Dimension Of International Politics Research Articles

Political Socialization of Soviet Schoolchildren as Part of Children's Public Diplomacy: International Visits

The article describes the concept of political socialization of Soviet schoolchildren based on children's public diplomacy in 1982–1986. The authors concentrated on the international visits made by Samantha Smith and Yekaterina Lychyova. The research did not involve other factors of political socialization, e.g., weekly political information, fundraising events for the starving children of Africa and Nicaragua, foreign pen-palls, etc. These international visits provided valuable practical experience of interaction between Soviet and foreign children. Children's diplomacy is a relatively new phenomenon for Russian historiography, and the authors attempted to define its theoretical and symbolic meaning. The ideology-affected political socialization transformed children's everyday life, depriving it of the freedom of choice and opportunities. The analysis of children's diplomacy with its potential opportunities and shortcomings made it possible to determine the bottlenecks of political socialization. It revealed the tension between the public and private dimensions of international politics and actualized the factor of transnational activity in the development of bilateral Soviet-American relations. The research relied on the personal experience of those children, their memories, memoirs of their contemporaries, media publications, etc. The project of children's diplomacy failed because it deviated from its original scenario. Every time the process was out of direct control of political elites, children’s psychology and behavior interfered with the plan.

Caught in the Middle? Middle Powers amid U.S.-China Competition

executive summary: This essay provides an overview of this special issue, which seeks to better understand middle-power thinking and strategies in coping with the escalating competition between the U.S. and China. main argument Competition is now the primary format of U.S.-China relations, spanning key dimensions of international politics. The pressures radiating from this structural shift have led Indo-Pacific states to calibrate their policies to this new geostrategic circumstance. This special issue focuses on the responses of a category of regional states understood as middle powers. How have regional middle powers adapted to the intensifying U.S.-China rivalry? What are the considerations and drivers that inform their coping strategies? To address these salient, policy-relevant questions, this special issue spotlights six Indo-Pacific middle powers—namely, Australia, South Korea, Indonesia, Vietnam, Thailand, and Pakistan—and unpacks their logic and ways of navigating the complexities of the Sino-U.S. rivalry. The insights derived in this issue contribute to broader policy thinking on the evolving choices of middle powers and are instructive for the strategic policies of other regional states in an era of great-power competition. policy implications • Amid the growing U.S.-China contest, regional middle powers perceive a narrowing strategic space for maneuverability. • This reduced strategic space does not equate to decreasing strategic autonomy, however. Regional middle powers retain considerable agency to mold their own paths and that of the broader strategic environment, including developing options to mitigate any fallout from the Sino-U.S. rivalry. • A considerable degree of this middle-power agency is animated by elite calculations of the respective domestic interests at stake. • Strategic ambiguity toward China and the U.S. remains the dominant policy preference of most middle powers probed in this issue.

Reflections on globalization processes in geopolitical thought since the second half of the 20th century

Research background: Geopolitical thought at the turn of the 19th and 20th centuries was among the first to accentuate a global dimension of international politics. It stagnated in the context of WWII, however, the adoption of geopolitical approaches in U.S. foreign policy concepts contributed to its revival during the Cold War and its rapid development in the 1990s because of the need to address the changes in the power-political and spatial-political structures of the world. The relationship between geopolitical thought and globalization, however, remains controversial. In academic literature, geopolitics and globalization are perceived either as compatible or as incompatible phenomena. Purpose of the article: The paper aims to outline how geopolitical thought has reflected the development of globalization processes and how it has changed with this development since the 2nd half of the 20th century. Methods: Analytical-synthetic and historical-comparative methods are used for the study of globalization development and content analysis and comparative methods are employed to map the development of geopolitical thought and its reflection of globalization. Findings & Value added: The development, direction and consequences of globalization have been reflected in geopolitical thought mainly since the 1990s. As a result, new trends in geopolitical thought have been established; apart from the changes in the power-spatial and political-spatial structures of the world studied by classical geopolitical thought, they also reflect the relationship between global and local, an acceleration in contradictory processes in the world caused by economic, cultural, demographic, information and other factors of spatial control.

