Internally-headed Relative Clauses Research Articles

Movement and interpretation of quantifiers in internally-headed relative clauses

This paper addresses the semantic typology of internally-headed relative clauses using a case study of two West African languages, Atchan (Kwa) and Bùlì (Gur). Both languages exhibit syntactically-similar relatives, involving overt movement of the head. However, quantifiers on the head are interpreted differently in the two languages. In Atchan, quantifiers on the relative-clause head take the entire relative clause as their restriction; in Bùlì, quantifiers on the head take only the head noun as their restriction. I propose that the former is interpreted via NP reconstruction and Trace Conversion, the latter via DP reconstruction. The empirical difference between these two languages motivates a revision to the typology developed by Grosu (2012), which tightly links head movement and the Atchan-like quantifier interpretation pattern. This work further supports a a modular view in which languages can adopt different strategies to interpret movement-involving structures.

한국어 내핵 관계절의 존재에 대한 증거와 비증거

This paper reviews and critically discusses some widely believed but not entirely evidenced arguments for the so-called Internally-Headed Relative Clauses (IHRCs) in Korean. We deal with two highly controversial issues: the definition issue and the validation issue of the most believed grammatical peculiarities of IHRCs in Korean. We first deal with the previous attempts to define IHRCs in Korean, showing that they fail to differentiate IHRCs from other relative clauses. Furthermore, we show that, contrary to the definition of the relative clauses, IHRCs are neither subordinate clauses nor nominalized sentences in Korean. In addition, we show that the overtness of the pivot element cannot be maintained. We then critically discuss the issue of whether the mostly assumed grammatical peculiarities of the Korean IHRCs get empirically supported by a set of new data. Finally, we dispute widely assumed properties of IHRCs in Korean such as gaplessness, unbounded dependencies, the identity of truth-conditional meaning between IHRCs and Externally-Headed Relative Clauses (EHRCs), and non-restrictive interpretation with maximality effects. .

Internally-headed and doubly-headed relatives in Japanese -- How are they related to each other?

Grosu & Hoshi (2019:20), in their rejoinder to Kitagawa (2019), propose that apparent violations of island constraints in the so-called internally-headed relative clauses are accounted for by considering them as reduced doubly-headed relative clauses. This paper shows that this claim by Grosu and Hoshi is not empirically sustainable, and further that it misses the discourse function of doubly-headed relative clauses. A discussion of gapless light-headed externally-headed relative clauses is also presented so as to identify how this construction type interrelates with internally-headed relative clauses and doubly-headed relative clauses.

Korean internally-headed relative clauses: Encoding strategy and semantic relevance

ABSTRACT This study explores semantic relevance between internally-headed relative clauses (RCs) and main clauses in Korean, and argues that semantic relevance is caused by the encoding strategy of an internally-headed RC, which is shared by perception-verb complements. An internally-headed RC is distinguished from a gap RC in that the head noun appears in the RC as a full noun. Previous studies have argued that, along with the difference in the position of the head noun, semantic relevance is also required for an internally-headed RC. After showing that descriptions of semantic relevance in previous studies have explanatory limitations, we re-examine semantic relevance by focusing on the encoding strategy of internally-headed RCs, which is shared by complement clauses. The findings show that semantic relevance is required for internally-headed RCs that formally resemble perception-verb complements. After defining semantic relevance as describing a temporary state and as representing causal, temporal and concessive meanings, we explain the former with a perception requirement and the latter with a ‘perception–reaction’ relation between an internally-headed RC and a main clause.

The Syntax and Semantics of Relative Clauses in Kusaal

This paper looks at the syntax and semantics of relative clause constructions in Kusaal, a Mabia (Gur) language spoken in the Upper East Region of Ghana. Although extensive work has been done on sister Mabia languages on this topic, little can be said of same in relation to Kusaal. This paper presents a comprehensive discussion on the various elements, functions, and formations of Kusaal relative clauses and, among other things, shows that the language has both in-situ internally-headed relative clauses and left-headed internally-headed relative clauses (Hiraiwa et al. 2017). This is carried out with data collected on fieldwork, in addition to the author’s own native speaker intuitions.

