Iranian Interests Research Articles

Iran and the Belt and Road Initiative: Amid Hope and Fear

ABSTRACTIran is one of the countries involved in the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI). What effects will the realization of the BRI have on the geo economical and geopolitical status of Iran? On the one hand, this project can boost China’s presence and influence in the political economy of Iran and its neighborhood, and create new domains of competition between Iran and China. On the other hand, it could contribute to the revival of Iran’s historical role in the ancient Silk Road. Thus, to participate in this project, Iran is stuck between hope and fear. It is fearful for Iran because it has negative effects on Iranian interests, at the same time Iran is hopeful because it can enhance its economic development and raise its historical role as a bridge between the East and the West.As a result, Iran tries at the same time to develop its relationships with the EU as well as cooperation with China in the framework of the BRI. Iran tries to maximize its interests from the project and reduce its negative effects on its geo economic and geopolitical interests. Maintaining this fragile balance could face Iran ’s active participation in the project with substantial challenges.

Understanding Saudi Arabia's Influence on Pakistan: The Case of the Islamic Military Alliance to Fight Terrorism

AbstractThe launch of the Saudi‐led so‐called Islamic Military Alliance to Fight Terrorism (IMAFT) in 2015 tested the strong strategic alliance between Pakistan and Saudi Arabia. In light of concerns about the positioning of the coalition of 41 states against Iranian interests in the Middle East, Pakistan's initial response to the Saudi demand to join the war in Yemen was a polite refusal by means of a unanimous decision of the parliament. However, under tremendous pressure from Riyadh and other Gulf States, Islamabad later capitulated and backtracked from its initial decision. This paper analyses the unique nature of the relationship between Pakistan and Saudi Arabia through a dissection of the various dimensions of the Kingdom's cultural and political influence on Pakistan. It also illuminates Saudi hegemonic strategies and the manner in which Islamabad adjusts and is influenced as well as coerced to revise its foreign policy choices. This paper argues that Saudi's diplomatic strategies, political pressure and pledges of generous financial assistance ensured Pakistan's participation in IMAFT.

A new approach for evaluating international EPC contractors in Iran’s energy sector

Ever since the sanctions on economic and financial cooperation with Iran have been lifted, leading EPC contractors in the field of energy have expressed their interest in Iran’s energy sector. This study sought to formulate a model for assessing and ranking foreign EPC companies which are willing to cooperate with Iran. To accomplish this, the best-worst method was used. In this study, the required data were collected through a questionnaire that organized the opinions of 8 experts in the field of oil, gas and petrochemicals. Results the final assessment revealed that leading European and American companies, along with popular Korean companies, had higher ranks, compared to the others and those which cooperated with Iran during the sanctions.

THE RELATIONSHIP BETWEEN THE ISLAMIC REPUBLIC OF IRAN AND THE PALESTINIAN HAMAS MOVEMENT AND ITS IMPACT ON THE PALESTINIAN ISSUE (2010-2015)

The period between 2010 and 2015 is considered one of the most important turning points in the Middle East region in general, especially in the relationship between the Palestinian Hamas movement and the Islamic Republic of Iran at all levels and areas. This period witnessed political changes in the political reality in the region. The Middle East has been through the demise of political systems and the birth of new political systems, which had an impact on the axis of resistance, especially in the relationship between Hamas and the Islamic Republic of Iran. The relationship between Hamas and Iran has been affected by these changes, especially after the events in Syria and Yemen. The independence of the Hamas decision and the failure to comply with Iranian orders has emerged. This paper attempts to examine the decision of Hamas independent of Iran's orders regarding the changes in the Middle East through Iran's demand that Hamas participate in current events in Syria and Yemen in favor of a certain party against another party, and what Hamas's position on Iranian demands is. This paper will be based on the theoretical framework on the theory of international alliance and the nature of the alliance between state and non-state actor. The relationship between Iran and Hamas is an alliance relationship, considering that Hamas is not a state but a non-state actor. The methodology used in this paper is to analyze Iranian behavior toward Hamas, considering that Iran is considered the leader of the resistance alliance against Israel, and to clarify the Hamas' response to Iranian demands. The researcher found that Iran is exploiting the Palestinian cause to achieve the purely Iranian interests through slogans and speeches to the Arab and Islamic peoples, Iran's support for Hamas aimed at achieving Iranian interests in the Middle East region and not serving the Palestinian cause. Hamas is trying to maintain the independence of its national decision without interfering in the internal affairs of Arab and Islamic countries.