Foreword

Foreword Mark Giordano (bio) We are in the midst of the first global pandemic to occur in a hyper-connected world. Individuals have been forced to change their daily routines through social distancing, wearing masks, and observing quarantine procedures. National governments are mobilizing resources within their borders to create and distribute vaccinations, confronting the economic impacts of shutdowns, and—we hope—addressing the uneven burdens of dislocation, disruption, and suffering. But as noted by Gro Harlem Brundtland, Norway’s first female Prime Minister, the virus cannot be successfully defeated without multilateral cooperation.1 We have international institutions to facilitate that cooperation, though their effectiveness has sometimes been undermined by national agendas unrelated to health. The clash between China and the United States over Taiwan’s status at the World Health Organization is a case in point. Vaccine development has also become a new form of national power projection, as exemplified in Russia’s reference to the Space Race in the naming of its Sputnik V vaccine.2 China’s delivery of pandemic supplies to African states is framed using phrases like the “health silk road” and with references to its Belt and Road strategy.3 Meanwhile, the United States and Europe are accused, with reason, of ignoring the shared nature of the problem through choosing to focus on their own short-term, domestic health interests. Thankfully, the cooperation news is not all negative. Scientists working on vaccines have established international linkages that The New York Times has called “a global collaboration unlike any in history.”4 After initial fears that pandemic related border closures and national restrictions on medical supply exports might mortally wound the European Union, a budget was passed that broke norms for cross-border transfers and laid the groundwork for stronger European cooperation beyond the pandemic. And when the severity of Iran’s COVID crisis became clear, the United Arab Emirates offered—and Iran accepted—medical aid.5 The extent to which state and non-state actors have worked together to defeat the pandemic and confront potential long-term consequences has prompted questions of collective responsibility. Who bears the onus for addressing problems that transcend concepts and constructs like state borders? In what ways do and should these responsibilities manifest? What lessons can we learn from the successes and failures witnessed in the age of COVID-19 that may be applied to future global problem sets? After all, COVID-19 is neither the first nor the last issue to pose such widespread challenges. The impacts of illicit trade, the spread of misinformation, the realities of climate change, and further issues will force various levels of actors to expend resources and to collaborate with one another to successfully confront these threats. The articles in this edition of the Georgetown Journal of International Affairs help us think through a range of issues related to multilateral collaboration and the pandemic, with a particular focus on topics that may be less commonly addressed in the news. These include the role of Latin America militaries in support of pandemic response efforts, the need to rethink frameworks for humanitarian governance, and the potential of technology-enabled contact tracing regimes to supplement global arms control. Through [End Page 3] engaging with these issues and innovative perspectives, the GJIA staff hopes to encourage its readers and the international affairs community to seek better solutions to global challenges and to further our collective understanding of what it means to serve our fellow citizens of the world in a time of uncertainty and change. Mark Giordano Mark Giordano is a professor of geography, the Cinco Hermanos Chair in Environment and International Affairs, Vice-Dean for Undergraduate Affairs in Georgetown University’s Walsh School of Foreign Service, and the faculty advisor for GJIA, a role he assumed in the fall of 2019. His research focuses primarily on the international political dimensions of water, agriculture, and the environment. He teaches classes on those and other topics, including the (in)famous Map of the Modern World. Notes 1. Gro Harlem Brundtland, “COVID-19’s threat to our global civilisation and the need for collective responsibility,” The Elders, April 11, 2020, https://theelders.org/news/covid-19s-threat-our-global...

RFE/RL Broadcasting and West German Society: Caught between Nature Protection Activism and Anti-Americanism

This article contributes to the historiography of two separate topics that became intertwined in the final decade of the Cold War: wildlife protection activism and Cold War broadcasting. The article explains how the activities of Radio Free Europe (RFE), a U.S.-funded radio station based in the Federal Republic of Germany (FRG) that transmitted shortwave broadcasts to five Soviet-bloc countries, throw into sharp relief the fine line between the advantages of radio technologies and their pitfalls. The article focuses on a protracted conflict between RFE and the FRG's bird protection activists in the 1980s and early 1990s. Some U.S. officials viewed the fight over the station's superior “killer technologies” as reflecting anti-Americanism during Ronald Reagan's presidency, but West German officials saw it more as an outgrowth of the species protection movement that had recently become a part of the FRG's political mainstream. The article highlights the complex social and international political dimensions of the dispute.

