Power In International Politics Research Articles

Pawns of Empire: Unraveling the Role of Dashnaktsutyun in British Geopolitical Strategy (1890-1922)

This paper examines the instrumental role of Dashnaktsutyun, also known as the Armenian Revolutionary Federation, in the geopolitical strategies of the British Empire during the early 20th century. Initially emerging as a nationalist movement within the Ottoman Empire, Dashnaktsutyun was co-opted by external powers, particularly Britain, to serve broader imperial interests in the Eurasian region. The study delves into the organization’s activities in the Ottoman, Russian, and Iranian territories, highlighting how its operations, under the guise of Armenian nationalism, were significantly influenced by British geopolitical objectives. The paper also explores the complex interplay between nationalist movements and international power politics, particularly in the context of the Great Game between the British and Russian Empires. A critical analysis of Dashnaktsutyun’s role during key historical events, such as the Soviet invasion of Armenia in 1920, reveals a prioritization of foreign directives over national resistance, impacting the trajectory of Armenian history and reflecting the broader dynamics of early 20th-century imperialism. This study serves as a cautionary tale of how nationalist movements can be redirected by external influences, often at the expense of their foundational principles and the welfare of their people. Keywords: Dashnaktsutyun, Armenian Revolutionary Federation, British Geopolitical Strategy, Armenian Nationalism, Imperialism, Soviet Invasion of Armenia, Great Game, Pan-Islamism, Pan-Turanism

Communicative power as a new ideal type in international relations

In international relations theory, civilian and normative power can be seen as the most ambitious attempts to develop a new ideal of actor that is normatively preferable to classical concepts such as great power, empire, and hegemon as it wields power in a different way. However, these attempts fail from a theoretical perspective primarily because the concepts cannot be clearly differentiated from hidden hegemony. Guided by Habermas’ notion of communicative power, this article develops a new ideal type for transnational norm diffusion that escapes the trap of hidden hegemony. This ideal promotes communicative power by: (1) exercising institutional power to enable open and free discourse, (2) abstaining from using compulsory power to impose its own norms but just to guarantee the option of voice and exit for all affected persons, and (3) reducing unconscious structural power, productive power, and soft power through the inclusion of reflexivity and self-criticism. This type of inclusive foreign policy based on self-restraint and reflexivity must originate from solidarity in domestic civil society to gain the trust of others. The concept of communicative power offers an alternative theoretical template to how dominant actors can exercise power in international politics.

Framing the Impacts of the European Green Deal: Reflections on the EU as a "Normative Power" and Beyond

The growing use of fossil fuels and rising greenhouse gas emissions have become critical issues in world politics. The European Union (EU) Green Deal offers to make Europe “the first climate-neutral continent” by 2050. The Green Deal seeks to transform the EU into a resource-efficient, competitive, circular economy. As a normative power in international politics, the EU can influence other actors’ behaviours, which makes it an international norm diffuser. In this sense, the “normative power Europe” concept matches the role of the Green Deal. This article examines if and how the EU Green Deal is a successful tool to maintain the EU’s role as a normative power during carbon neutrality, addressing the opportunities and challenges of the EU Green Deal.

Soft Power in India’s Act East Policy: A Cambodian Perspective

In the contemporary multipolar world order, great powers are on the rise. As they possess coercive hard power, they also tend to have persuasive soft power in international relations. Soft power has become one of the most important dimensions of the foreign policies of great powers. Over the past decades, the use of soft power in the Asian context has gained significant traction. As an emerging power, India has begun to realise the usefulness of its rich culture and ancient civilisation as an indispensable source of soft power in the practice of public diplomacy. Specifically, New Delhi has utilised soft power in its Act East Policy (AEP) towards Southeast Asia, where historical connections and cultural legacy are deep between the two regions. In this context, the article examines the concept of soft power and its implications in India’s AEP. It argues that rather than asserting influence on the recipient country, India’s soft power is instrumental in building its international image as a benign power in international politics. The article looks at Cambodia as a case study to see how India’s international image has been perceived in the Southeast Asian kingdom, given that both countries share strong cultural and civilisational links.