From Security Governance to Geopolitical Rivalry: Iran-GCC Confrontation in the Red Sea and the Indian Ocean

:This article aims to address the aspects of conflict between Iran and the GCC starting from the geographical location, focusing on the factors that influence the acquisition of power by different state actors in this maritime sphere. The purpose of the article is to uncover the significant factors that directly and indirectly affect the distribution of influence between Iran and the GCC countries in this strategic marine area through following different sub-goals that deal with the main elements regarding security, political and economic conditions within every country in that region, as well as among the various regional and international powers. The analysis reveals that the interests of the GCC in this strategic maritime outweighs the interests of Iran. In the meantime, Saudi Arabia and UAE consider this area a high security threat region, while Iran sees it as one of the multiple security axes that are associated with its interests. The security risks that threaten the Arab Gulf states because of the new political and economic relationship with Yemen due to the war, in addition to the declared and latent maneuvers of world powers from outside the region either to besiege the Gulf axis or to initiate alliances with the Gulf states, signify without doubt the strong future influence of this geographical spot for the GCC and the possibilities of conflict escalation between Iran and GCC.

THE USAGE OF MEDICAL INFORMATICS IN CRITICAL CARE MEDICINE

Introduction: The intensive care unit can be defined as a complex system that composed of clinical informations, tasks and knowledge. It is also one of the most stressful and most vital parts of healthcare centers which involve a huge amount of information and clinical data daily. These informations should be analyzed and managed in the best way as soon as possible to restore patients to normal by health professionals. Accurate and timely diagnosis, the best treatment and to avoid any possible error in this section can be equivalent to achieve the best possible result and reducing the length of hospitalization and mortality. As a result, due to the complex nature of the critical care and the mass of clinical data; using a combination of medical knowledge with the latest technologies and use of medical informatics capabilities can be the best way to reduce the workload of the sector and improve the quality of patient care.
 Methods: A systematic search was conducted on the PubMed/MEDLINE, web of science, BMJ, ScienceDirect, and Scopus database for finding studies that have related to critical care and usage of informatics or medical informatics. The collected data and results are summarized by researchers and the results analyzed based on similarities and differences.
 Results: With increased development of medical informatics and electronic systems has led to substantial progress in the field of critical care since 1980 till now around the world. Several articles, research projects has published. From 1981 to 2016 almost 600 scientific papers were found which included reports, posters and thesis written in context of critical care medical informatics. More than 65 percent of these studies is about designing CDSS in this field. Today, many of these systems are used in medical centers around the world and lead to improving the quality of patient care and reduce medical errors in intensive care units. Among these 600 papers, 230 articles related to our issue in fields of the design of electronic records, clinical information systems, decision support systems, data mining, telemedicine, smart analysis of clinical information and knowledge extraction techniques were selected as the main source of this study.
 Conclusion: According to results of our study, it seems that critical care is potentially a valuable resource for medical informatics researches. The applied of medical informatics in the different fields of the diagnosis, interpretation, and treatment in different countries have improved the quality of care for patients in critical care field. We can mention some common fields which used such as infection control and early detection in intensive care units, clinical information systems, and CPOE and decision support systems such as APACHE system for grading the severity of illness of patients who hospitalized and even telemedicine. Since this area of research has not been a field of interest in Iran yet, it seems that this study with the aim of review the application of medical informatics in different countries could lead to practical researches in this field.

Turkish and Iranian Interests Cross Paths in Mosul

The possibility of a direct Turkish military intervention in Iraq illustrates how ethno-sectarian conflict is spreading ever faster across the Middle East. At the moment, a heterogeneous force made up of the Iraqi army, Peshmerga Kurdish fighters, Sunni Nineveh Guards, the International Coalition, and al-Hashd al-Sha’abi is leading the fight to defeat ISIL in Mosul, the capital of Nineveh province. The Iraqi government has reiterated that al-Hashd al-Sha’abi, which is mainly composed of Shia militias, will not participate in the battle to retake Mosul. Yet, reports1 show that al-Hashd al-Sha’abi forces are nonetheless taking part in military operations near Mosul.