Everything You Always Wanted to Know about Sex (in IR) But were Afraid to Ask: The ‘Queer Turn’ in International Relations

Queer International Relations’ momentum in the past four years has made it inconceivable for disciplinary IR to make it ‘appear as if there is no Queer International Theory’. The ‘queer turn’ has given rise to vibrant research programmes across IR subfields. Queer research is not only not a frivolous distraction from the ‘hard’ issues of IR, but queer analytics crack open for investigation fundamental dimensions of international politics that have hitherto been missed, misunderstood or trivialised by mainstream and critical approaches to IR. As queer research is making significant inroads into IR theorising, a fault line has emerged in IR scholarship on sexuality and queerness. Reflecting the tensions between Lesbian, Gay, Bisexual and Transgender (LGBT) Studies and Queer Theory in the academy more broadly, the IR literature on (homo)sexuality largely coalesces into two distinct approaches: LGBT and Queer approaches. The article will lay out the basic tenets of Queer Theory and discuss how it diverges from LGBT Studies. The article then turns to the books under review and focuses on the ways in which they take up the most prominent issue in contemporary debates in Queer Theory: the increasing inclusion of LGBT people into international human rights regimes and liberal states and markets. The article finishes with a brief reflection on citation practices, queer methodologies and the ethics of queer research.

An Inquiry into the Moral and Religious Dimensions of International Politics: the Thought and Contribution of Rui Barbosa

The purpose of this paper is to introduce the thought of Brazilian statesman Rui Barbosa (1849–1923) on foreign policy and international relations from the vantage point of doctrinal reflection. In recent years, scholars have thoroughly sought to find the existence of a distinct Brazilian national thinking, building on the premise that there is no great diplomacy without a consistent foreign policy perspective. Thus, it would be mandatory to search for ideas and reflections that had assisted the foreign policy construction of the country, considered by many as well succeeded in most respects. In this context, the paper seeks to identify the possible foundations of Rui Barbosa’s vision on foreign policy and international relations, which is highlighted by a strong moral and religious foundation and settled on his contemporary conceptions on the pursuit of international peace.

Ukraine between Russia and the European Union: Triangle Revisited

Ukraine has long been considered as a bone of contention between the EU and Russia which could eventually lead to a geographical split of the country. This interpretation, however, fails to explain the dynamic of the Ukrainian revolution and Russian–Ukrainian war. To address the deadlock in understanding the mixed dynamics of the situation in Ukraine, the article argues that the relations in the EU–Ukraine–Russia triangle are affected by the combination of choices that the Ukrainian political class, business elites and broader society make in four major dimensions: internal political practices; economic dimension; a dimension of international politics; and an ideological dimension.

Comparing International Dimensions of Revolutionary Situations: The cases of Egypt 2011 and Turkey 2013

This paper will look at the lessons we can draw from recent uprisings in the Middle East with regard to the theories of revolutions. Within the wider theoretical debate of the causes, processes and outcomes of revolutions the paper will focus on the international political dimensions of the revolutionary situations as distinct from the revolutionary outcomes. The article will disentangle and conceptualize the international politics surrounding these revolutionary situations. The paper will propose a framework of analysis of international politics in revolutionary situations by drawing not only on the Egyptian Uprising but also on the Gezi Uprising in Turkey in the same region. We argue that the role of the international should be neither downplayed nor exaggerated at the expense of domestic agency, and we need to combine structural and agential elements as we build a conjunctional understanding of international factors in revolutionary situations. In studying a region where the involvement of international factors during periods of domestic political change is complex, we need the same complexity in our frameworks of analysis and such frameworks will contribute to comparative studies of revolutionary situations.

Toward an Integrated Theory of Emotions/Passions, Values and Rights in International Politics

AbstractThis article focuses on the relationship between emotions and passions, on the one hand, and values, needs and rights, on the other. This relationship is indeed central to the social dimension of international politics. In this perspective, the article examines how emotions and passions can be at the same time effects and causes of the extent to which actors feel that their needs and rights are fulfilled or not. In the process, the article also explores the negative and positive features of emotions and passions, and their impact on the nature and dynamics of change in international affairs. Beyond this general approach to emotions and passions in connection with the social dimension of international politics and the questions of values, needs, and rights of actors and change, it concludes with the idea that there is also a contextual dimension to the generic argument developed in the article. This will have to be factored in for future research on case studies.

