Internal Solidarity Research Articles

Open access and the sovereign commons: A political ecology of pastoral land tenure

Conventional common property theory does not accurately depict the institutional arrangements that characterize many indigenous pastoral tenure systems in Africa and Asia, nor does it explain why these systems break down when exposed to markets and centralized government control. These theoretical anomalies are caused in large measure by the distinctive ways pastoralists regulate access to resources. The erratic and extensive nature of rangeland resources favours free movement to exploit fluctuations in resource availability and this promotes a degree of open access. In ungoverned or weakly governed areas, access is also regulated by political competition between sovereign territorial groups. External government control renders redundant the internal solidarity of these groups, which fragment rather than becoming officially sanctioned common property regimes. Market exposure exacerbates this process. The development of class interests and private property marks the emergence in these societies of the economy as a distinct sphere of social organization. Grounded in classical economic theory that presumes the prior existence of the economy, common property theory is ill equipped to comprehend this transition.

The Meaning of Donghak Thinking in the Post-Modern Period

The purpose of this paper is to study Donghak thought in relation to the idea of the current, post-modern era coming to an end. The concepts of “serving God within me” (sicheonju, 侍天主), “treating and respecting human beings as you would treat God” (sainyeocheon, 事人如天), “honoring the three” (samkyung, 三敬), and “Heaven eating Heaven” (icheonsigcheon, 以天食天), which are key to Donghak doctrine, will be examined. The meanings of “serving,” “treating and respecting,” and “harmony and balance” within the context of the aforementioned Donghak concepts will also be explored. In the present, post-modern period, humankind’s future is seen in a very negative way, with previous Utopian energies being considered exhausted. There are a multitude of “isms” and arguments in which reification and alienation within modern society are defined as omens of the end of this industrial era, which has corrupted and devastated human life. Today, religious movements are obliged to provide a spiritual drive that will lead their followers forward into a new era, establishing internal solidarity while associating with external elements. In this sense, the Donghak movement must put into practice the notions of “service, respect, and resuscitation” that are prominent in the ideologies behind the “serve God within me,” “treat and respect human beings as you would treat God,” “honor the three,” and “Heaven eats Heaven” concepts. In other words, in order to compete in the modern world, Donghak must concentrate on the belief that spiritual power can change society for the better.

The Main Challenges to 21st-century Business Administration

This article presents and analyses the main challenges facing business organisations today: the management of people and knowledge, derived from the great transformations caused by the Third and Fourth Industrial Revolutions. A new management model, developed in the Basque Country, and the new style of relationships (ner, using its name form in Spanish – ‘nuevo estilo de relaciones’), shared by organisations of the ner Group, are presented and the main results of a study on their cultural features are demonstrated, as perceived by the people who work with this concept. Ner is based on people (the basic pillars of an organisation) who, with communication and information, are organised in self-managed groups and share a future project with trust, freedom and responsibility. They develop an important internal solidarity (the sharing of results, not dismissals) and they dedicate budget and working hours to their commitment to society.

Winning Conditions of Precarious Workers’ Struggles: A Reflection Based on Case Studies from South Korea

In South Korea, many struggles of non-regular workers, who attempted to organize their unions and engage in militant action to protest against employers’ inhumane discrimination and illegal exclusion, have failed to achieve the desired outcomes, due to their vulnerable employment status and their lack of action resources. In this light, our study examines the conditions that lead to victory in precarious workers’ struggles, by focusing on three attributes: internal solidarity with regular workers, external solidarity from labour and civil society groups outside the workplace, and mobilized protest repertoires. Specifically, this study seeks to identify the configurations of these three conditions that produce successful outcomes in precarious workers’ struggles, in terms of bargaining gains and organizational sustainability. We do this by employing fs/QCA modelling to examine 30 major cases of non-regular worker struggles occurring over a 16-year period from 1998 to 2013. Our analysis presents the finding that the conditional configuration of strong external solidarity, strong internal solidarity, and fewer struggle repertoires constitutes a significant causal path to successful outcomes. This reaffirms the idea that strong solidarity bridging, whether with regular workers that have a different employment status in the segmented workplace, or with labour and civil society groups outside the workplace, is the crucial causal condition for precarious workers to achieve their desired outcomes from struggle. An unexpected finding, however, is that when precarious worker struggles mobilize fewer struggle repertoires, they are likely to achieve the successful outcomes of bargaining and organizational gains. Our study contributes to the theoretical elaboration of labour movement revitalization for the precariat class, by shedding light on the activism of precarious workers, considering that the English-language literature that pays attention to the active role of such atypical workers in staging protests against employers’ inhumane treatments and the neoliberal labour regime is limited.