Hizbullah as a regional brand: not all parties are equal

ABSTRACTAlthough the term Hizbullah (Party of God) has become synonymous with the Lebanese group that bears its name, the reality is that many more groups have, and currently do use the term. Sharing the same generic name however, is not necessarily indicative of ideological affinity let alone operational cooperation. This paper discusses the origins of the term and the groups that have adopted the name, as well as the links between them and with Iran. Besides some outlier Sunni groups who use the name, the best way to view the groups’ ideological leanings is to think of them as either intellectually supporting the Iranian concept of governance (khat al-Imam) or as more actively and practically advancing Iranian interests in the region (khat al-Hizbullah).

Relations between the Islamic Republic Of Iran and the EU (1997-2005)

EU is formed by powerful and high influence countries in different extents of policy, economy; military and etc. that show the status of EU in the word, while relations between Islamic Republic of Iran and EU has faced many ups and downs for a variety of reasons. Obviously, it seems necessary to establish relations between Iran and EU to meet the needs and interests of Iran as well as strengthening our position in the area of international relations. Different administration’s policies in developing relations with Europe brought about varied and specific consequences. In the meantime, the current paper examines the seventh cabinet of Islamic Republic because of its difference foreign policy and new way to approach west. The current paper applies analytical method to study developments in relations between Iran and EU under the seventh and eighth reformist administration of Seyed Mohammad Khatami to figure out could provide Iran with more interests than previous administrations or not? And also what are the probable risks for Iran through relations with EU. The author has examined ups and downs of relations between Iran and EU under administrations prior to Seyed Mohammad Khatami administration and in end studies the relations in the reform course and achievements and difficulties face by this policy and prevent potential risks and also always there is problems that make the obstacle in stable relations between Iran and EU. DOI: 10.5901/mjss.2016.v7n51p80

Shiitskiy factor v otnosheniyakh arabskikh stran Persidskogo zaliva i Irana

The author studies the influence of the factor on the relations between Iran and the Gulf Arab countries. In most countries of the Persian Gulf, there are Shia communities that constitute a significant part of the population. After the Islamic revolution of 1979 relations between Iran and most Arab countries have become particularly tense. In the 1980s, the Gulf monarchies also became wary of exporting the Islamic revolution in their countries. This was due to the fact that, being inspired by the success of the co-religionists in Iran, the Arab Shiites became more involved in politics. It should be noted that the way the Arab Gulf countries treat the Shiites in the region is influenced by the fact that Iran and the Arab Gulf countries compete for political and economic predominance in the region. Often the Shia Muslims are discriminated by the authorities of the Arab countries, and are regarded as the so-called fifth column of Iran. In the author's opinion, the policy of oppression of the Shia Muslims in the Persian Gulf monarchies not only worsens the political situation in these countries, but also complicates relations with neighboring Iran. This policy is not constructive. Moreover, the mythical Iranian does not go to any comparison with the threat posed by the Islamic State. According to the author, although after the execution of the Shia cleric Sheikh Nimr al-Nimr in Saudi Arabia at the beginning of 2016 Iran's relations with Arab countries became even more strained, the further escalation of the conflict is not in the interests of Iran. Especially now, at the initial stage of removing sanctions against Iran's nuclear program, the military operations against the Shiites in the Arab countries may slow down the process. As for Saudi Arabia, in the event of the outbreak of hostilities Riyadh may seriously damage relations with the United States. This is because Washington sees no benefits in involving Saudi Arabia, its biggest ally in the region, into another armed conflict in the region.

Iran's policy towards the Houthis in Yemen: a limited return on a modest investment

For years, mounting instability had led many to predict the imminent collapse of Yemen. These forecasts became reality in 2014 as the country spiralled into civil war. The conflict pits an alliance of the Houthis, a northern socio-political movement that had been fighting the central government since 2004, alongside troops loyal to a former president, Ali Abdullah Saleh, against supporters and allies of the government overthrown by the Houthis in early 2015. The war became regionalized in March 2015 when a Saudi Arabia-led coalition of ten mostly Arab states launched a campaign of air strikes against the Houthis. According to Saudi Arabia, the Houthis are an Iranian proxy; they therefore frame the war as an effort to counter Iranian influence. This article will argue, however, that the Houthis are not Iranian proxies; Tehran's influence in Yemen is marginal. Iran's support for the Houthis has increased in recent years, but it remains low and is far from enough to significantly impact the balance of internal forces in Yemen. Looking ahead, it is unlikely that Iran will emerge as an important player in Yemeni affairs. Iran's interests in Yemen are limited, while the constraints on its ability to project power in the country are unlikely to be lifted. Tehran saw with the rise of the Houthis a low cost opportunity to gain some leverage in Yemen. It is unwilling, however, to invest larger amounts of resources. There is, as a result, only limited potential for Iran to further penetrate Yemen.

