French Interests Research Articles

French colonialism and neocolonialism in Africa: A comprehensive analysis

The study examined how French colonialism has shaped political, economic, and social structures across the continent, focusing on the exploitation of resources, suppression of indigenous governance, and cultural imposition. It further delves into neocolonialism, where former colonies, despite gaining independence, remain economically dependent and politically influenced by France through mechanisms such as economic aid, military interventions, and Francophone networks. The study was qualitative in nature and the research design was descriptive as well as analytical which aimed to describe and analyze the historical and contemporary impacts of French colonialism and neocolonialism. The study was conducted within four selected universities under social sciences departments specifically. Purposive sampling was used to select participants who understand the historical impact of French colonialism and how it continues to influence African nations under neocolonial structures. The study consisted 100 respondents; University Lecturers, Students and selected members from Civil Society Organizations. The data collection process involved documentary review, literature review and conducting individual interviews on the participants. The collected was analyzed using themes and content analysis from the objectives of the study. The findings revealed that French colonialism imposed direct rule, extracting natural resources and exploiting labor, while reshaping social and political structures to align with French interests. Additionally, even after the formal end of colonialism in the mid-20th century, neocolonialism emerged, with France maintaining influence through economic dependencies, political alliances, and military interventions. This neocolonial dynamic has continued to shape the trajectory of African nations, as they navigate sovereignty within a globalized economy still influenced by their colonial past. The study therefore recommended for African nations to prioritize economic self-sufficiency and diversify their trade relationships to reduce dependence on France.

The Manuscript Source of Philippe II d'Orléans's Cantates françaises: A New Light on Early Eighteenth-Century Transnational Networks of Connoisseurship and Collecting

AbstractThe rediscovery of a unicum manuscript source of cantates françaises by Philippe II d'Orléans in the Württembergische Landesbibliothek, Stuttgart, provokes a re-evaluation of not only the provenance of the collection to which it belongs, but also the role played by diplomacy, sociability and cultural exchange in the history of the cantate française. The manuscript's contents all reflect Philippe's use of international connections to acquire music and engage musicians in the period 1701–1706. The manuscript forms part of a corpus of French scores that belonged to Marie-Thérèse de Lannoy de La Motterie, an aristocratic amateur harpsichordist with an interest in both French and Italian music, and in cantates. As wife of Joseph Lothar von Königsegg und Rothenfels, representative of the Austrian emperor to Philippe, then regent of France, she was engaged in the cultural life of Paris during the period 1717–1719, not only acquiring cantate prints but also a copy of Philippe's own works in the genre. Her collection reflects both her personal interests and her diplomatic cultivation of the social circles around Philippe in which music connoisseurship was an important skill. The manuscript thus highlights the important role played in the international transmission of cantates françaises by diplomatic and familial connections of noble amateurs, especially those curious about musical developments beyond their own regional practices.

Carbon Border Adjustment Mechanism – a step towards Europe à la française?

Carbon Border Adjustment Mechanism (CBAM) presented by the European Commission (EC) as a part of the ‘Fit for 55’ package was a turning point in almost twenty years of the French eff orts to implement this instrument. In this article I present the concept of CBAM. I also pose questions why France was so fervent proponent of introducing it into EU law and why it finally succeeded. In order to find the answer to these questions I recall the main assumptions of the French European policy. Then, I explain how policy of continuity was rewarded in times of important political changes. I also argue that multidimensional character of CBAM gives enough opportunity for France to shape not only EU climate pol-icy but other EU policies as well. I conclude that CBAM fits perfectly to the French interests. It allows all successive presidents of the Fifth Republic to adapt it to the current needs and include it in their narratives on EU affairs.