United, yet divided: analysing the cohesion of Addiopizzo’s anti-racketeering campaign in Palermo

This article analyses the cohesion of Addiopizzo’s anti-racketeering campaign in Palermo, Sicily. By supporting entrepreneurs who refuse to pay for protection and by encouraging consumers to support these companies through their consumer power, Addiopizzo has mobilised about 900 companies and 11,000 citizens. Taking social capital theory as a point of departure, this article explores the values of trust and norms of reciprocity among entrepreneurs who joined Addiopizzo’s anti-racketeering campaign. In addition, it analyses their solidarity with colleagues who are victims of extortion. Shared values express a stronger commitment to a movement, reinforce internal solidarity, strengthen the collective identity and reduce the risk of free riders and dropouts. The article reveals not only similarities but also important differences between various groups of joiners. The analysis builds on a unique data-set consisting of questionnaires collected from 277 entrepreneurs who joined the campaign between 2005 and 2011.

Estado y familia en el cuidado de las personas: Sustitución o complemento

The relationship between family and State has been conceptualised in terms of substitution of the former by the latter, which would have a weakening effect of private solidarity (“crowding-out”). From an opposite approach, the mechanisms through which the internal solidarity of the family is reinforced by social policies have been studied. In this case, both institutions complement each other and mutual support between relatives can even increase (“crowding-in”). In different social contexts, though, the meaning of substitution and complement varies. The article studies the relationship between family and State in care for the Spanish case, where the delayed and limited social policies invert the relation between these two institutions. Substitution takes place, but it is rather the family that substitutes the expected State intervention which does not appear. This is a new role for the family beyond the nuclear circle and beyond women as carers. Family networks, and especially grandparents, assume a key role in child care. The family substitutes the absent State. Empirical data come form the Family Networks Survey of Andalusia which allows detailed analysis of the explaining factors of solidarity in the family.

Southeast Asia. Anarchic solidarity: Autonomy, equality, and fellowship in Southeast Asia. Edited by Thomas Gibson and Kenneth Sillander. New Haven: Yale University Southeast Asian Studies, 2011. Pp. x + 310. Index.

Anarchic solidarity: Autonomy, equality, and fellowship in Southeast Asia Edited by THOMAS GIBSON and KENNETH SILLANDER New Haven: Yale University Southeast Asian Studies, 2011. Pp. x + 310. Index. This volume examines a selection of Southeast Asian societies that are all characterised by a mode of sociality that combines a maximised personal autonomy and political egalitarianism with an inclusive form of social solidarity. The various chapters describe how these societies have achieved and maintained a balance between an open-aggregated and egalitarian type of organisation on the one hand and a state of internal solidarity on the other. By focusing on how personal autonomy is maintained through an open or fluid form of aggregation, political egalitarianism upheld by occupying areas that are difficult for the state to administer, and social solidarity or fellowship achieved through voluntary social relations, the authors present contemporary empirical evidence for a social formation that they conceptualise as anarchic. An introductory chapter where the editors situate the volume in relation to other theories of anarchy and anarchism is followed by a theoretical introduction (Charles Macdonald) where the common features of these societies are drawn out: a loose form of social organisation, bilateral kinship, an egalitarian and non-violent ethos, and a high degree of individual autonomy. Macdonald argues further that the lack of societal institutions such as corporate groups, debt and reciprocity, authority and ranking that also characterise these communities entails that they cannot be termed 'societies' at all. Referring to the anthropological question much discussed during the 1960s and 1970s about the formation of social groups in such loosely organised societies, Macdonald also discusses the principal sources of solidarity involved in them and relates them to the concept of sharing, kinship and childcare, and to a set of values concerning ethics, ideology and ontology. With this theoretical framework established, the volume continues with two chapters analysing sources of social solidarity among hunter-gatherers on the Malay Peninsula. Signe Howell discusses how the relationship between autonomy and sociality in an egalitarian society such as the Chewong must be understood in relation to the modes of thought, metaphysics and ontology operative within it. Howell relates these social values to an animistic cosmology that extends the boundary of society to include humans as well as non-human objects and beings that are perceived as conscious beings on par with humanity. Interaction is here governed by a set of spirit-enforced rules encouraging sharing, and by following these rules a person confirms adherence to a common understanding of what types of things exist in the world and what the nature of that reality is. Such rule-guided action thus becomes a major source of solidarity among the Chewong. Changes are underway, however, and with permanent settlement and increasing monetisation the cosmologically based sources of solidarity seem to dwindle and only to a certain extent be substituted by a solidarity based on a shared sense of being disadvantaged. Similar to Howell's focus on rules, Kirk Endicott describes how Batek social solidarity can be traced to a set of ethical principles that inform social behaviour: the obligations to respect others, help others, and be self-reliant, non-violent, and non-competitive. To the extent that people behave according to them, these principles ensure a balance between people acting for the benefit of others and maintaining their personal autonomy, a combination which Endicott terms 'cooperative autonomy'. This collection of principles is, according to Endicott, a result both of the need for economic efficiency and of pressures from outsiders, and they combine in various ways to create social solidarity in different kinds of groups such as conjugal families, camp groups and work groups. …

