastating weather conditions around the world; the dire financial situation amidst poverty in developing countries and the setbacks in the UN Sustainable goals for 2030? Methodology: The basic problem facing research today and to anyone who tries to understand contemporary world politics is that there is so much material to look at; such as, which things matter and which do not. For instance, where on earth would you start if you wanted to explain the most important political processes: How, for example, would you explain the recent failure of climate change negotiations at the UN, amidst Africa’s position? How will one theorize ‘Brexit’ from the EU or the ‘gridlock in ‘colossal global dysfunction’, where nations meeting at the United Nations cannot agree on challenges threatening humanity’s future? This research employs a qualitative approach involving the collection and analysing of primary and secondary documents; as well as non-numerical data (e.g., text, video, or audio) to understand concepts, opinions, or experiences of plenaries of the UN; particularly, why this particular one - (the 77th Session) was alarming. Findings: For the first time in UN’s history, the international communities are undermining the work of the UN Security Council; of international law, peoples trust in democratic institutions, and most forms of international cooperation. There is ample evidence from the research findings that there is “a divergence between developed and developing countries; between North and South; between the privileged and that, the world becoming more dangerous by the day. In short, the world “is at the root of geopolitical tensions and the increasing lack of trust among countries, which is poisoning every area of global cooperation from vaccines to rid communicable diseases; sanctions to stop wars around the world; measures to reduce global temperature, and the need to reduce trade barriers for the benefit of particularly, developing countries in Africa. Unique contribution to theory, policy and practice: In IR theory, all nations work to increase their own power and not their opponents’. The nations that are able to manage and horde power most efficiently thrive; as they can easily eclipse the achievements of less powerful nations. In policy and practice, the UN is torn apart by gridlock within the plenary of the UN, as well as the Security Council, international institutions with powers to resolve international conflicts and misunderstandings are either paralyzed by division or have become undemocratic. The UN must therefore reform or be paralyzed by these colossal dysfunctions.

Images of a Statist Ethic in “Western” and Chinese IR Theory: Locating (and Deciphering) the “Moral Realism” of the Tsinghua Approach

Abstract In this article, we identify—and interrogate—one thematic thread that is intricately woven through prominent positions within classical realism, normative international relations (IR) theory, and what Zhang Feng (2012) has called Chinese IR’s “Tsinghua approach.” This thread is the often-controversial notion of a statist ethic for international politics or an ethical perspective that grants priority to one’s state, fellow citizens, and the national interest. Positions within each of these theoretical traditions—what we label “egoistic realism” and “responsible realism” within the classical realist tradition, “communitarian realism” and “impartialist statism” within normative IR theory, and what others have described as “moral realism” within the Tsinghua approach—share a commitment to an ethical approach variously defined in terms of the protection of, and preference for, one’s state and compatriots. We take this rich collection of positions, and the points of comparison that it affords, as an opportunity to better understand the possibilities and limits of a statist ethic for international politics. Specifically, we endeavour to illustrate four points: (1) that a morality defined in terms of the priority of the state, one’s fellow citizens, and the national interest is neither impossible nor a contradiction in terms; (2) that such a perspective can constitute a sophisticated theoretical position; (3) that it can be conceived in radically different ways, including with respect to the source of value to which it appeals and who it deems to matter; and (4) that these differences have profound practical consequences. In terms of contributing to a conversation between Western and Chinese IR theory, this analysis helps us not only to explore how the “moral realism” of the Tsinghua approach relates to positions within classical realism and normative IR theory but also to evaluate the practical implications of its points of theoretical convergence and divergence.

PROSPECTS OF MATERIALISM IN INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS THEORY

One of the achievements of the reflectivist turn in international relations theory in the late 20th century was the attention given to the role of discourse and other ideational factors in international politics. In recent years, however, approaches critical of the discursive emphasis in international studies have emerged, seeking to restore the significance of non-discursive aspects of international relations such as geography, technology, and the non-human. This article offers a perspective on the development of international relations theory from the standpoint of the debate between materialism and idealism. Within this framework, it provides a brief overview of the historical evolution of international relations theory and subsequently delves into a detailed analysis of three strands of the new wave of materialist theorizing in the field - critical realism, new materialism, and neoclassical geopolitics. The article suggests considering the new materialist wave as, on the whole, a positive development, but also points out the necessity of taking into account the risk of “exiling” the human element from international relations research as such concepts proliferate. The possibility of collaboration between reflecivists and post-reflecivists, as well as between idealists and materialists in general, is underlined for the comprehensive study of contemporary international realities.

