System Of International Relations Research Articles

Managing the transformation of foreign economic activity in an unstable macroeconomic environment

In modern conditions of chaoticization of the system of international economic relations and foreign economic activity of business entities, the tasks of improving the management of foreign economic activity of enterprises by the state and the formation of its embedded mechanisms to ensure the protection of state security in the world market are actualized. The purpose of the article is to analyze the topical issues of foreign economic activity transformation in the context of global instability. According to the author, in the system of state regulation of foreign economic activity of an enterprise, the implementation of an integrated foreign economic activity management system will be timely, which will significantly offset the problems existing in subjects of foreign economic activity related to external factors. However, it is impossible to quickly adjust to dynamically changing conditions and ensure management consistency, increase the efficiency of foreign economic activity of domestic enterprises and protect state economic security. The main goal of the transformation, according to the author, is to provide the necessary transparency and flexibility in the management system of foreign economic activity both at the state level and at the level of a specific subject of foreign economic activity, which is very important in the context of growing instability of the macroeconomic environment. Priorities in the context of growing global instability are to increase the efficiency of foreign economic activity, the competitiveness of the economy and the protection of economic security.

Confrontation between Shamkhalate and Kabarda in the 16<sup>th</sup> century (the issue of international relations in the North Caucasus)

The article is devoted to the problems of the development of the regional system of international relations in the North Caucasus in the 16th century. The era of the Horde khans and Shirvanshahs is forever a thing of the past, and they were replaced by new empires: the Safavids, the Ottomans and the Moscow state. With the help of world-system analysis the article reveals the transformation of the political landscape of the region that took place at that period. A new look at the Caucasian communities and their place in the history of civilization, as well as the forms happened to occur in the process of their integration into a particular state is offered to the reader's attention. The methods of identity formation used at that period are of great interest, as well as the hierarchical ideas that existed in the field of international relations. For the first time, the paper comes as an attempt to reconstruct the views on the balance of power then prevailing in the North Caucasus that correspond to the epoch under study.

IMPORTANCE OF TURKEY IN THE RECONSTRUCTION OF AFGHANISTAN (THE CASE OF SOFT POWER)

Among the topics of modern international relations, the issue of "soft power" is one of the most studied current topics. The processes taking place in the system of international relations show that today the tasks of influencing people's world view, penetrating deeply into the internal cultural roots of societies, and making effective use of the large-scale power of the media are important conditions for conducting foreign policy. This article highlights the soft power of Turkey, which was able to create a unique phenomenon in Afghanistan by combining elements of historical, religious, cultural and ethnic affinity, and the structures that implement it.

The Ceremony of Receiving Ambassadresses at the Russian Court of the Eighteenth Century

During the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries, the European system of international relations underwent significant changes, marked by the institutional development of diplomatic services and the establishment of more coherent diplomatic ceremonials. Resident embassies became common, introducing the presence of female relatives of diplomats who actively participated in the life of the diplomatic corps. The growing presence of ambassadresses played a transformative role in early modern diplomatic culture, contributing to the development of gendered diplomatic ceremonials. Drawing on relevant approaches to the study of the ‘new diplomatic history’ and using archival material from the Archive of the Foreign Policy of the Russian Empire, this article examines the diplomatic ceremonial of ambassadorial spouses at the eighteenth-century Russian court. It examines the presentation of ambassadors’ wives at court, the implementation of protocol, and issues of etiquette that became sources of contention between ‘ambassadresses’ and the St Petersburg court, as well as methods of conflict resolution. The study of the reception ceremony for ‘foreign ladies’ reveals that, although it was governed by legal norms, it depended heavily on the Russian monarch’s personal attitude towards the ambassador and ambassadress, as well as the country they represented.

Влияние проекта «Великий шелковый путь» на внешнюю политику Турции

. In the modern world, control of transit and communication routes means significant geopolitical influence, in this regard, these routes include various transport and communication networks such as sea lanes, air corridors, land trade routes and internet cables. Control of these routes is of great importance both economically and strategically, therefore, each state prioritizes the control of these routes in its foreign policy. In this regard, Turkey is not an exception. The Ottoman state, the predecessor of the modern Republic of Turkey, considered it important to control the transit channels throughout history. Analyzing the geopolitical effects of the Ottoman conquest of Istanbul also allows us to understand the importance of controlling communication routes in the modern era. Currently, the new Great Silk Road project occupies an important place in Turkish foreign policy, as it will allow the country to strengthen its place in the system of international relations. In the article, research is conducted on the issues mentioned above and the results are discussed.