Japanese internally-headed and doubly-headed relative constructions, and a comparison of two approaches

This paper pursues two inter-related goals. One goal is to compare the (de)merits of two approaches to the syntax-semantics of Japanese internally-headed relative clauses (IHRCs), one developed by Alexander Grosu, Koji Hoshi, and Fred Landman in a number of earlier studies, and one proposed by Kitagawa (2019), with respect to the following issues: [i] the status of the relative clause (non-restrictive or predicate-denoting?); [ii] the status of island-constraints (absolute or subject to cross-idiolectal variation?); and [iii] the infelicitous status of IHRCs with referential IHs (absolute or subject to cross-idiolectal variation?). The paper argues: [a] that the relative clause of an IHRC is predicate-denoting, and [b] that the cross-linguistic variation observed in relation to island-constraints and the (in)felicity of IHRCs with referential IHs is due to the existence of an alternative parse for prima facie IHRCs with referential IHs, in particular, as a special variety of doubly-headed relative constructions (DHRCs). The second goal, which grows out of the need to construct the supporting argumentation for [b], is to establish which properties of DHRCs are shared by IHRCs and which are not, and to construct an explicit compositional analysis of DHRCs that captures this state of affairs. To the best of our knowledge, a compositional analysis of JapaneseDHRCs has never been attempted in the earlier literature.

Internally-Headed Relative Clauses in Hakha Chin

Hakha Chin, an underdocumented Tibeto-Burman language, is reported to have internally-headed relative clauses (IHRCs), a typologically rare syntactic structure in which the head noun phrase surfaces within the relative clause itself. The current study provides new data and novel observations which bear on several outstanding questions about IHRCs in this language: 1) Relativization of locative and instrumental adjuncts in IHRCs is avoided. 2) Conflicting stem allomorph requirements of negation and relativization of non-subjects give rise to optionality in stem choice when the two are brought together in an IHRC. 3) To relativize an indirect object, an IHRC is either avoided altogether, or the noun phrase is fronted to the absolute left-most position in the embedded clause. 4) Relativization of NPs with a human referent in an IHRC exhibit relativizer gender agreement, which has not been previously reported for this clause type in Hakha Chin.

On the Inverse Trace Conversion and maximal informativeness analysis of Japanese internally-headed relative clauses: A reply to Erlewine and Gould 2016

In this response to Erlewine & Gould (2016), we argue that an account of internally-headed relative clauses using Inverse Trace Conversion and the maximal informativeness semantics for definites of von Fintel et al. (2014) does not derive the observed interpretations when the internal head is quantified by certain downward entailing quantifiers and derives no interpretation at all for non-monotonic and some upward entailing quantifiers. We then argue that the cases that Erlewine & Gould (2016) claim to be a newly identified interpretation of internally-headed relatives are actually headless relatives.

Navajo in the typology of internally-headed relatives

This paper considers the semantics of Navajo internally-headed relative clauses (IHRCs) with quantified heads. The results of storyboard-based fieldwork show that when the quantifier ’ałníí’dóó ‘half’ occurs in RC-internal position, it necessarily takes RC-internal scope. This result suggests that Navajo IHRCs are amenable to analyses given to Japanese IHRCs (Hoshi 1995; Shimoyama 1999) but challenges claims by Faltz (1995) and Grosu (2012), who argue that t’áá ’ałtso ‘all’ invariably takes RC-external scope. We show that while IHRCs with t’áá ’ałtso do not have precisely the truth conditions expected for EHRCs, their truth conditions differ from what might be expected given a Shimoyama-style IHRC analysis (pace Grosu 2012). However, we consider one way to explain this behavior while maintaining surface scope for all Navajo quantifiers.