Intercultural Awareness Through Indonesian Gastronomy with European Flavours in The Midst of Plurilingualism Political Framework

In the midst of a multicultural society, cultivating intercultural awareness is a part of the political framework of plurilingualism, as European linguistic policy is based on a multilingual phenomenon. Plurilingualism is a renewal of the individual's ability to communicate on paralinguistic and paratextual aspects and develop intercultural skills, likely their cultural roots. This political hegemony unwittingly developed massively before the infiltration of French language in Indonesia through flavour contact in the form of gastro diplomacy. Starting with the European cookery heritage in Indonesia, this study aims to explore the presence of European flavours in culinary development to set up the attitudes of respect and understanding of the uniqueness of language culture based on French language learners. In addition to intercultural communication skills, this term contains nationalism as a political goal of plurilingualism, which ideally can eliminate cultural contestation. Therefore, the research methods are document studies, observations, and questionnaires, which aim to explore the existence of intercultural flavours as a form of cultural contact, authenticate cultural knowledge, build intercultural awareness, and diplomatic efforts from French language didactic. The result is a significant change, increasing interest in learning French, and also the development of national identity through knowledge, skills and behaviour as a part of intercultural awareness with authentic language materials.

US–UK–France relations amid the Russia–Ukraine war: a new strategic alignment?

Abstract The Russian invasion of Ukraine and the recognition of the rising challenge from China have resulted in a closer alignment of American, British and French strategic interests. This policy paper explores how the strategic relationship between the United States, the United Kingdom and France has evolved amid this changed threat environment. The Russia–Ukraine war exposed the limitations of France's policy of ‘strategic autonomy’ and reasserted the importance of an American role in European security. The war has re-focused attention upon the Lancaster House framework in which the UK and France have the potential to enhance their contribution to European defence. The UK still regards its ‘special relationship’ with the US as being of critical importance to its foreign policy. But the UK's diminishing military power makes it a less valuable ally to the US whose attention is increasingly upon the Indo-Pacific region. The paper argues that the alignment between the three countries has been closer over the Russian war in Ukraine compared to attitudes towards China, where tensions between France and the ‘Anglo-Saxons’ persist. France has been unwilling to adopt the American approach towards China and has stuck to its vision of a multipolar world. The AUKUS deal arranged between the US, UK and Australia had the effect of alienating France. The policy paper contends that the temporary alignment between US, UK and French interests will erode as long-standing conflicts of interest re-emerge. In particular, the unpredictability of US leadership will damage the trilateral relationship if Donald Trump regains the presidency in November 2024.

Bao Dai Solution and the Formation of the “National Government of Vietnam” During the Indochina War (1945-1954)

After World War II, Vietnam declared independence from France and Japan following the victory of the resistance movement for independence led by the Viet Minh. However, with the regulations at the Yalta conference, France returned to wage war to force Vietnam and the entire Indochina peninsula to fall under French rule as before. In Vietnam, France refused to cooperate with Viet Minh because it believed that this organization was Communist. France tried every way to set up a “puppet” government and they turned to Bao Dai, an Emperor who had just been overthrown in August 1945. The Bao Dai solution was proposed by France to maintain colonialism in Vietnam. This solution aims to establish a “National Government of Vietnam” under French influence, maintaining French interests and influence. This research article aims to clarify the puppet nature of the “National Government of Vietnam” and show that it had an important influence on the situation in Vietnam during the Indochina War (1945-1954). Methods of exploiting historical documents, logical methods and international relations research methods are used to clarify the content of the research article.
 
 Received: 13 October 2023 / Accepted: 29 January 2024 / Published: 5 March 2024

The right to development in Francophone Africa: Post-colonial agreements, sovereign authority and control over natural resources

This article critiques the decolonisation process of erstwhile colonised Francophone African states, during which France failed to effectively guarantee these states at independence the kind of sovereignty that empowered them to design their own political, educational and development policies. Consequently, the right to development in Francophone Africa remains a mere aspiration given that decolonisation failed to result in the attainment of self-reliance by the states that assumed independence. Instead, on the eve of independence, France secretly concluded cooperation agreements with the governments poised to ascend to independence and concluded others immediately after independence. Some of the secret agreements contained clauses that prioritised France to buy any natural resources of their choice in these Francophone states. Worse still, through cultural and educational assimilation, the French have colonised the minds of Francophone Africans to the extent that they defend French interests at the expense of theirs. The secret agreements have compromised the ability of the so-called independent states to implement and execute national development plans, and the AU Agenda 2063 on development in these states. Consequently, recommendations have been suggested to enable these states to recover from French exploitation and regain their total sovereignty.