Российско-американские отношения конца XX – первой четверти XXI века: тенденции и перспективы

The article studies the relations between Russia and the USA in the late 20th – first decades of the 21st centuries as a central problem of modern international relations. The analysis is performed in the historicalpolitical retrospect, from the 1990s to the present day. When it comes to the 1990s, viewed as a time of friendship and partnership, the reasons for the rapprochement between the two countries are described, as well as the events of the late 1990s – eastward NATO expansion and the NATO bombing of Belgrade – which were the turning point for the decline in Russia–US relations. Talking about the 2000s – 2010s, the author indicates the contradictions in the development of the bilateral relations, namely, a trend towards both improvement (establishment of the NATO–Russia Council following the attacks of September 11, 2001 and the “reset” policy in the late 2000s) and deterioration (as a result of the US-led invasion of Iraq in 2003, Russo-Georgian conflict in August 2008, Syrian civil war, Ukrainian political crisis and the accession of Crimea to Russia in 2014). According to the author, Russian-American relations over the past decade (2014–2024) could be described as hostile, which eliminates the possibility for their normalization through direct contacts between the two parties. The downward trend in Russia– US relations, which emerged in the late 1990s and continued to grow during the 2000s – 2020s, can be explained by the two countries’ irreconcilable positions on the system of international relations. The United States seek to create a unipolar – Americentric – world, while Russia insists on multipolarity. According to the author, the only way to improve relations between Russia and the USA is to stabilize the system of international relations. This problem is discussed in the final part of the article.

Британская общественность и германская угроза в 1935–1936 гг.

The article delves into the reaction of British society to the actions of Nazi Germany in the years 1935–1936, as Germany undertook steps aimed at dismantling the established system of international relations in Europe based on the Treaty of Versailles. The international situation that arose as a result of these actions posed a challenge primarily to those countries that were at the foundations of this system. Great Britain was one of the main states that had to speak in favour of the principles of the existing international system. Drawing from press materials, political statements and declarations, as well as contemporaneous diaries and memoirs, the author reconstructs the nuanced stance of British society towards the potential threat posed by the Nazi regime. The spectrum of opinions regarding the intentions of the German leadership, the reasons behind radical pronouncements and actions of Hitler, are examined.

Contacts of Genoese Gazaria and Persia based on the materials of the "Acts of the Genoese notaries"

Introduction. The article examines the features of economic relations between the Black Sea region and the Persian region within the West Asian system of international relations of the Late Middle Ages. The relevance of the research consists in addressing a little-studied topic in order, firstly to identify and generalize existing knowledge, and secondly to discover new ones using previously unexplored source base. Materials and methods. In the article toponymic, onomastic and other evidence of the existence of persistent economic interaction between the Northern Black Sea region and the states of the territory of modern Iran are shown based on the material of Russian modern historiography and the sources of the collection "Acts of Genoese Notaries". There were used statistical and typological methods, and also the method of content analysis of Genoese act material of the XIV–XV century. Results. A number of problematic issues have been successfully resolved, for example, the degree of usefulness of the Genoese act material for works on this topic or the degree of its study in Russian historiography. Conclusion. The encountered difficulties are formulated as specific problems to be solved in the course of future research, based on the material of high-precision source material, the available historiographical evidence on this problem is confirmed and clarified to a certain extent. Soviet and modern historiography has shown, however, a clearly insufficient level of study of the problem of the Western Asian-Black Sea economic relations of the Late Middle Ages. In these studies, it is reflected at a specific level - almost only in the form of an inventory of goods and a list of settlements and regions with which trade was carried out.