Internally and externally headed relative clauses in Tagalog

Head nominals in Tagalog relative clauses can surface in three distinct positions: preceding the clause, immediately following the embedded verb, and in argument position within the clause. This paper accounts for these possibilities by positing that the head nominal is base generated within the clause as a property-denoting NP rather than a full DP and identifying the gap position by means of complex predicate formation between this NP and the rest of the clause. If the head NP raises to [Spec, CP], it forms a complex predicate with the embedded TP in that position and is spelled out preceding the clause. If the head NP does not raise to [Spec, CP], it either remains in its base position in the embedded clause and undergoes complex predicate formation with the embedded verb in situ, or it undergoes head movement and forms a complex predicate with the embedded verb via incorporation. I also account for the distribution of linkers in Tagalog relative clauses by proposing that all unsaturated categories within a Tagalog DP are headed by linkers. Consequently, both the relative clause and the head nominal are preceded by a linker, accounting for the fact that a linker always appears between the clause and head NP, regardless of their relative order. Finally, analyzing the head nominal as an NP rather than a DP also accounts for the locality restriction in Tagalog relativization such that genitive DPs are ineligible for movement. This is prevented on my analysis by ensuring that the head NP is not merged in a position which would be assigned inherent case.This article is part of the special collection: Internally-Headed Relative Clauses

Relative clauses in Western Muskogean languages

Chickasaw and Choctaw, the two Western Muskogean languages, have several different relative clause constructions, each of which is internally headed: (1) relative clauses with final demonstratives; (2) relative clauses in which the verb is marked with the suffix -kaash; and (3) relative clauses in which the verb is marked with a form of the complement switch-reference marker ‑ka. Western Muskgean relative clauses sometimes take the marking predicted by the case system, sometimes the marking predicted by the switch-reference system, and sometimes can take either marker, with different conditions for the three different relative clauses types and for extraposed modifying clauses. This complexity, we argue, arose from syntactic change in progress.This article is part of the special collection: Internally-Headed Relative Clauses

A comparative syntax of internally-headed relative clauses in Gur

Gur (or Mabia) languages which are spoken in West Africa have so-called internally-headed relative clauses (IHRCs), but they have not received serious attention in syntactic and typological research on IHRCs. In this article, building on detailed first-hand data, we describe the syntax and semantics of IHRCs in five Gur languages: Buli, Dagaare, Dagbani, Gurene, and Kabiyé. It is demonstrated that their IHRCs refute the syntactic and semantic generalizations proposed in the literature (Gorbet 1976; Cole 1987; Grosu 2002; Watanabe 1991; 2004). We also compare IHRCs in Gur and Japanese and argue that the existing semantic typology of IHRCs must be reconsidered, showing that properties of two types of IHRCs—restrictive and maximalizing IHRCS—do not necessarily show predicated correlations.This article is part of the special collection: Internally-headed Relative Clauses

Internally-headed relative clauses in sign languages

This chapter considers relative clause data from sign languages in light of their variation with respect to basic word order, nonmanual marking, and presence/absence of internally-headed and externally-headed relative clauses. Syntactically, a double merge cartographic model (Cinque 2005a; b), following Brunelli (2011), is adopted. The differences across sign languages are suggested to result from differences in raising requirements with respect to the relative clauses themselves and with respect to their heads, rather than basic word order, use of complementizers, relative pronouns, or nominalizers, or (type of) nonmanual marking. Typologically, it is noted that several of the SVO SLs have IHRCs, that at least one SOV SL does not have IHRCs, and that three of the SLs have both internally-headed (IHRCs) and externally-headed (EHRCs) relative clauses.This article is part of the special collection: Internally-headed Relative Clauses

Externally and internally headed relative clauses in Marori

This paper discusses relative clauses (RCs) in Marori, showing that this language unusually has almost all of relative clause types, from headed/headless, externally/internally headed, single-/double-headed, to pre-/post-head, to attached/detached RCs. Special attention is given to internally headed relative clauses (IHRC). It is argued that Marori IHRCs are of the restrictive or non-maximalising type, which accounts for certain intriguing properties, such as their indefiniteness constraints and the possibility for RC stacking.