THE FOREIGN POLICY OF KING FRANCIS1(1515-1547)

The study of historical figures has remained the focus of interest for researchers, especially European figures who had a prominent role in shaping the events of Europe and then the trend towards the new world and took it upon themselves to draw the map of Europe through its internal and foreign policies. These figures remained the center of controversy among researchers, through extrapolation and analysis of historical documents and writings, over the extent of what they achieved for their countries and peoples and what they established on the European map. Among those figures was the French King Francis I, who sat on the throne of France from 1515 to 1547, and whose reign was full of events. International relations changed according to what he saw as appropriate for French interests, whether by concluding agreements at times, as happened with the development of his relationship with the Ottoman Empire, which was a key to the growth of French-Ottoman relations and an outlet for interference in Ottoman affairs and between waging wars at other times because of his expansionist ambitions in Europe, the most important of which was waging a war against Spain for control. On the Italian kingdoms and what coincided with those events and those that followed them, including his interest in geographical discoveries, which he considered one of the most important foundations of his expansionist policy outside Europe towards the New World and reaching the East. The study dealt with the circumstances of François I’s accession to the throne of France and the most important kings who lived with him in that period. Then we touched on his wars with Spain because of his expansionist claims in Italy, the French-Ottoman relations that developed very significantly, and the success of his expansionist policy through his encouragement of the movement of geographical discoveries after he saw the treasures. The money and types of trade that Spanish and Portuguese ships brought from overseas achieved great success in that direction despite the superiority of the British fleet and its sovereignty over the seas

Peace, Propaganda, and Natural Resources: The Geoeconomics of Rwandan Peacekeeping in Mozambique and Implications for European and African Regionalism Projects

Since the end of the genocide in Rwanda, the small nation has solidified its reputation as an economic powerhouse among African countries, as well as the continent’s largest peacekeeping force. Some foreign governments have explicitly called on Rwanda for peacekeeping and military interventions before calling on larger regional organizations (namely, the Southern African Development Community). At the same time, other entities and analysts have questioned the legitimacy of Rwanda’s missions as well as the country’s ability to finance such missions, claiming the funds secretly arrive from France to protect French interests in Africa. This essay focuses on Rwanda’s peacekeeping missions in resource-rich areas of Mozambique, positing that, besides any geo-economic interest that may derive from Rwanda’s presence in such areas, the unilateral nature of Rwandan peacekeeping may represent a threat to African regionalism projects. Furthermore, French funding to Rwanda would imply a lack of alignment between the EU and its member states on dealings with foreign governments and security forces. The essay concludes with a series of proposals for the EU and AU, including ensuring greater alignment with its member states on external affairs and facilitating locally led peacebuilding and reconciliation platforms to root ownership of natural resources within the local population of northern Mozambique.

The Vagaries of French-Australian Relations Seen Through French Eyes

Eric Berti was Consul-General of France in Sydney from 2012–2015. His opinion piece is in response to that of Ivan Barko in Issue 73, where Barko wrote of the ‘love-hate’ relationship between France and Australia. Berti responds that, while he does not see a ‘love-hate’ relationship, French-Australian relations have always been complex, with both historical and sociological roots. He refers, as did Barko, to the English prism through which Australia has historically viewed France, and to the colonial factor and how this has coloured perceptions. Cultural perceptions and French presence in the Pacific are part of the story as are the connections forged by young French working visa visitors and the long-standing French interest in Australia’s Indigenous people.