Beynəlxalq münasibətlər diskursunda postkolonializm

Turning to history has always been an important tool for understanding international relations, and this trend remains relevant today. However, if earlier researchers mainly focused on individual events and their possible interpretations, now the main attention is focused on determining the historical characteristics of systems and reflecting this legacy in modern international relations. That is why the postcolonial approach, focused on the gradual evolution of colonial relations into the modern system of international relations, has become especially important; postmodernism is used to explain the concept of postcolonialism. In these concepts, an important place is occupied by the terms colonialism and postcolonialism, which seem to be a continuation of each other, despite the fact that they oppose each other. This article explains some of these concepts. Looking at the development and theoretical history of the concept of postcolonialism, it can be concluded that the concept was first used by Edward Said in his work entitled “Orientalism”. In Edward Said's “Orientalism” (1978) [Said, 1978], although many derivative terms from the concepts of colonialism and imperialism are used, the word postcolonialism does not appear even once in this work. No less important than Edward Said's research into the consolidation of postcolonialism as a concept is Subaltern Studies, first developed by Indian Marxist historians in 1982. Thus, although postcolonialism has not yet reached its final form in terms of naming, thanks to the book "The Empire Writes Back" [Ashcroft, Griffiths, & Tiffin, 1989] published in 1989, today both the term and the theoretical concept are used in modern scientific circles.

The international system and the clash of world orders

In 1945, humanity came together to create the Charter International System. It expressed the hope that after the most catastrophic war the world had yet seen, a superior system of international relations could emerge. The ‘spirit of 1945’ gave rise to the United Nations and its foundational Charter, reinforced subsequently by numerous declarations, protocols and conventions. The system delivers many public goods, including the system’s specialised agencies, but above all by establishing the normative and legitimate framework for the conduct of international politics. The Charter system today faces unprecedented challenges. The tension between the multilateralism and normative aspirations for peace and development represented by the Charter system and the competitive practices of international politics has become a contradiction and possibly an antinomy—an irreconcilable difference. The creation of competing blocs (world orders) in Cold War I prevented consensus on fundamental matters, however, all sides proclaimed their allegiance to the Charter system. When the Soviet bloc disintegrated in 1989–1991, the Charter system faced a new challenge—the quest for global hegemony of the remaining world order, the Political West led by the US. This bloc claimed certain tutelary privileges, formulated initially in terms of a ‘liberal international order’ and later in the form of the ‘rules-based order’, over the Charter International System. This resulted in conflicts and even wars, but is today countered by the emergence of a Political East. Cold War II today is more challenging and dangerous than the first, primarily due to the threat posed to the very existence of the Charter systems and its norms.

New Nomos of the Earth? Perspectives of the Order in the Age of Chaos

The article “The New Nomos of the Earth? Perspectives of the Order in the age of chaos” by Jan Okoński presents the concept of Nomos and its interpretations against the background of a changing global order. The author presented an analysis of the Nomos as a symbol of justice (similar to such ideas as: ius, maat, and tao) and Carl Schmitt’s analysis of this term, which is important from the point of view of the philosophy of law. Nomos is word derived from ancient Greek, a concept that somehow unites the plane of factuality and the plane of validity of law. In the word Nomos, there is contained, a strange, paradoxical union of violence and justice. The Italian philosopher and researcher of the thought of C. Schmitt, Giorgio Agamben, has pointed out that Hobbes’s sovereign is the only one that remains in a state of nature, retaining his “ius contra omnes”, we may say, perhaps along similar lines to the states in the UN Security Council. These considerations are set against the background of the former China-centred system of international relations in Asia and the current attempts to transform the global order. Nomos is proving to be an ever-present concept that, although not as popular as other ideas from ancient Greece, casts clear light on issues of the validity of law in general and helps to make the evolution of the global order easier to understand. Through the prism of the concept of Nomos, it can be seen that the old world order, crystallised by the Europeans, can be marginalised by the change of the global power relations. This is not a new process, for it has already occurred in history. It is clear from the content of the article that law has appeared, since ancient times, to be paradoxically linked to violence and the possibility of initiating it.

Electric Propulsion in Space: Technology and Geopolitics

ABSTRACT During the 20th Century and within the first decade of the 21st, electric propulsion (EP) has played an important role in space activities, and its importance has not ceased to increase significantly in the last 15 years. The potential benefits of using EP on a bigger scale could be immense, reducing the cost of future space missions. The main hypothesis of this paper is that EP will play an increasingly important role in the system of international space relations in the coming decades with deep scientific, commercial, and geopolitical implications. To prove this, we examine the historical evolution, relevance, and future applications of such a propulsion system. Although there is extensive technical literature on EP, only a few works analyze electric space propulsion from an interdisciplinary perspective. On the contrary, much of the available information only provides an atomized, unipolar, and fragmented approach to the phenomenon. To fill this gap, this study presents an integrated analysis of the evolution, relevance, and trends of EP technologies, as well as their geopolitical implications in the space domain. The results obtained constitute a crucial contribution to the analysis of space propulsion from an interdisciplinary – socio-technological – perspective.