“Managing from the Top”: Globalisation and the Rise of Regular Summitry, Mid-1970s–early 1980s

Regular meetings of heads of state and government seem, in 2012, a common feature of international affairs. About forty years ago, however, such meetings did not really exist: ad hoc summits were the rule. Comparing the emergence of the European Council in 1974 and the G7 in 1975, this article explains why and how summitry has become routine in international politics. To do so, it examines the common roots of both summits, points out the first differences between the two institutions, and, finally, underlines the common challenges they faced and the logic they shared. Taken together, these three parts underline how, despite their obvious differences, the European Council and the G7 created a new dimension of international politics.

On the “Construction” of Knowledge and the Knowledge of “Construction”

Since its arrival in IR about 20 years ago, the idea of “the social construction of reality” has firmly established itself in the discipline. While acknowledging that not everything was socially constructed “including, say, the taste of honey and the planet Mars” (Hacking 1999:25), the scholarly notion that “the social” is at the core of the (re-)production of order took center stage. With it, numerous innovative concepts like norms, ideas, and identities officially entered into our vocabulary along with the promise to enable a better study of “the political.” Yet, unfortunately, rather than embarking on new theoretical or empirical avenues, many scholars merely “poured the newly emerging patterns of thought into the old framework” (Wight 2002:40) and stalled any processual dimension inherent in the new vocabulary. The concept of knowledge has been repeatedly at the receiving end of this dilemma. Quite frequently borrowed from phenomenologically primed sociologists and usual suspects for the legitimization of the constructivist turn, Peter Berger and Thomas Luckmann, the concept of knowledge features prominently as one access point to the study of the social dimension of international politics. To be sure, the upside of the turn with regards to this concept was the definite end to any rationalist illusions about “true knowledge.” Instead, today, knowledge can be understood in an undogmatic fashion “as the certainty that phenomena are real and that they possess specific characteristics” (Berger and Luckmann 1966:1). In fact, such a minimalist vantage point makes way for the rather fundamental question of “Who believes which knowledge to be true?” Knowledge thus becomes contingent on truth claims. Our attention is shifted to the social character and hence the social determination of knowledge. We can then understand knowledge as socially relevant, objectified, and distributed meaning. In other words, what is real is defined in the communities …

Respect and disrespect in international politics: the significance of status recognition

In our daily lives few things are as important to us as being treated with respect. Yet in International Relations (IR), we regularly assume that actors follow just their material interests or the social norms appropriate for their identity, without caring if the treatment they get matches their own sense of importance and worth. Drawing mostly on insights from moral philosophy and social psychology this article argues that even in international relations social respect can be a significant goal, both for instrumental reasons and as an end in itself. In fact, as long as we ignore this dimension of international politics we will be unable to fully explain major features, specifically the intensity and duration of many cross-border conflicts. To show the perspectives which systematic research on respect may open for IR, this article presents a theoretical overview of the chief factors that shape the reactions to respectful or disrespectful behavior.