Making MalagasyZebu: The Biopolitics of Cattle Commodification in Socialist Madagascar, 1960–1978

AbstractAt the dawn of Madagascar’s independence in 1960, political entrepreneurs harnessed the enduring significance of Malagasy cattle, known aszebu, and declared them integral to the new national identity. From 1960–1972, President Philibert Tsiranana led the country through the period known as the First Republic, in which officials and technocrats launched development projects around breeding and constructing abattoirs and feedlots, in the hopes of creating a viable international meat export economy. For elites,zebuserved as speculative vessels for remaking economic and political geographies and shifting away from dependence on French interests. Malagasy government officials and technical experts saw pastoralists as key to actualizing the economic potential of cattle and they sought to combat “peasant idleness” as a hindrance to Madagascar’s flourishing. Pastoralists, though, challenged the bounds of top-down authority and debated the kinds of knowledge that could and should inform modernization projects in the new nation-state. Cattle ranchers’ critiques of the logics and encroachment of prescriptive modernization schemes during the 1960s and 1970s can be understood as their insistence on sharing in the fruits of independence, and that they, with their deep knowledge of cattle behavior, had a role to play in forging meaningful, prosperous lives in broader ancestor-focused cosmologies. Investigating the twinned history of Madagascar’s beef exportation and cattle modernization plans reveals how cattle were enlisted in the project of nation-making and a crucial moment of possibility, in which state-crafters ambitiously pursued a path toward self-determination while navigating oscillating geopolitics and asymmetrical global economic relations.

Promised Lands: The British and the Ottoman Middle East by Jonathan Parry

In Promised Lands, Parry presents a fascinating, insightful, and exhaustive account of British policy regarding the Ottoman Empire during the earlier part of the nineteenth century. He provides the information necessary to understand the formation of the modern Middle East, told primarily from the British perspective. Throughout the book, Parry places the policies of the British Empire within the context of protecting the routes toward its crown jewel, its colony in India. He does so convincingly, brushing aside the general assumption of “Turcophilism” (384). As he points out, in reality, British politicians of the era, such as Richard Cobden, denounced the Turks as “crapulous barbarians” and “destructive savages” (387). Parry’s main argument revolves around the geopolitical expediency that drove the Ottoman Empire to maintain its sovereignty, while attempting to keep Russian and French interests at bay. This situation effectively ensured British influence in the region, aided by the advent of steamship technology, which negated the reliance on wind, thereby cementing British naval command of the region.The book devotes its first half to chronicling the challenges of the British political and diplomatic relationship with the Ottoman Empire, as well as other European powers, particularly France and Russia. Parry makes a conscientious effort to spell out the many considerations involved. He chronicles them with exquisite attention to detail. A character to which Parry devotes particular attention is Cladius Rich, who worked assiduously to gain influence through costly spending for the Ottoman Porte and later Arabia and Kurdistan.Moreover, Parry draws a connection between British secular and religious aspirations and visions for the region. He claims that this program parallels the domestic agenda on which the Liberal Party was founded. Spearheaded by Henry John Temple (Lord Palmerston) and George Canning, Britain supported the removal of legal distinctions between Muslims and Christians—described as “a battle to root out illiberalism in the regime”—and the Tanzimat reforms (284). Although Parry claims that British officials were generally uninterested in the promotion of Christianity in the region, he does mention the domestic pressure on behalf of the Jews in Palestine to which Palmerston acquiesced. It is helpful to see the origins of that British interest in the region, as the issue would eventually set the stage for the Balfour declaration half a century later.In the final chapters, Parry draws attention to Egypt, specifically its strategic geopolitical location. Serving as an important gateway to India, especially after the construction of the Suez Canal, Parry asserts that Egypt served as a center for additional European competition. As George Villiers (Lord Clarendon) noted, the British “only want a thoroughfare; but a thoroughfare they must have, free and unmolested” (334). Britain would eventually invade the country in 1882.This book successfully fills the gap in scholarship about the crucial time period and events that eventually set the stage for the making of the modern, twentieth-century Middle East. Although the book tends to delve deeply into specifics, particularly regarding British policy and politics of the time, Parry sees it as a work of British history, not as a history of the Middle East. Nonetheless, the thoroughness of its storytelling serves as a strong reflection of Parry’s meticulous research. Its broad and deep history is an important contribution to the field. Enriched by an impressive narration of complex historical events, Promised Lands is highly recommended.