Humanitarian Crisis in Syria and International Response

As the Syrian conflict in the Middle East stands still, the humanitarian situation is further deteriorating. The scale and magnitude of the conflict constitute one of the largest crises of our time, posing significant challenges to the humanitarian architecture. Thus in view of resolving the worst situation of the humanitarian crisis in Syria this study aims to evaluate and analyze the role of the International community in their response to the crisis by providing an overview of the modern Syrian conflict's history, the impact of the conflict, refugee flows and International power politics. Furthermore, the article is concluded with recommendations and ways for the international community to respond to the humanitarian crisis in Syria.

Demagoguery, populism, and foreign policy rhetoric: evidence from Jair Bolsonaro’s tweets

ABSTRACT This article investigates whether Brazil’s President Jair Bolsonaro extended demagoguery and populism into his foreign policy discourse. An analysis of 673 tweets indicates that demagoguery was more common (observed in 94 tweets) than populism (observed in 14 tweets). Bolsonaro adopted a Red Scare tactic, distorted information about the 2019 Amazon wildfires, spread rumours about COVID-19, and portrayed relations with the US during Trump’s administration and Israel during Netanyahu’s as panaceas. Findings suggest that demagoguery can ramify into foreign policy discourse, with a leader fitting distorted interpretations of foreign topics and actors into stories made for domestic consumption. Bolsonaro was cautious concerning relations with China though, indicating that international power politics and expected gains or losses from trade and investment may condition the scope of demagogical discourses. This article shows a conceptual gap in literature on foreign policy discourse, which a framework using the concept of demagoguery can, in part, fill.

The Aggression of the Russian Federation against Ukraine: International Law and Power Politics or ‘What Happens Now’

The article deals with the relationship between international law and power politics in the light of the Russian aggression against Ukraine. The relationship between international law and politics is very close, even natural, since the principles and rules of international law primarily act in international relations, that is in a political reality. It is the problem of observance and violations of the legal principles and rules on the use of force that is the key point of reference for the discussion of this issue. The serious breach of Article 2(4) of the UN Charter by Russia, the crime of aggression and other alleged crimes committed during this international armed conflict incline the author to address some questions on the power and weakness of international law. The power of international law is severely tested when it comes to the unilateral use of force by states. The Russian aggression against Ukraine is arguably the most important such test since the end of World War II, at least in Europe. The author claims that such crises as the Russian aggression against Ukraine clearly prove that international law is what states want it to be.

제국의 실험실: 일제강점기 한반도의 콜레라 백신 접종과 1926년 국제위생회의

Since the first cholera pandemic in 1817, cholera was major international concern in terms of both health and commerce. At the same time, cholera was considered inherently ‘oriental’ by Europeans. After World War I, International Sanitary Convention adopted in 1911 needed revision in light of changing global power dynamics and medical knowledge. By this time, Japan rose as significant power in international politics, as well as in medical domains. In 1926 International Sanitary Conference, Japan requested special consideration on Far East, claiming previous convention was Eurocentric. Also Japan argued most of epidemic in Japanese empire was imported from other nations, specifically China. Effectively separating them from rest of the Far East. Experiences from colonies helped Japanese delegates in conference with necessary scientific data. Mass vaccination during 1919-20 cholera epidemic in Korea with large follow-up data on effectiveness of vaccination made significant impression on other deligates, in turn, helped Japan to implement their agenda in 1926 International Sanitary convention. This shows how medical knowledge produced in colony was represented in international domain, and utilized colony as ‘laboratory.’

Theorizing dollar hegemony: the political economic foundations of exorbitant privilege

This paper explores dollar hegemony, emphasizing that it is a fundamentally political economic phenomenon. Dollar hegemony rests on the economic, military, and international political power of the US and is manifested through market forces. The paper argues that there have been two eras of dollar hegemony which were marked by different models. Dollar hegemony 1.0 corresponded to the Bretton Woods era (1946–1971). Dollar hegemony 2.0 corresponds to the Neoliberal era (1980–today). The 1970s were an in-between decade of dollar distress during which dollar hegemony was reseeded. The deep foundation of both models is US power, but the two models have completely different economic operating systems. Dollar hegemony 1.0 rested on the trade and manufacturing dominance of the US after World War II. Dollar hegemony 2.0 rests on the Neoliberal reconstruction of the US and global economies which have made the US the center of global capitalism and the most attractive place to hold capital. It is a financial model and intrinsically connected to Neoliberalism. Consideration of dollar hegemony leads to two further questions. One is whether there is a better way of organizing the world monetary order, which is associated with a debate about the possibility of a new Bretton Woods. The other is: what is the future of dollar hegemony?