Duties beyond Borders

Duties Beyond BordersA via media approach to morality in international politics?Is there a place for moral and ethical action in international politics? And if yes, what is the proper scope and place of those concerns in the making of states' foreign policy? What are the obstacles and possibilities for the realization of ethical foreign policy? Where do ethical concerns stem from, i.e., what is their origin? What are the target and agency of an ethical foreign policy? In his now-classical Duties Beyond Borders - the 1982 winner of Le Prix Adolphe Bentick for its contribution to the unity and cause of peace in Europe - Stanley Hoffmann gives an affirmative answer to the first question and elaborates on the others.1 Though he is driven by a staunch commitment to liberal values and the advancement of moral cause in international affairs, Hoffmann is sharply aware of the reality of international life characterized by power politics. Thus, in his endeavour to open up space for morality in the game of politics, he lays out a moral politics, paying attention to pragmatic and realist constraints in international affairs. In elaborating his notion of an ethical foreign policy, Hoffmann gives us important clues about his understanding of international relations, especiaUy insofar as world society, its basic features, and the role of the states and individuals within that society are concerned. It is upon those latter aspects that this article intends primarily to focus.THE BOOK IN CONTEXT: MORALITY AND INTERNATIONAL RELATIONSIn Duties beyond Borders, consisting of five lectures delivered at Syracuse University, Hoffmann takes on an age-old controversy, the place of morality in international politics. Although traditional Machia veUian statecraft did not place ethical concerns high on the agenda of international politics, there existed a stream of thought that gave priority to advancing nonmaterial aspects of international relations - for example, the just war tradition or the Kantian project of cosmopolitanism. Yet the burgeoning discipline of international relations in the post- Second World War period pushed those considerations to the margins ofthe academic study of world politics. Above all, realism, the dominant paradigm of postwar international relations, defined itself vis-a-vis the moralism, or idealism, of the interwar period, which was blamed for causing the calamities of a great war. Second, the methodological debates within the discipline, which ended with the triumph of a scientific or behaviouralist approach over a traditionalist one, contributed to the isolation of international politics from the contaminating effects of moralism. Indeed, it proved to be rather difficult to study elusive moral issues with scientific rigour in a positivistic research agenda. Moreover, a strict commitment to MachiaveUian ethics, with its heavy emphasis on the primacy ofthe state, the survival ofthe state, and advancing states' interests, complemented the tendency to exclude ethical dimensions of international politics. In an age of superpowers equipped with nuclear weapons, how could one dare pursue any moral end other than the survival ofthe nation? Even the (neo)liberal institutionalist theories that mounted the major challenge against mainstream realism by emphasizing the cooperative and non-power aspects of international relations could not escape this tendency. Not only did they construct their theories by mirroring (neo)realist assumptions on the nature of international politics within a positivist paradigm, but they also took great pains to emphasize that their notion of cooperation was not based on assumptions about normative motivations on the part of the states, but rather convergence ofthe common interests of essentiaUy selfish actors.2However, on the fringes of mainstream international relations, attention was paid to the ethical dimensions of foreign policy. Traditionalist international relations scholars were mostly concerned with the place and nature of morality in international politics. …

The Prominence of Historical Demarcations: Westphalia and the New World Order

It came as no surprise that interest in the temporal dimension of international politics was on the rise at the turn of the millennium. Of no less importance is the prospect for a “historical turn” in international relations theory. This paper attempts to clarify the relationship between historical demarcation and international understanding of epochal change, and the transformation of world order. Two momentous historical demarcations are examined: the Peace of Westphalia, and the New World Order. The paper offers two propositions. First, that the year 1648 remains the most appropriate historical moment to demarcate the beginning of the Westphalian order, and that the attempt to push the historical demarcation to either the late Renaissance, or the nineteenth century, is theoretically and historically counterproductive. Secondly, that the New World Order of 1989–1992 is only the beginning of a transitory period in history with no conclusive shape or substance, and that the term post-Westphalian order is premature.

Jews and Human Rights: Dancing at Three Weddings (review)

Reviewed by: Jews and Human Rights: Dancing at Three Weddings Andrew J. Falk (bio) Jews and Human Rights: Dancing at Three Weddings. By Michael Galchinsky. Lanham, MD: Rowman & Littlefield, 2008. x + 256 pp. A rich American Jewish historiography has developed over the past thirty years, one that has detailed the construction of ethnic communities [End Page 232] and identities. Yet, as historians Hasia Diner and Tony Michels have written recently, scholars should focus more attention on the international political dimensions of the Jewish experience.1 More studies are needed that take what we know of complex transnational Jewish identities and examine their rich relations with the state, including intergovernmental organizations such as the United Nations. In Dancing at Three Weddings, Michael Galchinsky marries the two. The "three weddings" refer to Jews who "dance" in the worlds of nationalism, internationalism, and pluralism. In other words, modern American Jews are citizens of the world, citizens of multicultural America, and "imagined" citizens of Israel. These overlapping loyalties have influenced how Jews in general have approached human rights. After the Holocaust a generation of determined Jews blended many commitments: to core religious values such as tikkun olam, to international human rights, to Israeli nationalism, to American-style pluralism, and to an acute interest in self-preservation. The result was a clear mission and a desire to help draft the Universal Declaration of Human Rights at the new United Nations, to create the state of Israel, to promote domestic civil rights, and to detect genocide around the globe. Whether acting because of, or in spite of, the absence of government intervention, activists filled a much needed void as advocates for victims. While many traditional histories examine genocide in graphic detail, Galchinsky's contribution is a catalog of the motivations and responses by a diverse community of Jews to deal with postwar tragedies. The story is not as heroic as one might think. The author argues that transnational Jewish activism in the area of international human rights has waned in the past half-century, and attributes the decline to these competing worlds of Jewish identity. Jewish nongovernmental organizations, for instance, devoted fewer resources to support their human rights initiatives. Meanwhile, Israeli Jews have become more active as lines blurred between human rights and state security with respect to United Nations resolutions, refuseniks in the former Soviet republics, and Israeli state actions in Palestinian-populated territories. Israel's vulnerable reputation before the UN contributed to its unwillingness, some might say inability, to respond. In several cases, as Galchinsky points out, a coalition of government officials, informal organizations, and individuals produced mixed results in their rescue and relief operations. This has been especially true when Jews responded late and inadequately to genocide perpetrated against non-Jewish victims. [End Page 233] Rather than looking at a particular NGO in a discrete period of time or place, the author is able to draw general conclusions. Readers undoubtedly will agree with the author when he writes that "this study makes no claim to comprehensiveness" (167). He prefers to rely on case examples of Russian Jews, non-Jews, Israeli Jews, and others to make his point. The book's organization is, therefore, thematic. For such an expansive topic, the author handles the details well and relies on many relevant sources, including UN resolutions, court decisions, treaties and international agreements, a series of personal interviews, and even the Torah. He also engages much of the existing literature, though some readers may conclude that more could have been done in this regard. For example, the author makes little use of correspondence, memoranda, and other documents from government collections and from NGOs relative to the extensive scope of the work. Readers familiar with the history may be reminded of other specific organizations and individuals not mentioned here. A number of prior studies could have been consulted. On the other hand, the broad view is part of the book's appeal, and it is accessible to a variety of audiences. Another drawback is in methodology. Though the author explains that "the book's main aim is largely historical rather than theoretical," some readers may be frustrated by its resistance to historical methods of organization and analysis...