The History and Politics of French Involvement in Lebanon (1860–2021)

French intervention in Lebanon can be traced to the 19th century when in 1860, during the Ottoman period, Emperor Napoleon III sent 6,000 troops to restore peace, help the Christians and contribute to the reconstruction of Mount Lebanon. In the early 20th century France envisaged a direct French military occupation of Mount Lebanon to create a ‘little France, free, industrious and loyal’. Still, the French envisaged their missionary and educational role as a supplementary asset in their competition with the British. The creation of Greater Lebanon in 1920 was mainly determined by the interests of France in dividing and controlling Syria. In May 1926 Greater Lebanon was renamed The Lebanese Republic. The constitution defined its flag as the tricolour French flag with the cedar in the white strip, and adopted French as an official language alongside Arabic. Certainly, the French mandatory authorities left an impact on the local culture, economy and politics. During World War II, in November 1941, General Catroux declared France’s recognition of Lebanon’s and Syria’s independence and invited the representatives of their respective governments to sign a treaty with France to terminate the mandate. After Lebanon’s independence in 1943 French interest in Lebanon continued to be felt in politics and economics mainly because France wanted to support liberal and democratic values and protect Lebanon’s political stability against external threats. Political history and internal Lebanese sectarian rivalries and loyalties asides, this article focuses on the various French economic and political initiatives to help Lebanon stabilise after the Syrian withdrawal from Lebanon in 2005. As a matter of fact, in May 2007 France renewed its commitment to work closely with the US in order to help Lebanon affirm its sovereignty, democracy and freedom. We argue that French influence in Lebanon has aimed to support its liberal socio-economic and political institutions, initiate reform, and build the state. In August 2020, after the devastating explosion in port Beirut, the leader of the former colonial power, Emmanuel Macron, visited Beirut twice and laid out his demands to the ruling elite to introduce economic and political reform that Paris had been demanding for years, to fight corruption, to form a ‘government of mission’ and rescue Lebanon from imminent collapse. After his predecessors Jacques Chirac, François Mitterand and Nicolas Sarkozy, president Macron took the huge risk to help Lebanon overcome its financial and economic collapse and fight against patronage and the wealth of entrenched baronial dynasties, some of which stretch back to the French mandatory period. We conclude by stressing that Macron’s visit in September 2020 to commemorate the centennial of the establishment of Greater Lebanon in 1920 could be interpreted as a failure on the part of the Lebanese politicians, celebrating 100 years without being able to solve their internal problems. Many Lebanese mourned the colonial legacy.

Soviet Structural Aid to the Republic of Mali in 1960-1968

The article analyzes the phenomenon of the Soviet Union’s structural aid to African countries - technical and economic cooperation covering major sectors of the economy to ensure the self-sufficient development of recipient countries and weaken the neocolonial impact of the West. The case of bilateral relations between the USSR and Mali in 1960-1968 was chosen for a number of reasons - the strategic location of this African country, its place in the structure of French interests, the formats and volumes of Soviet aid, and, finally, rather weak coverage of the issue in Russian and foreign historiography. The authors preface the analysis of Soviet aid with an overview of the country’s economic situation in the 1960s and the difficulties faced by the Malian government in establishing an independent economic system through the introduction of its own currency, the Malian franc, and the nationalization of former French enterprises. The research is mostly based on the archival funds of the State Committee on Foreign Economic Relations of the Russian State Archive of Economy. The analysis of Soviet assistance is conducted in a wide range of areas, from industry and agriculture to health care and education. The final section examines the transport issue and the Soviet role in removal of the transport blockade imposed by Senegal. Both successful projects of Soviet-Malian cooperation, as the gold and bauxite exploration, the construction of a cement plant, and a sports stadium, and unrealized ideas are described. Among the most obvious problems that hindered cooperation between the USSR and Mali were the lack of financial resources, excessive caution, and Mali’s rather active cooperation with its neighbors and capitalist countries. Soviet aid to Mali allows us to trace the Soviet Union’s role in the real decolonization of African countries and the strengthening of their sovereignty. Unlike many other donors, who mostly limited their aid to certain projects, the USSR provided support within the framework of a full cycle of work in all sectors of the economy (resource extraction - construction of enterprises for processing resources - training of personnel to service enterprises - export of finished goods). Obviously, such a comprehensive approach had a truly favorable effect on the sovereignization of the Malian economy.