The Chinese School of IR Theory: Ignored Process, Controversial Progress, and Uncertain Prospects

Abstract This article reviews issues relevant to the Chinese School of International Relations (IR) theory. After 20 or more years of relentless effort, the Chinese School has achieved concrete breakthroughs, evident in the emergence of Relational Theory, Moral Realism, and Symbiosis Theory. The Chinese School has thus entered a new stage, its primary task having been upgraded from theory innovation to theory development. But to proceed further, the Chinese School needs critical responses from its Western counterparts. Owing primarily to the language barrier, as well as to the non-confrontational academic tradition within Chinese IR, and the ethnocentrism that both sides practice, the few dialogues that have taken place between the Chinese School and Western theories have tended to be problematic, with important issues either ignored or misrepresented. In order to further study a comprehensive and intensive exchange of ideas between the Chinese School and Western theories, this article categorises issues relevant to the Chinese School into three areas. They are: process of evolution; progress in theoretical studies; and the Chinese School’s future relationship with other theoretical entities (in particular, Global IR). Predominantly reliant upon the discourse analysis of Chinese School publications, this contribution seeks to provide a foundation for further exchanges between Western theories and the Chinese School.

The Politics of State Recognition: Norms, Geopolitics, and the East Pakistan Crisis

Abstract In recent years, International Relations theorists have observed a resurgence in geopolitical rivalry, much of which is coalescing around cases of contested statehood. Yet, while there is a considerable volume of work on state recognition, the field would benefit from incorporating alternate approaches to geopolitics. A common approach entails treating geopolitical interests as independent variables for comparison against other factors. However, in prioritizing the comparison of variables, such work tells us less about how particular geopolitical interests arise in connection to cases of contested statehood. This paper therefore instead proposes a discursive approach to geopolitical interests. Following this approach, theorists will be able to treat grand strategies in a similar manner to the way the recognition scholarship already treats norms—as ideas that shape the dynamics of recognition but seldom point directly to specific recognition stances. By enabling theorists to account for the role of choice, contingency, and contestation in mediating grand strategies, this approach yields more comprehensive explanations of geopolitical interest and state recognition. In advancing its discursive approach to geopolitics and state recognition, this paper engages and extends recent constructivist work on grand strategy. The paper then illustrates the approach using the example of US policy toward the 1971 East Pakistan Crisis.

The Tension within Norms: Agency and Risks in Pursuit of Global Climate Justice

Abstract How can IR theory capture both the possibilities of agency for historically underrepresented groups and the limitations that different social struggles present for them? This paper proposes a framework based on relational approaches, decolonial perspectives, and the concept of “tension” between possibilities and risks of agency to analyze the dynamics of norm emergence and circulation. It builds on, but moves beyond, constructivist analyses of the norm life cycle and adopts a relational and decolonial lens in order to probe normative agency and its consequences within the context of international negotiations. Focusing on constructivist theories of socialization with multiple feedback effects, the paper calls for a fourth agentic turn in the study of norms and their genealogy and offers an analytical and empirical roadmap to chart a more complex scenario of co-constitution for norms. The paper refers to the case of climate justice to illustrate, empirically, the importance of employing the concept of tension to unveil agentic moments in norm circulation, while also highlighting, theoretically, the risks and limitations that are present in meanings that continue to reinforce colonial legacies.

The Development and Characteristic Analysis of China's International Relations Theory

This paper aims to analyze the development and characteristics of China's international relations theory. Firstly, it reviews the origin and evolution of China's international relations theory, then discusses its characteristics and main viewpoints during different historical periods. Finally, it examines the position and influence of China's international relations theory on the current international stage. Through a comprehensive analysis of China's international relations theory, this paper aims to deepen the understanding of China's thoughts and positions in international affairs, as well as its impact on the global political landscape.

The reality and power of international law: Georg Schwarzenberger’s forgotten theory of International Relations

Georg Schwarzenberger’s oeuvre has remained significantly underexplored in International Relations literature despite his status as one of the most important thinkers in International Relations and international law of the twentieth century. Ahead of their time, his works reveal a picture of law that transcends academic boundaries and challenges the traditional portrayal of both realist theory and international law. Through a detailed examination of the works of this theorist, this article offers an analysis of the fundamental aspects of his theory of International Relations and international law. It explores the elements at the heart of Schwarzenberger’s theory of International Relations, which, though examined infrequently and practically forgotten, retain their relevance in today’s international society. Through this exploration of Schwarzenberger’s works, this article argues that his theory of International Relations provides a powerful commentary on the fundamental structure, nature and problems of international law. It points to and reveals issues that have remained at the heart of international law until today, offering a sophisticated and self-conscious interrogation of the relationship between law, power and politics. In doing this, this article challenges our understanding of realism as a theory that is unable to account for international law and highlights Schwarzenberger’s continued relevance today.