(2021) Volume 2, Issue 4 Cultural Implications of China Pakistan Economic Corridor (CPEC Authors: Dr. Unsa Jamshed Amar Jahangir Anbrin Khawaja Abstract: This study is an attempt to highlight the cultural implication of CPEC on Pak-China relations, how it will align two nations culturally, and what steps were taken by the governments of two states to bring the people closer.

(2021) Volume 2, Issue 4 Cultural Implications of China Pakistan Economic Corridor (CPEC Authors: Dr. Unsa Jamshed Amar Jahangir Anbrin Khawaja Abstract: This study is an attempt to highlight the cultural implication of CPEC on Pak-China relations, how it will align two nations culturally, and what steps were taken by the governments of two states to bring the people closer.

The middle power dilemma: India’s hegemony over global cricket

ABSTRACT This article makes the argument that India’s cricket authorities moved the sport away from being a semi-amateurish game to one which met the commercial criteria for a globalised sport. Further, while cricket was a game dominated by the Western nations, it was only after the game was taken over by India that it was opened up to a broader set of nations and not based on racial and cultural preferences. While the sport has been reformed, India has still to bring the game to global financial standards or to be able to use the soft power of cricket to enhance its international status. This is because India has exhibited the behaviour of a middle power in international politics by fitting into and exploiting a particular niche in international sports which is of dominating a game that is multinational rather than truly global. Instead, the Chinese, in their forays into the international sports market, are not only taking the steps to increase their soft power but, also, showing that their relative power status in the international system is reflected in their ability to use sporting events to shape their soft power advantage.

The Concept of «Power» in International Relations

The purpose of the article is to develop a definition of the concept of “force” as a tool for applied analysis of modern world political problems based on materialistic theoretical and methodological approaches. At the beginning of the 21st century, the concept of “soft power” became so widespread in international politics that it became more and more relevant in international relations, especially in the West, especially in the United States in the new millennium. After the collapse of the Soviet Union, there were processes in the world that led to changes in the balance of power and geopolitical integration. The system of bipolar international relations, which existed until the early 90s of the twentieth century, has been abolished and replaced by a new global structure, which has changed the situation in all countries. In this process, China, which has become a world economic leader in the second millennium, has also skillfully used soft power in international politics, promoting its ancient civilization and values.To achieve this goal, the article is supposed to solve two major and mutually dependent research tasks. On the one hand, it will be necessary to critically analyze existing approaches to the conceptualization of the problem of force in terms of their application to the applied analysis of modern international political realities. On the other hand, it will be necessary to identify current trends in changing the content and nature of power relations between the subjects of world politics.

MIDDLEPOWERMANSHIP IN KOREAN FOREIGN POLICY

As a result of the Post-Cold War development, the international relations have shifted from bipolarism to a multipolarism. Once relevant Western-born IR theories lack explanatory power. Current IR witness the growing role of the non-Western states both in regional and international domains. Consequently, there is a growing need for appropriate IR theories that could explain the changing world structure, describe the role of new powers in international politics and define future development. Thus, it is essential to study non-Western research that focuses on conceptualization of ongoing processes from its perspective.The authors analyze the IR theories developed by South Korean scholars. The purpose of this article is to analyze South Korean interpretations of the middlepowermanship that considers the Republic of Korea’s unique regional and global context. South Korean scholars agree on a particular geostrategic location of the state. The geopolitical location, absence of natural resources and limited military power hinder South Korea’s ability to use hard power in regional and international politics. However, South Korea’s economic development and creative approach in foreign policy translate into middle power diplomacy, which includes niche diplomacy, moderating role in relations between greater powers, regional cooperation promotion, and development of the international legal system.The authors conclude that South Korean version of middle power theory is continuously being (re) interpreted and adapted to the country’s foreign policy. South Korea is to be a a bridge between the great powers in the region.