Позиции России и США по вопросам ядерной безопасности и перспективы новых договоренностей

In the modern complex system of international relations, in a situation of escalating confrontation between Russia and the United States, increasing tension in relations between Western countries and the "Global South", arms control, primarily nuclear, as well as non-proliferation of nuclear weapons, continues to be one of the most important areas of Russian foreign and defense policy. The Russian Federation pays priority attention to strengthening and developing the system of international treaties in the fields of strategic security and arms control. Therefore, the purpose of this article is to consider the prospects for one of the key aspects of the Russian-American agreements - nuclear arms control and the achievement of sustainable strategic stability. This led to the active use of such methods as analysis and synthesis of data on the current state of nuclear strategic security, a historical approach that identifies the previous context of agreements, as well as a comparative analysis focused on comparing the basic approaches, interests, goals and priorities of the Russian and American sides. Based on foreign policy imperatives, including consolidating Russia's role as a guarantor of international stability and arms control, the authors propose a non-standard scenario for restoring the viability of the key START Treaty of 2010. The article suggests the outlines of possible concrete solutions and potential elements of agreements that can become the basic topic for the resumption of bilateral consultations on strategic stability and an integral part of the new agreement. The authors conclude that reaching mutually acceptable agreements on this topical issue will have a positive impact on reducing the military threat and reducing the risks of unleashing a nuclear conflict, which meets the strategic interests of Russian national security and global stability.

THE NATIONAL STATE IN THE CONTEXT OF GLOBALIZATION AND GLOBAL DEMOCRACY

The article provides a theoretical and methodological analysis of the processes of globalization and global democracy, examining how these processes alter the position, role, and functions of the modern nation-state while it contends with challenges posed by globalization yet strives to maintain its sovereignty.
 It is characterized that under the pressure of globalization, changes are occurring in the political and economic spheres that influence nation-states, leading to a gradual erosion of their sovereignty and increased susceptibility to economic influences from other states or transnational corporations.
 It is noted that the processes of globalization demonstrate the inability of states to fully protect their own interests and citizens from global economic and financial crises, informational impacts, environmental degradation, etc. In such circumstances, the nation-state is no longer the primary actor in the system of international relations, resulting in weakened centralized state institutions, shifts in the perception of state sovereignty, and the emergence of new structures within the global governance system.
 It is substantiated that global democracy, as a phenomenon introduced by the processes of globalization, is a form of implementation of the universal system of political democratic values as the basis for building a democratic society and the formation of public institutions that are the basis of democracy.
 It is determined that global democracy is a process of relations between states based on a certain value and normative basis that unites them and keeps them active in the field of certain relations, characterized by the improvement of interconnection between states through the formation of a single information space and the need for a new political order of the world.
 It is emphasized that the processes of globalization and global democracy are objective processes of convergence of political systems of the world, formation of a policy of common standards and approaches to solving common civilization problems.
 It is concluded that for Ukraine, in the context of globalization and global democracy, the main factors of strengthening its sovereignty are the establishment of relations with the international community on the principles of democratic governance, development of a competitive economy, democratization of all spheres of public life, socio-political unity of a civil nation, territorial integrity, and sustainable development of the state.