C-Escalation and D-Escalation

Conflict escalates through a series of feedback loops. On the micro level, conflict generates conditions for intense interaction rituals, and internal solidarity fuels external conflict. Perceived atrocities reciprocally increase ideological polarization between opponents, while confrontational tension/fear makes violence incompetent and produces real atrocities. Conflict groups seek allies, drive out neutrals, and mobilize material resources. Both sides in a conflict counter-escalate through the same set of feedbacks. Winning and losing are determined by differences between rates of escalation and by attacks that one-sidedly destroy organizational and material capacity. Conflict de-escalates because both sides fail to find conditions for solidarity, cannot overcome confrontational tension/fear, and exhaust their material resources. Emotional burnout sets in through a time dynamic of explosion, plateau, and dissipation of enthusiasm. Defection of allies opens the way for third-party settlement. When both sides remain stalemated, initial enthusiasm and external polarization give way to emergent internal factions—a victory faction (hard-liners) versus a peace faction (negotiators)—creating new conflict identities. Ideals promoted at the outset of conflict become obstacles to resolution at the end.

Cohesion in the European Union: Economic, Political, Cultural Challenges

European Union (EU) cohesion policy in particular and the idea of European integration in general are currently facing some challenges of ability and willingness, both determined by economic, political and cultural factors. Some factors, however, continue to hold EU countries together. The economic crisis of 2008-10 and its aftermaths further reduced ability and readiness of net contributors to the EU budget to finance EU cohesion policy, even more because these countries have to save indebted eurozone periphery. The economic crisis and problems of the euro further weakened ability and willingness of some countries, like Poland, to join the euro- zone, thus strengthening the internal division of the EU. Growing unemployment and sense of insecurity in richer EU member states and the increased immigration to these countries from poorer new member states have produced negative attitudes towards immigrants and Eastern in general. The absence of a clear-cut enemy of and the variety of external political challenges differently interpreted by governments and societies of individual states hinder the development of a common external policy and sense of internal solidarity. Europe is becoming playground for world powers: USA, Russia and China. Different responses to external challenges, e.g. increased migration from Northern Africa, put at risk some European achievements like the Schengen treaty. The Eastern enlargement together with economic problems revealed weakness of the sense of European identity, and especially unwillingness of Western societies to accept Eastern Europeans as Europeans. Even within the old Europe the divide between hard working North and leisure South is becoming more evident. In such circumstances the ability and willingness to continue generous cohesion policy is declining. However, deep changes in the European cohesion policy or disintegration of the EU are unlikely as European leaders fear of taking dramatic decisions given economic interdependence of EU countries.

Labor Solidarity in the Era of Neoliberal Globalization

Under the context of neoliberal globalization, governments have pursued marketdriven economic reform policies and large firms have adopted the business model of shortterm profit maximization. In this context, intensification of labor polarization has produced growing concerns over the solidarity crisis faced by the labor movement in Korea, which reveals serious weaknesses in internal and external solidarity requiring rectification in order to overcome labor polarization. Internal solidarity of the labor movement in Korea has been weakened by union members’attitude of self-interest toward job security and economic gain, by fragmented co-worker relations, and by intensified competition among activist factions for political power within unions. The most crucial factor constraining external solidarity of the Korean labor movement is the legacy of enterprise unionism, which has produced differentiated interest structures between organized and unorganized workers, while hindering the two worker groups from fostering a common ground of union activities and political vision. Reflexive leadership of labor movement, substantiation of industrial unionism, and fostering of communitarian activism are recommended for revitalizing labor solidarity.