Private expropriation against the public interest in Iran

Private ownership is the fundamental rights of individuals in the society and having high jurisprudence and legal support. However, in contrast to public interest, administrative agencies can apply to withdraw the property, although there are evidences for the arbitrariness of the legal nature of administrative agencies. It seems that the unilateral obligation of this action is preferred. Expropriation is in contrary to the principles, therefore for health acquisition, the ceremony which is prescribed by lawyer that non-compliance will invalidate the ownership.

The Hizbullah Phenomenon: Politics and Communication

The Hizbullah Phenomenon: Politics and Communication

The Hizbullah Phenomenon: Politics and Communication

The Hizbullah Phenomenon: Politics and Communication

The Press and Public Diplomacy in Iran, 1820–1940

The under-appreciated role of the press as a tool of public diplomacy was rooted in its origins as a Qajar state project in the nineteenth century, but also cultivated by a shared impulse of Iranian journalists and statesmen to represent Iran effectively in the court of world opinion. Moreover, foreign governments often reacted to the Iranian press generally, not just the official newspapers and not just newspapers produced in Iran, as a forum though which to advance or protect their interests in Iran. The Pahlavi state integrated the press as part of a larger state-run mass communication policy in the 1930s that would eventually include new technologies such as radio, and retained public diplomacy as an essential purpose of the media. This study draws upon archival material, press accounts, and memoirs.

Religious Authority, Gendered Recognition, and Instrumentalization of Nusrat Amin in Life and After Death

AbstractThis article sheds light on the most influential woman religious scholar in twentieth-century Iran, Nusrat Amin (1886–1983). Contemporaneous prominent men religious scholars recognized Amin’s religious authority and expertise in Islamic sciences despite her gender. Amin’s influence was nevertheless circumscribed to some degree by gendered resistance among male ulema and a system of granting religious authority and positions that advantaged men scholars. Amin has elicited renewed interest in Iran since the 1990s, although this attention is selective. It highlights and reproduces Amin as a modern pious role model for Iranian women, a conservative in her viewpoints on gender relations, and an advocate of the veil. This selective attention worked to recuperate the traditional gender viewpoints of the Islamic Republic while facilitating demands to expand religious education opportunities for women. Primary sources include major Persian-language biographies that have appeared in Iran over the last thirty years and research from two fieldwork trips.

British and Iran: Harmful Harvest of 1951 Oil Negotiations

When Dr. Mohammad Mosaddeq began nationalizing the oil industry in 1951, the British were taken aback byhis recalcitrant position and did everything possible to maintain their absolute dominance of the industry. Threerounds of negotiations were held but all failed to reach a settlement. This study describes a series of oilagreements between Iran and Britain and further delineates Dr. Mosaddeq’s policies, strategies andcounter-proposals with respect to bi-literal political-economic interests. A qualitative approach is employed todisclose the unscrupulous methods employed by the British to maintain their interests in Iran both before andafter Iran's nationalization of the oil industry. We used documentation from the Public Records Office, KewLondon (cited with 'G' or 'EP'), which bear significant evidence that substantiates the purpose of this study whichreveals that all oil agreements, as imposed by the British, were unilateral in nature. Dr. Mosaddeq made a verycourageous move when he unilaterally broke from unreasonable contracts that were solely designed to protectthe British 'status-quo'. Their actions resulted in negative impacts and responses on/to the ongoing negotiations:“Owing to Persian nationalist susceptibilities there is not the slightest hope of success in a direct negotiationGovernment vis-a-vis Government”—letter from George Binney to Lord Leathers; The Persian Situation,Argument for the Project. 9 Jan. 1952—whereby two months before the British embassy, in its report dated on19 November 1951, insisted that “any government is better than Dr. Mosaddeq’s government” (British Embassy,Tehran, G10101/453/51, 19 Nov. 1951).