YUMUŞAK GÜÇ YANILGISI

Yumuşak güç kavramı sert güce alternatif olarak algılanır hale gelmiştir. Ancak yumuşak güç, sert gücün alternatifi olacak şekilde yumuşak bir güç olmayıp çoğu durumda ileri bir sanayi ülkesinin sert gücünün uzantısı olmaktadır. Uluslararası politikada güç bölünemez bir kavramdır. Yumuşak güçlerin tümünün aynı zamanda “sert güç” olması ve “sert güç” olmayan bir “yumuşak güç”ün bulunmaması günümüzdeki uluslararası sistemin gerçeklerini açık bir şekilde sergilemeye yeterli olmaktadır. Güç kavramında köklü bir değişim, ancak uluslararası sistemin de köklü bir değişimden geçmesi halinde mümkün olabilir. Kaldı ki, mevcut durumda yumuşak güç, gerçek anlamıyla güç kavramının gereklerini karşılayamamaktadır.

4차 산업혁명과 국제정치적 구조변화

4차 산업혁명과 국제정치적 구조변화

The Validity of Normative Power in International Politics in the Twenty-First Century

The concept of “normative power” has emerged, as states continuously looked for additional ways to infuse norms within a system. Normative power refers to the power of governing the creation, deletion, or modification of norms within a system or society, and thus entails a strong power of attraction. As most norms are informal having no legal binding, therefore, they seem to be weak in their application. This raises the question of the effectiveness of normative power in the twenty-first century. However, universality, equality, similarity, necessity, etc. provide the moral justification of norms and help them to be infused within state and social systems. Universality also provides the legitimacy of the use of normative power by its actors across the globe. As the world is changing, therefore, more norms will be created and due to the increased interdependency and connectivity, the necessity of norms will also increase. At the same time without legal binding, norms provide greater flexibility in states’ actions. Therefore, instead of entering into legal binding, states will attach more importance to norms and normative power in the twenty-first century.

How China Sees the World: Han-Centrism and the Balance of Power in International Politics

How China Sees the World: Han-Centrism and the Balance of Power in International Politics

Ambiguous power? A relational approach to how the EU exercises power in Morocco and Tunisia

This article addresses the question of how the EU exercises power in international politics and, in particular, whether or not there is anything distinctive about the ways in which it does so. Taking a relational approach to power, where the focus is on practical knowledge and perceptions of self and other, the paper departs from the assumption that such a question has to be evaluated in specific settings. Extrapolating from the EU’s attempt to influence outcomes in Tunisia and Morocco following the Arab Spring, this paper proposes that the power of ambiguity captures some of the distinctiveness of the EU as a global actor. The paper highlights the ambiguity of what the EU is in the eyes of others, which opens up avenues for exercising power that others lack, not necessarily in accordance with a well-defined agenda, but understood as the production of effects in delimited settings.

Philosophical grounds of the of normative power in international politics within the example of the european union

Philosophical grounds of the of normative power in international politics within the example of the european union

Brazil Is Not (Perceived as) a Serious Country: Exposing Gaps between the External Images and the International Ambitions of the Nation


 
 
 This paper analyses international perceptions about Brazil and shows that there is a gap between the images of the nation to the rest of the world and the country’s historic aspirations to be a relevant player in global affairs. By discussing these perceptions, this article brings the study of nation branding closer to the debate of international relations constructivist theories, arguing that images do matter. It analyses secondary data about Brazil from ten different brand surveys, then discusses what it means to be a “serious country” and how that is related to foreign perceptions about the nation. The idea of Brazil as one the "coolest" nations in the world could be considered positive in terms of nation branding, but it may be in contrast with the historic foreign policy agenda of an ambitious nation that tries to project itself as an emerging power in international politics. Being “cool” is often associated with being a nation of parties and fun, which reinforces the frequent description that Brazil “is not a serious country”.