International Policy Cooperation Research Articles

International Division of Labour or Closer Co-operation?: A look at ASEAN-EC economic relations

Until the late 1970s the theory of international economic policy co-operation was not well devel oped. As Pelkmans (1979, p. 97) aptly remarked: economic theory there is a great discrepancy between the sophisticated analysis of interna tional markets and the scanty treatment of the internationalization of policy. Recently, this lack of analysis has generally been felt quite seriously in the rather embarrassing discussions concerning the drift of world economic affairs in the transition from the old to some new inter national economic order. To start with, an interpretation of the vague term co-operation as any common action aimed at improving a working (Pelkmans) has the (debatable) advantage of including both policies aimed at extending and protecting the successfully established liberal system of inter national trade and policies for closer co operation transcending the free trade international division of labour approach. The first mode of co-operation is by no means positively correlated to the degree of interde pendence of the world economy. Increasing international division of labour ? in particular of the horizontal, substitutive kind ? apparently does not guarantee closer international co operation. Rather, experience tells us that co operation and international solidarity are jeop ardized: trade and investment wars are not merely a threat any longer; calls for fair ? instead of free ? trade are on the agenda; and the tide of new protection has been coming in. Consequently, aspects of international solidarity in the context of different trade patterns and the call for so-called positive policies have to be taken into consideration. That will be done in the next section. Closer co-operation, however, could also be understood from a different, more unilateral perspective, that is, that of the largest trading partner of the world economy, the European Community (EC). Although fundamentally part of the multilateral liberal system, the EC has gradually created a kind of superstructure. Regarding the North-South division of labour, a policy of closer co-operation via preferences and special relationships has evolved. The extension of this system and the methods of operation within the world economy raise specific problems to be analysed in the subsequent section. There is naturally some discrepancy between both strategies of international co-operation distinguished here. Closer analysis of the new co-operative relationship between ASEAN and the EC, however, brings to light an additional element, namely the common concern of the Trilaterals (Japan, USA, EC) in the region. In the presence of the existing and potential tough competition of its trilateral allies, the question

Can international monetary policy cooperation be counterproductive?

This paper demonstrates that increased international monetary cooperation may actually be counterproductive. The potential problem is that cooperation between central banks may exacerbate the credibility problem of central banks vis-à-vis the private sector. Coordinated monetary expansion yields a better output/inflation trade-off than unilateral expansion because it does not induce exchange rate depreciation. Wage setters realize that the incentives to inflate are greater in a cooperative regime, and thus time-consistent nominal wage rates are higher. Cooperation does improve responses to disturbances. Thus, a cooperative regime which contains institutional constraints on systematic inflation is definitely superior.

The Sino-British Rapprochement, 1927–1931

The year 1927 marked the beginning of a new Anglo-Chinese relationship. The Northern Expedition had split the Nationalist camp into the Nanjing and the Wuhan régimes, both of which conducted a savage purge, one after the other, against the Communists. Especially the Nanjing régime, which ultimately triumphed over Wuhan, wrought a significant change in Guomindang foreign policy. In line with the purge against the Communists, and with the rise to power of the right wing and the military faction, the Guomindang abandoned mass movements and eschewed mob violence as far as possible as a means of achieving foreign policy objectives. Indeed, as it reviewed its position on anti-imperialism which had been an important element in the revolutionary movement during the period 1924–26, the Party reverted to a policy of international co-operation as an essential part of China's self-strengthening and reconstruction, and sought a peaceful solution to the decades-old question of treaty revision. This change is well illustrated by China's new relationship with Great Britain, which, in December 1926, had announced a new, conciliatory policy towards China after having for years been one of the chief targets of Chinese nationalism.

Cooperação Sul-Sul Brasil África: Mais do Mesmo ou Mudanças de Paradigmas?