Annabelle Sreberny and Massoumeh Torfeh, Persian Service: The BBC and British Interests in Iran

<i>Annabelle Sreberny and Massoumeh Torfeh</i>, Persian Service: The BBC and British Interests in Iran

Iran and Afghanistan: The Urgent Need for Inclusive Regional Diplomacy

Iran wants a stable Afghanistan and has meticulously worked to protect its interests before and after 2001 to this end. Prior to 2001, Iran was the primary backer of the anti-Taliban Northern Alliance, and after September 2011 it was one of the earliest supporters of the U.S.-led invasion of Afghanistan to rout the Taliban. Since then, the country has established considerable political and economic presence in its eastern neighbor-both overt and covert-through generous cash payments to the Afghan government and essential development aid delivered through religious and charitable organizations. Tehran also seeks long-term political stability in Afghanistan, though it is no stickler for liberal democracy. In the short term, Iran appears to be fairly satisfied with the status quo as long as Afghanistan is not used as a base for attacks against it.Tehran would like its vision for a stable Afghanistan to be realized within a context of zero U.S. troops on the ground after 2014. Consequently, it is keeping a very close eye on developments in the country, specifically the withdrawal of the International Security Assistance Force (ISAF). This essay examines Iran's enduring interests in Afghanistan and their implications for relations with the United States and other regional players beyond 2014.Iran's Interests in AfghanistanAfghanistan has always been strategically significant to Iran. The landlocked country shares a 582-mile border with Iran to its west, and the two neighbors have no unsettled territorial disputes, which is a rarity in the region. They also share linguistic, cultural, and religious links-one-fifth of Afghanistan's population is Shia-owing to their common history under consecutive Persian empires.Iran has four long-standing strategic objectives vis-a-vis Afghanistan. First, Tehran wants an administration in Kabul that will not only distance itself from the United States but also remain wary of the Taliban and its state sponsors, Pakistan and Saudi Arabia. Such being the case today, Iran will continue its policy of supporting the Afghan presidency. It will not object to the 2014 elections producing a Pashtun majority as long as ethnic minorities, such as the Tajiks and Hazaras, obtain fair representation in the new government. Iran has previously demonstrated such tolerance in the Bonn conference of 2001 and in the 2004 and 2009 elections. This willingness ties into Iran's second non-negotiable interest: leveraging the Shiite Dari/Persian-speaking non-Pashtun population. The country has protected the interests of its traditional Afghan allies-the Farsiwan Heratis, the Shia Hazara, and Tajiks-and cultivated relations with as many factions as possible, including those supporting the incumbent president Hamid Karzai. Iran has also built and maintained close ties with key players in the Afghan political landscape, including Abdullah Abdullah, presidential candidate and leading opposition figure; Ismail Khan, vice presidential candidate and former governor of Herat; and Mohammad Yunus Qanooni, the lower house speaker and political and military heir of Ahmad Shah Massoud. This political clout will help Tehran advance its goals in Afghanistan after 2014. In addition, Iran has preserved relationships with the militias it helped train during the Soviet invasion.Iran's third priority is safeguarding on-the-ground investments and personnel, particularly in western Afghanistan. The killings of Iranian diplomats in Mazar-e-Sharif in 1998 serve as a stark reminder of the threats that Iranians engaged in commerce can face from a resurgent Taliban. Such personnel are at the forefront of Iran's strategic vision of playing a powerful role in Afghanistan beyond the political and security realms. Preserving an economic sphere of influence in Afghanistan is Iran's fourth strategic objective. The country pledged a total of $900 million in aid for reconstruction projects during 2002-13, with about $500 million disbursed at the time of writing. …

China's Dilemma on Iran: between energy security and a responsible rising power

As international pressure on China's policy concerning its increasing investments in Iran grows, the Chinese leadership has to painfully balance its impulse toward energy and economic cooperation with Iran against other important interests, including enhancing its image as a responsible big country. After analyzing the evolution of China–Iran energy relations, this paper tries to answer the question of how China has responded to the intensification of US-led sanctions against Iran, what merits and shortcomings China's attempts to balance or reconcile its interests in Iran might create, and what options China can take to deal with a possible oil crisis.