The Spirit of Solidarity in Children and International Cooperation (1931)

The remedy is to be found in internal solidarity. From the age of eight or nine, and more definitely after ten or eleven, it is most noticeable that children not merely acquire a complete technique of intellectual cooperation, but prefer to work together in schools where it is possible, and do so systematically. As regards the technique of the exchange of ideas, we observe a gradual development of the processes of discussion, mutual criticism and better understanding among the children. The practice of discussion and mutual criticism is of capital importance in the development of logic itself. Psychologists have shown that reflection is only an internal discussion with oneself, as contrasted with the impulsive immediate beliefs which are characteristic of egocentric thought. In other words, so far as children work together they become aware of the intellectual solidarity of individuals, and at the same time develop their own reasoning powers. What is more, by the mere fact of excluding any element of authority and submission, discussion develops the critical sense and affords the best education in objectivity. Last, and most important, the exchange of views involves the development of the logic of relations, to which we have already alluded as the essential instrument of intellectual reciprocity.

Understanding union power: resources and capabilities for renewing union capacity

Power is at the core of current debates over the future of trade unionism. This article provides a framework to assess the power resources and strategic capabilities central to union capacity building. We identify four key power resources: internal solidarity; network embeddedness; narrative resources that frame understandings and union actions; and infrastructural resources (material, human, processes, policies and programmes). Resources alone are not enough; unions must also be capable of using them. We identify four strategic capabilities: intermediating between contending interests to foster collaborative action and to activate networks; framing; articulating actions over time and space; and learning. Much experimentation and research on the interactions between these resources and capabilities in particular contexts is required to advance our understanding of the renewal of union power.

The Nusayri Leader Isma‘il Khayr Bey and the Ottomans (1854–58)

Isma'il Khayr Bey was an outstanding chief of the Matawira Nusayri/'Alawi tribe which during a short time succeeded in controlling a large heterogeneously populated region and gained himself a prestigious title as ‘governor of the mountain’. Though the Nusayris admired Isma'il for his courage they suffered from his oppressive rule. The local Muslim inhabitants of the mountain detested the fact that their governor was a Nusayri. The Ottomans were alarmed by Isma'il's growing status in the region and decided to put an end to his rule. The fact that Nusayri society lacked internal solidarity helped the Ottomans achieve their goal. Ultimately, Isma'il was killed by his own uncle.

Politics after the Time of Hunger in Mozambique: A Critique of Neo-Patrimonial Interpretation of African Elites*

This article offers a critique of Patrick Chabal's and Jean Pascal Daloz's ‘neo-patrimonial’ interpretation of elite politics in Africa. It does so through an exploration of Mozambican society and politics in the period of democratic transition. By examining the relationship between the ruling Frelimo elite and the middle class in the capital Maputo, I argue that state politics cannot be explained by elites competing with each other through vertical clientelist networks as elaborated in the ‘neo-patrimonial’ thesis. Instead, I suggest that the liberal transition appears to have ushered in a hardening of Mozambican class structures, with elites maintaining their position through access to political power and networks developed initially in the post-independence period, and demonstrating a high degree of internal solidarity.

The Power of Administrative Categories: Emerging Notions of Citizenship in the Divided City of Mostar1

This contribution discusses the construction of citizenship as a category of belonging in the newly formed multi-ethnic state of Bosnia-Herzegovina (BiH). Due to the violent conflicts between 1991–1995, ethno-national identifications are today often seen as overriding and exclusive means of defining group-membership in BiH. Whether and how citizens fill the concept of citizenship with any meaning of belonging to a state-wide community remains an open question. Drawing on fieldwork recently conducted in Mostar, I provide some tentative answers to this question. My research focuses on the process of re-unifying politico-administrative structures in this formerly divided city and closely follows interactions between international agents, citizens and various public bodies. Attributing special importance to administrative categorization practices, I argue that these constitute a source of shared experience for citizens, thus shaping their perception of what it means to be a citizen of BiH. Events in Mostar show how such a shared experience of bureaucratic categorization practices might become a powerful incentive for multiethnic collective action and a source for imagining a multiethnic, civic community. The same categorization practices might also fuel new divisive forces that diminish the internal solidarity of ethnic groups and instill new categorical divisions within the local community. I demonstrate the complexity of such processes in the case of the closely related post-war categories “refugee”, “internally displaced person” and “returnee” and conclude with some remarks on the intricacy of post-war state-building in Bosnia-Herzegovina.