The Making of Nagorno-Karabagh: from secession to republic

Preface Notes on the Contributors Map Introduction L.Chorbaijian A People's Will: Armenian Irredentism over Nagorno-Karabagh L.Papazian The Anguish of Karabagh: Pages from the Diary of Aramais (Misak Ter-Danielyan) 26 April-26 July 1919 R.Krikorian Civic Society Born in the Square: The Karabagh Movement in Perspective L.H.Abrahamian 'We Are Our Mountains': Nation-as-Nature in the Armenian Struggle for Self-Determination, Nagorno-Karabagh J.A.Kasparian The Diaspora and the Karabagh Movement: Opposition Politics between the Armenian Revolutionary Federation and the Armenian National Movement R.Panossian Betrayed Promises of the Karabagh Movement: A Balance Sheet M.Melkonian Possible Solutions to the Nagorno-Karabagh Problem: A Strategic Perspective A.Aivazian Nagorno-Karabagh: International Political Dimensions R.Giragosian Index

Morocco and the Western Sahara

This article offers a detailed summary of the stages of the war that has been waged since the end of Spanish colonial rule in Western Sahara. It documents the forms of struggle used by the Polisario Front in its efforts to end the enforced division of Western Sahara between Morocco and Mauretania in 1976, and, after 1979, the efforts of Morocco to incorporate the territory. It also offers a summary of the international political dimensions of the struggle — the diplomatic and military aid Morocco receives from the West, especially the USA, and the support of some OAU members and in the UN for the rights of self‐determination of the Saharan people. It concludes with an assessment of the impact of the war on Moroccan politics, society and economy.

Cuba en la conferencia de Montevideo

The Seventh Pan-American Conference in Montevideo (VII Conferencia Panamericana de Montevideo) held in December of 1933 was the first manifestation of new a political line of the Cuban government led by Grau San Martín. The Conference took place just a few months after the Revolution of 1933 which overthrew Gerardo Machado's dictatorship. The previous Pan-American conference was held in Havana and not all Latin American countries recognized the previous Cuban government. Similarly, the new Cuban government was not fully acknowledged at the time. Another important dimension of international politics lied in the complex and tense relations with the United States.

The Styles of American International Thought: Mahan, Bryan, and Lippmann

Because of heightened involvement of the United States in world affairs during the period between the Spanish-American War and World War I, American political thought expanded to include the dimension of international politics. In the process three different styles of thought emerged. Each style was equipped with its characteristic view of the nature of international politics, the nature and role of war, views of human nature, a method of social and political analysis, and proposals for dealing with the problems of world politics.