Atomic Signaling: Exploring Likelihood of Success and Military Necessity through the Bargaining Model of War

Did the decision to drop the atomic bomb on Hiroshima and Nagasaki during World War II meet the military necessity and likelihood of success criteria of the Just War Theory? Many scholars and ethicists have argued that they did not. We examine the decision through the rationalist models of war preferred by international relations theorists. We introduce a simple version of the bargaining model of war and tease out its essential differences with the models of war (and, therefore, military necessity) used by most Just War Theorists. Then, we reconstruct the decision to drop the bomb on Japan, focusing especially on information states, preference sets, and operational realities, to show that, if the dropping of the atomic bomb on Hiroshima and Nagasaki does not meet military necessity and likelihood of success criteria, no other kind of military activity can.

IR and the Global South: Revising Obstacles to a Global Discipline

The IR discipline is marked by a strong center-periphery inequality that is perpetuated through theories, methodologies, and concepts produced in the Global North that do not adequately capture the diverse experiences of Global South states and societies. In tandem with growing critiques of Western-centrism and calls for global IR, the discipline has now become more heterogeneous and inclusive, and IR scholars are more attentive to the global IR debate than ever before. Yet, the discipline has not become truly global, as many Global South scholars are absent from the major debates in the field and there are still sharp geographic differences with respect to IR knowledge production. Even though Global South countries have enormous potential to enrich and globalize IR with their history, political thinkers, and religious and philosophical traditions, this potential remains largely untapped. While Global South scholars develop alternative perspectives and engage in theorizing practices, these efforts have not yet been embodied in the form of an IR theory that provides alternative explanations of world politics. Equally important, these perspectives are not echoed in much of the mainstream accounts in IR. This study contributes to the global IR debate by problematizing the dynamics behind the insufficient development and representation of Global South IR theories and perspectives in the discipline. After delving into entrenched Western-centrism and the asymmetries of knowledge production in the discipline, the present study puts into spotlight the intellectual and material barriers that feed off each other and perpetuate the inequalities in IR knowledge production.

Cybernetic governance: implications of technology convergence on governance convergence

Governance theory in political science and international relations has to adapt to the onset of an increasingly digital society. However, until now, technological advancements and the increasing convergence of technologies outpace regulatory efforts and frustrate any efforts to apply ethical and legal frameworks to these domains. This is due to the convergence of multiple, sometimes incompatible governance frameworks that accompany the integration of technologies on different platforms. This theoretical claim will be illustrated by examples such as the integration of technologies on the “human platform” as it is referred to in the case of enhanced soldiers. Hence, successful governance might require new approaches borrowed from a distant relative, namely cybernetics. Insights gained from cybernetics for governance theories might be able to give guidance for a more efficient and adaptive governance approach that is able to deal with increasing complexity caused by technology and governance convergence. While cybernetics itself might be considered a governance approach, it has had surprisingly little reception in the wider field of governance within the area of social and political sciences. This article will develop cybernetic governance as a set of expandable governance principles that are applicable to an increasingly complex digital and smart society. It thereby tries to further galvanise what could be termed cybernetic governance theory as a subject of worthwhile insights from the combination of otherwise largely the disjoined fields of cybernetics and governance.

Theory of world politics: assessing the potential for transfer

In international studies, there are many borrowings from other disciplines at the level of metaphors, concepts, etc. In this regard, the question is raised about a possible reverse transfer, i.e. from the sphere of world politics to other scientific spheres, including not only socio-humanitarian, but also the natural sciences. The article analyzes a successful example of such a transfer given by R. Axelrod in the early 2000s, as well as subsequent attempts to theoretically validate the conditions for export from the field of international studies to other areas. Two approaches have been identified. Within the framework of the first approach, it is proposed to create an interdisciplinary theory, since international relations are able to integrate various humanitarian and social disciplines. The second approach allows for a “pluralistic” and “blurred” subject field of the theory of international relations, in which various theoretical and methodological lines can coexist and enter into discussion with each other (societal multiplicity), rather than remain isolated. It provides opportunities for its “export” to other scientific fields. A critical analysis of these approaches allows us to conclude that in both the first and second cases, the political focus of international research is lost. The article substantiates the subject area of world politics as the exertion of political influence in the international arena by state and non-state actors. Based on this, the authors of the article put forward a third direction. The essence of it is that the search for the possibility of exporting from international research to other scientific fields does not lie in the creation of an interdisciplinary theory, and not in the formation of a “blurred” subject field that ensures “societal multiplicity”, but in the similarity of the situations under consideration. The authors show that the degree of similarity of situations depends on a number of factors, including the behavior of actors/objects being in conditions that are relatively the same. Examples are given by comparing situations and theoretical concepts of international relations and world politics with situations and concepts in other scientific fields - meteorology, medicine, ethology. At the same time, the place of the “political” in other spheres is occupied by the dominant object/factor.