Unifying Japanese relative clauses: copy-chains and context-sensitivity

We offer a new, unified approach to the derivation and interpretation of head-external, head-internal, and heretofore understudied doubly-headed relative clauses in Japanese. Our proposal is motivated by new data on the interpretation of these different forms of relative clauses with quantificational heads, in different contexts. Head-internal and doubly-headed relative clauses are interpreted as definite descriptions with their quantificational head interpreted in their surface, relative-clause-internal positions. We show that the complex patterns of possible interpretations, as well as the shape of observed inter-speaker variation, are derived by interpreting definite descriptions using a maximal informativeness semantics and a simple assumption regarding the role of contextual information, which we call the Salient Sets Restriction . Syntactically, we propose a novel DP head-raising derivation for relative clauses that takes advantage of the Copy Theory of movement and the late-merger of relative clauses. This allows for the unification of head-internal and doubly-headed relativization strategies with the familiar head-external form, which would otherwise not be possible. We believe this approach is suitable for head-raising relative clauses in other languages as well, including English. Our proposal avoids some complications of previous head-raising derivations, instead taking advantage of independently motivated mechanisms of copy-chain resolution at LF. This article is part of the special collection: Internally-headed Relative Clauses

Japanese internally headed relatives: A hybrid analysis with Kuroda functions

This paper argues that the analysis of Japanese internally headed relatives must steer a course between the Scylla and Charybdis of reduction to externally headed relatives and reduction to discourse anaphora. The analysis given here is based on that of Grosu & Landman (2012), but the present paper reconsiders some of the central data in Grosu & Landman (2012) in the light of the diagnostic tests given in Grosu & Hoshi (2016), and argues for a simplification of the basic analysis, which actually strengthens the theory considerably. The paper then extends the analysis given with an analytic tool – a Lombardian presupposition mechanism for Kuroda functions – which allows the implementation of the Kuroda relevancy condition (Kuroda 1976–77). It is further shown how the improved analysis can provide a semantics for so-called change relatives, which were mentioned but not analyzed in Hoshi (1995) and Kim (2007). An appendix recapitulates and refines the discussion of scope phenomena in internally headed relatives from Grosu & Landman (2012).This article is part of the special collection: Internally-headed Relative Clauses

Japanese internally headed relatives: Their distinctness from potentially homophonous constructions

This paper pursues two closely inter-related goals. One goal is to clarify and systematize the ways in which each of four distinct Japanese constructions, in particular, internally headed relatives, adverbial clauses, complement clauses, and gapless externally light-headed relatives, can be distinguished from the others in cases of homophony. The other goal is to use the results obtained in the pursuit of the former goal for the purpose of refuting earlier challenges to the theses that Japanese internally headed relatives are island-sensitive, get invariably construed as definite descriptions, disallow definite referential internal heads, and exhibit a ‘change’ sub-variety that is not reducible to gapless externally light-headed relatives. The paper assumes the correctness of the analytical approach outlined in Grosu & Landman (2012), and – crucially – that of the conceptual and technical refinements to the latter proposed in Landman (2016), some of which rely on the results of this paper.This article is part of the special collection: Internally-headed Relative Clauses

A Study of the Animacy Effect on the Acquisition of Korean Internally-Headed Relative Clauses

A Study of the Animacy Effect on the Acquisition of Korean Internally-Headed Relative Clauses

A Study on the Acceptability of the Internally-Headed Relative Clauses in Korean

A Study on the Acceptability of the Internally-Headed Relative Clauses in Korean

A Note on Korean Internally Headed Relative Clauses.

A Note on Korean Internally Headed Relative Clauses.