Сiprus-france relations and problems of region security

After gaining independence in 1960, Cyprus began to establish relations with other countries. However, the ethnic conflict between Greek Cypriots and Turkish Cypriots in 1974 led to the actual division of the island into two state entities and to various forms of intervention by foreign states, including Greece, Turkey, France and also Great Britain and the United States. The purpose of the article is to analyze the history and current state of Cypriot-French relations, to study the whole range of French interests in Cyprus after gaining independence to the present. Methods used to achieve the goals of the study: historical and comparative analysis, systematization and generalization, retrospective method. The article emphasizes that from the very beginning of the Cypriot ethnic conflict, France has consistently advocated the territorial integrity of Cyprus and condemned the creation of the Turkish Republic of Northern Cyprus. In subsequent years, France contributed to the fact that Cyprus in 2004 became a member of the EU. But bilateral relations became most intense during the presidency of E. Macron in 2017–2022. The economic interests of France in Cyprus are primarily associated with the discovery of large gas reserves on the Cyprus shelf, for which several states are fighting in the Eastern Mediterranean region, among which Turkey is the most active. This struggle stimulates the establishment of military cooperation between France and Cyprus. The related 2017 bilateral treaty, which came into force in 2020, aims to contain Turkey. This treaty, the French-Cypriot military exercises and French efforts to resolve the Cyprus conflict aggravate French-Turkish relations and the political situation in the region. The analysis presented in this article, the study of the experience of these bilateral relations will be important for the development of appropriate strategies for international interactions for post-Soviet states, in particular, Ukraine.

French-Russian Rivalry in Africa

The Franco-Russian rivalry intensified after Vladimir Putin came to power. Russia began to increase its presence in Africa during this period. The main area of the competition is the Sahel region, where Paris’s influence now dominates. The Russians are acting to build a dominant position, which threatens French interests. The author in this work will present not only the current rivalry, but also the origins of the presence and importance of both powers on the African continent. The aim of this work is to show what areas of contention exist between Moscow and Paris and where the main points of gravity of the rivalry are located. Identify Russian and French interests in Africa and the possibility of citing countries in the sub-Saharan region and the Sahel. Military presence and support seem to be a leading force for creating influence in this sensitive area of the world. The author based his considerations on the following research methods: source analysis, literature of the subject, comparative method, process tracking and case-oriented research, and qualitative data analysis. The competition is pragmatic. Access to Africa’s large natural resources and the use of African economic growth and boosting one’s economies are important. Russians have been building their influence for several years. Their presence has no significant historical basis and focuses on gaining access to raw materials, providing support to autocratic governments and arms trafficking.

Business or Security? Goals and Decision-Making Inside the French Oil Policy of the 1920s

The article aims to explore the interplay between economic and strategic reasons, which influenced the oil policy of the French government and business in the 1920s. The author demonstrates the heterogeneity and complexity of this policy the diverse nature of motives and interests behind the different attempts to acquire access to the oil. The French case throws some new light on the role of the “oil factor” in international relations and Great Powers’ politics. The article comprehensively deals with the topics often divided between different fields strategic studies, international political economy, diplomatic history. The author uses French archives to place Paris’ oil policy into the broader context of the French strategy and diplomacy in the first decade after WWI. Additional documents from the British and Russian archives help understand essential aspects of the Anglo-French and FrancoSoviet interactions around the “oil question.” After underlying the new strategic importance of oil, which became evident during WWI, and describing the oil dependence of France from the Anglo-American trusts (“Standard Oil” and “Royal Dutch-Shell”), the author traces the three key aims of the French oil policy. First, to diversify the supplies; second, to acquire control or direct access to the oil sources; and, finally, to consolidate the French business interests with the mediation of the state authorities. French actions in these three directions were interlinked, and they mirrored a specific situation of power and weakness of France after WWI. The article concludes that the strategic and economic reasons were interwoven inside the French oil policy. Though the French authorities perceived the growing strategic importance of oil sharply, they were not prepared to follow the clear étatist economic policy and did not try to make a radical change of the established rules of oil policy both inside the Third Republic and in the relations with “Standard Oil” and “Royal Dutch-Shell.”