A África é grande receptora de programas de cooperação internacional, estes em sua grande maioria na modalidade de ajuda internacional. Essa cooperação prestada ao continente, contudo, foi alvo de críticas por conta da assimetria de poderes estabelecida entre os países contratantes na execução dos programas. Em resposta a este cenário, se observou um movimento de alinhamento entre os países africanos com demais países em desenvolvimento, em busca de maior horizontalidade nas parcerias para a cooperação internacional. Neste sentido, a Cooperação Sul – Sul, pautada em preceitos como as relações igualitárias entre os países, bem como a soberania e solidariedade internacionais, surge como uma alternativa aos projetos firmados em uma lógica Norte-Sul. Essa lógica de equidade nas relações entre os países além orientar a política brasileira de cooperação internacional para a África, tem sido também uma interessante ferramenta de inserção internacional do país.Este artigo tem como objetivo analisar evolução da cooperação internacional para o desenvolvimento prestada pelo governo brasileiro aos países africanos entre (1964 – 2010), comparando o grau de “horizontalidade” desta cooperação em comparação à prestada por países desenvolvidos.

Factors Influencing Curriculum Development

The international situation has influenced the curriculum. The Educational Policies Commission (47) advised that the regular school program must be expanded to include types of experiences useful in preparation for military life for those youth who have yet to go into the service. The Federal Civil Defense Administration (17) developed standard curriculums for use in schools, while the strategic position occupied by schools in the national security program was portrayed by Sanford, Hand, and Spalding (59). A survey of more than 4000 school systems made by the NEA Research Division (46) found that the mobilization and defense efforts have produced numerous changes and adjustments in the curriculum of the public schools. They were: (a) increased tempo of curriculum revision; (b) more emphasis on vocational work; (c) marked increase in programs of physical education; (d) increased emphasis on social studies; and (e) expansion of training in first aid and safety, science, commercial offerings, and home economics. The Educational Policies Commission (48) recommended that education for citizenship provide pupils with an opportunity to learn why the United States is following a policy of international cooperation and to gain understanding of UNESCO and other United Nations agencies. But implementation of this proposal met opposition (5). National problems, such as the high accident rate, the monetary policy, and tensions between social groups, have led to attempts to influence the school curriculum. Stanley (64) noted the efforts of organized interest groups to secure change in the policies of public education which would promote their conception of public welfare, and the diverse and often conflicting nature of the demands of those groups. The impact of social conditions may be observed in the study by Graves (22). He found in his study of 10 years of change in secondary education that additions in social studies revealed increased emphasis on human relations, the world picture, and contemporary problems, as well as a realistic approach to family life education. Two yearbooks (6, 42) contended

Japan Without Germany

IURING the past few months a strangely ominous cloud (that is, by contrast to last summer) has risen over the Far Eastern horizon: the moderation comported into Japan's foreign policy by the new Cabinet under General Nobuyuki Abe. Reasons for this sleight-of-hand change of front have never been openly and candidly avowed and discussed over the wireless telephone exchanges from Tokyo; they have their embarrassing aspects. In dark corners it has been secretly whispered that reasons do exist, and that they are to be ultimately located in two successive shocks: minor, from Washington (denunciation of a trade treaty); major, from Moscow (signing of a non-aggression pact). Be that as it may, the fact of the change itself cannot be disputed, and since September last it has affected the diplomacy of all the interested Far Eastern powers. Within this brief time it has become a factor of prime significance in the development of events in eastern Asia. Assessment of its objectives and possible effects is the more necessary because of the connotations of moderation as applied to Japan's foreign policy. Historically, the term harks back to the period symbolized by the name of Baron Shidehara when Japan was pursuing a policy of international cooperation, not excluding its relations with China. Today it wears quite a different aspect. It suggests that an opportunity has opened up for the various powers to compose their current differences with Japan, and thus contribute to inauguration of a more peaceful era in the Far East. The truce to Soviet-Japanese hostilities on Manchukuo's western border effected in mid-September was the first conspicuous result of Japan's newly adopted policy. In this case, it was simply a matter of calling off a serious misadventure by the Japanese army, the outcome of which already constituted a minor military disaster. Tokyo realized that the Soviet Union would not give up its help to China -nor alter a policy under which it had virtually stopped trading