Lithuanian Diaspora in Uruguay During the Beginning of the Cold War

This article studies the problems behind the involvement of the Lithuanian diaspora of Uruguay in the political processes at the beginning of the Cold War (second half of the 1940s – early 1950s). The author considers the history of the formation of the Lithuanian diaspora in the South American country starting from the later period of the Russian Empire and its status in the interwar period in the context of the development of the Lithuanian statehood. Additionally, the article describes the emergence and solution of the problem of refugees and displaced persons after World War II in the international context. It is noted that the refugees and displaced persons were mostly representatives of the Soviet Union (including the Baltic states that became part of the USSR in 1940), Poland, Yugoslavia, and other countries of Eastern Europe. The study proves that in the new historical conditions, there was a change in the social composition of the Lithuanian emigration of Uruguay, which was replenished with political opponents of the Soviet regime, collaborators fleeing retribution, and “Westerners” (defectors). Formed as a result of a global conflict and a new system of international relations, this type of diasporas was called “communities of exiles”, “exiled communities”, or “political diasporas”. The politicised nature of such diasporas, which included post-war Lithuanian emigration to Uruguay, led to its participation in the information confrontation with the USSR in the framework of the Cold War that had begun. In this regard, the author examines the attitude of the Uruguayan authorities to the “emigration governments of the Baltic countries”, and, more particularly, the so-called “Lithuanian government” headed by Mykolas Krupavičius in the USA and his “mission” headed by Kazimiro Grauzhinis in Uruguay. The specifics of the situation with the problems of repatriation in the USSR, which is revealed using materials from the Archive of Foreign Policy of the Russian Federation and emigration periodicals, showed the reaction of the Soviet leadership to the position of Uruguay in relation to Soviet displaced persons (including within the new borders). The author concludes that in the context of intra-diaspora splits, immediately after the war, the nationalist-minded part of the Lithuanian emigration was an active participant of all anti-Soviet campaigns, using finances and all possible information resources for this (primarily, the United States). Hence, the unconditional orientation towards Washington of this part of the diasporas, including the Lithuanian one, which was called upon to sow anti-Russian sentiments and support the negative image of the USSR in the public opinion of the West, becomes obvious and logical.

Россия как страна-цивилизация в диалоге культур

The article examines the current geopolitical situation of Russia’s confrontation with the “collective West” in the light of a Special Military Operation (SMO) in Ukraine, in historical, political and cultural aspects. The relevance of the article is due to both the intensity of hostilities directly in the SMO, as well as rapid changes in the system of international relations and the position of Russia in connection with the conduct of the SMO. There is an accelerated reorientation of Russian economic, financial, military and – what is considered in this paper – historical and cultural ties, previously prioritized to the West, but now increasingly unfolding to the East. The novelty of the article lies in the application of the civilizational approach as a methodological key to the analysis of Russia’s conflict with the “collective West”, its rapprochement with the powerful states–civilizations of the East – China and especially India; in this “optics”, the optimal positioning of Ossetia in the intercivilization is rethought in a new way. Great importance is attached to the domestic, Russian tradition of relevant scientific research; it is emphasized that it was in Russia that the pioneering results on the subject under consideration were published, starting with the work of N.Y. Danilevsky, and today it is in Russia that A.G. Dugin has carried out an unprecedented research program on the philosophical and historical analysis of early and current civilizations. In Russia, A.D. Panov made the most important general scientific discovery of the twenty-first century about the singular limit of universal history, received the name “Panov – Snooks vertical” in the scientific literature. The conclusion of the work consists in summing up the results of the review and indicating the specific prospects and directions of the inter-civilizational dialogue and participation of Ossetia in it; at the same time, the first results have already been obtained.

Basics of implementation of the standards of international agreements in the sphere of international trade by Ukraine

The latest international trade is characterized by serious, radical changes - the creation of a global information space, where the main products of production are information and knowledge, and information technologies penetrate almost every sphere of economic activity. International treaties become the main source of legal regulation of relations arising in the field of international trade.
 It has been established that the future development of Ukraine's economy directly depends not only on determining the directions of transformation of legal relations in the field of international trade, but also on how Ukraine directly implements the provisions of current international treaties in the field of international trade, in particular in such an important field as intellectual property - international agreements are the determining factors of the competitiveness of the country's economy, the most valuable capital that determines the strategy and tactics of our country's development, the most important driver of innovation.
 It was found out that today, the states have come to the realization that without solving issues related to the international regulation of relations in the field of intellectual property, without concluding international agreements in this field, it will be impossible to promote any object of intellectual property in the world. It is substantiated that all the specified international treaties regulating intellectual property as an object of trade transactions, to which Ukraine has joined, form an interconnected system of international trade relations. The WTO Agreement on Trade-Related Aspects of Intellectual Property Rights (TRIPS) occupies a special role among the system of these international agreements. The implementation of the TRIPS Agreement in Ukraine progressed in parallel with radical changes in the ways of using intellectual property in trade and the growing use of the international intellectual property system. Currently, Ukraine is at the final stage of institutional reform in the field of intellectual property - the State Organization «Ukrainian National Office for Intellectual Property and Innovations» (UANIPIO) has been established; its powers, scope and directions of its activity are established; the right to represent Ukraine in international and regional organizations, etc.
 Ukraine is an active participant in international trade processes and the corresponding main international legal acts in this area, which increases the interest of our state in optimizing and improving the standards, norms and provisions that regulate it. Judicial practice has confirmed that international treaties are an integral part of national legislation.