La Centralidad del Discurso del ‘Héroe’ en la Construcción del Mito Nacional: una lectura de la historiografía conservadora desde el género

The idea of Chile as an unitary nation, that is built by the historiographical conservative discourse, is fundamented in the integrating construction of the relation between the collective and specific subjects which, under the supposition of a motherland demanding duties, constructs solidarity by the sacred action of one of its own, the national heroe, who is capable of reaching personal sacrifice with the aim to protect the community. The triade virility-heroe-nation, linked to the image of a founding or sacrificing subject, seems like a symbolic ordering that assures the transcending of nation and, through this, the inmortality of the heroe, who solves magically the imaginary contradiction of the community regarding its cosmogony. The unperishableness of nation is garanteed through the use of violence, and intimidation towards an “other” out of the group, which assures the exercise of the group’s internal solidarity. Therefore, the action of the heroe allows the transition from an internally conflicted past towards a future, meant as a particular project that assures the continuity of nation and historic projection. The conservative historiography, definitely, reads the history of Chile as a religious tale about the constitution of a new lineage that revalues the process of independence as constrution of a new legitimacy, where the last of the old order (with Bernardo O´Higgins as the ilegitimate son - “huacho”) will turn into the first of the new lineage, sacralization process that finds its peak in the conservative interpretation about Arturo Prat, where the (Chilean) lineage already consolidated, wishes for Latin America the superior values that has already installed.

Reflections on PATCO’s Legacy: Labor’s Strategic Challenges Persist

The 1981 PATCO strike stands out as a symbol of union decline. The penchant to stigmatize PATCO detracts from important aspects of the union’s unorthodox strategy. Preparations for 1981 negotiations were coordinated by rank-and-file activists who referred to themselves as ‘choir boys’. An extensive mobilization network cultivated by the ‘choir boys’ contributed to cohesiveness and in effect democratized PATCO. The union’s effectiveness in building internal solidarity was its most notable accomplishment. Twenty-first-century labor-movement revitalization will require not only strong, creative leadership but also rank-and-file mobilization in the mold of PATCO’s ‘choir boy’ system. It is this type of grassroots activism that has the potential to promote an internal culture of militant action which can serve as the foundation for union growth.

Local Unions and the Restructuring of Work within the Multinational Company: Internal Solidarity and Local Context

This article focuses on the influence of a multinational corporation (MNC) on the reorganization of work and labor relations in two Canadian plants. The MNC used coercive comparisons and created a regime of cooperative competition in an effort to promote rational ization and the adoption of flexible work practices. The research used qualitative techniques including interviews, observations, informal conversations, and the study of company and union documents. The results show that both plants modified work organization and work rules in a way that was consistent with the requirements of the MNC. In one plant, however, the union was seriously weakened and unable to influence the process of change. In the other plant, the union pre served a central role and negotiated the implementation of new work practices. These differences are explained with reference to the local context and union capabilities.

Local Unions and the Restructuring of Work within the Multinational Company: Internal Solidarity and Local Context

This article focuses on the influence of a multinational corporation (MNC) on the reorganization of work and labor relations in two Canadian plants. The MNC used coercive comparisons and created a regime of cooperative competition in an effort to promote rationalization and the adoption of flexible work practices. The research used qualitative techniques including interviews, observations, informal conversations, and the study of company and union documents. The results show that both plants modified work organization and work rules in a way that was consistent with the requirements of the MNC. In one plant, however, the union was seriously weakened and unable to influence the process of change. In the other plant, the union preserved a central role and negotiated the implementation of new work practices. These differences are explained with reference to the local context and union capabilities.

Union Involvement in Workplace Change: A Comparative Study of Local Unions in Canada and Mexico

This paper examines the sources of local union power to cope with workplace change. Are workplace unions active participants, merely passengers, outright opponents, or entirely excluded from the change process? Drawing on 18 case studies and a survey conducted in the auto and metalworking industries in Mexico and Canada, the results suggest that greater internal solidarity, stronger articulation with other levels of union and community activity and the pursuit of an autonomous agenda all provide the basis for enhanced local union bargaining power in the context of globalization. This general conclusion applies to Canadian as well as Mexican local unions and suggests analytical paths for understanding the construction and renewal of union power.