A Student’s Guide to Map Making: J. Parlier’s 1905 and 1907 Cartographic Manuals

ABSTRACT In 1905, Jacques Parlier, a former artillery captain in the French army, published the first of two Méthode(s) de cartographie, cartes à main levée et de mémoire tracés rapides to teach French students how to draw maps. Parlier had become convinced of the centrality of geographical knowledge to French national security and interests. His manuals brought geographical and cartographical literacy to a generation of students in France. This paper examines those manuals, specifically in terms of how they were designed to present the cartographic craft to school-aged children, a new market for this discipline. Parlier’s strategy involved simplifying continents and countries to appear as geometrical forms and going on to focus on their physical attributes, such as rivers, mountains and coasts, thus encouraging teachers to lecture less and students to draw more.

Постколониальный французский Сахель: стратегическое проникновение ФРГ

Some of post-imperial spaces (especially former colonial ones) face with the emergence of hotbeds of instability on their territory. This problem may be delayed and has emerged long after the declaration of independence. One of the key examples is the armed conflict in Mali (since 2012) that was part of former French colonial empire. If the state cannot independently overcome a diverse internal crisis, it will have interest in playing by external actors the roles of its secure and stable development guarantees. The article shows the features of this process, using the concept of tidal and ebb “waves”. The author tries to explore German strategic penetration to Mali and G5 Sahe countries (also Burkina Faso, Mauritania, Niger, Tchad) as the traditional zone of French interests. The scientific paper issues why exactly the post-imperial spaces of former French colonial empire were the key directions of Bundeswehr usage not only in Africa but also in Asia. The features and “narrow places” of German-French cooperation in Sahel is presented. Berlin has been trying to achieve strategic autonomy from France in the region. Germany has used the “roll-over” tactic. It means the usage of the resources, including military, in areas that France itself did not pay due attention to. The article shows FRG`s contribution in multilateral strategic penetration into Mali in 2013–2015 (before the signing of inter-Malaysian agreements), during the second half of 2010-s and in the beginning of 2020-s where there were two military coups in the country. The paper concludes about the perspectives of strengthening of German line in «G5 Sahel» countries for the perspective.

Operation «Barkhan»: An inglorious end?

In June 2021, French President Emmanuel Macron announced the forthcoming withdrawal of troops from the states of the Sahel and termination of Operation «Barkhan». It was initiated in 2014 towards to battle with Islamic terrorism in Africa. The theater of war has spread to the five states of the Sahel - Mali, Mauritania, Burkina Faso, Niger and Chad. The actions of the expeditionary force were not successful. The presence of French troops in the region caused growing discontent among Africans. It became obvious that they were not here to fight terrorism, but to protect French interests in West Africa. Military-political crisis 2020-2021 in Mali, the removal of President I.B. Keita from power in this country has changed the attitude of the French towards what is happening in the Sahel. E.Macron was unable to attract the EU countries to participate actively in hostilities against Islamists and separatists in West Africa. In the context of the crisis caused by the COVD-19 pandemic, the growth of protest actions of the «yellow vests», criticism of his policy from political opponents, the French president decided to withdraw troops from the Sahel. In addition, Macron sends a signal to the leaders of the countries belonging to the military-political alliance G5 Sahel: you hold on to power as long as you rely on French bayonets. Finally, he hopes to boost his rating on the eve of the election in 2022.