US trade and industrial policy as a challenge to the modern system of international trade relations

The current stage of development of international trade relations is followed by a growing protectionism. At the same time, the ideas of free trade and fair competition are still declared as key principles for the development of the world economy. One of the authors of these principles, as well as the entire modern system of international trade relations, is the USA. In this context, the possible refusal of the USA to comply with these principles is a serious challenge for the existing system of international trade. The author tries to answer the question if some measures of the US trade and industrial policy correspond to the basic principles of the international trade system. As an empirical basis there were used the works of Russian and foreign economists specializing in trade policy, international economic relations and the US economy. To answer the stated question about the compliance of the US trade and industrial policy with the principles of free trade and fair competition, the author uses methods of analysis and generalization to assess the nature of certain measures and mechanisms implemented in the US trade and industry. The author comes to conclusion about the protectionist nature of several legal acts and mechanisms of the US trade and industrial policy. Considering that not only certain legal acts, but also industrial programs are protectionist in nature, it should be assumed that retreat from the principles of free trade and fair competition is an element of the US position on the development of the national economy as well as international trade. The USA takes advantage of the imperfections of the existing system of international economic relations, demonstrating the use of protectionist measures contrary to the principles of free trade and fair competition.

Diplomacy of European States and the Revolution of 1830 in Belgium

The nature of interstate and international relations in the post - Napoleonic period was determined at the Vienna Congress of 1814-1815. Maintaining peace and stability in Europe, preserving the legitimacy of the ruling dynasties and controlling the balance of power were considered one of the main tasks of the Vienna system of international relations. The main obstacles to compliance with these principles were the revolutionary events of 1820-1830, which arose in different regions of Europe. The response to the “challenges” of the new system of international relations was both diplomatic and military measures to maintain the status quo of European states. The purpose of the article is to analyze the positions of the leading European states at the initial stage of the revolution in Belgium, which began in August 1830. In the context of the growing revolutionary crisis in Europe, it is important to understand what motives guided the Russian, French, Austrian, Prussian and English sides in developing their positions, what were the motives of their foreign policy in Belgium and how they influenced multilateral relations during the Belgian revolution. The study of the diplomatic correspondence of representatives of European countries through the channels of foreign ministries made it possible to identify the differences that existed between Russia, England, France, Austria and Prussia on the Belgian issue, to trace the changes in the positions of the countries in the process of developing a joint solution. An analysis of the process of European countries making decisions about the future of Belgium showed the desire of the participants of the “European concert” to comply with the principles of the Vienna system of international relations.

The Need to Overcome the Cultural Hegemony of the West in Political Science on The Example of the Problem of Contemporary Islamist Terrorism

Using the example of the problem of contemporary terrorism, the article raises the question of the need to overcome the dependence of Russian science on the hegemony of the West. In the world in general and in Russia in particular, the period of admiration for the Western concept of liberal democracy and the concepts of globalization, human rights, soft power, civil society, democratic transition, terrorism, hybrid wars, etc., developed by liberal thought, is coming to an end. These theories are increasingly less accepted in as normative, universal, whose implementation necessarily requires Western supervision. These theories, developed during a unique historical process in Western countries, cannot be adequately applied to determine the direction of development of non-Western countries. In this study, we consider the problem of contemporary Islamist terrorism as a concrete example of the need for a critical revision of Western ideas. To do this, we turn to the ideas of a number of Russian authors, as well as Western representatives of postmodernism, neo-Marxism and left-radical thought, who sharply criticize the basic dogmas of Western liberal political science. This allows us to conclude that Islamist terrorism is not the result of the activities of individual radicals or a manifestation of the aggressive nature of Islam, but is reproduced by the conflict system of modern international relations. Thus, Islamist terrorism as a radical form of politicization of Islam is most often a reaction of the Muslim world to Western globalism, to the crisis of a number of Muslim societies as a result of Western intervention. The system-functional approach makes it possible to understand the place and role of Islamist terrorism in contemporary hybrid wars, which the West uses to maintain its global empire. Islamist terrorism can be viewed as an element of a system of hybrid wars. In this system, along with Islamist terrorism, there is an important phenomenon of combating it - anti-terrorism, and also, along with Islamist terrorism as the activity of non-governmental armed groups, there is state terrorism, mainly carried out by Western states.