Political Interactions Research Articles

Urgensi Etika bagi Komunikasi Politik

The writing aims to observe the urgency of ethics for political communication. Through literature research on Brian McNair's thought, one crucial question is revealed, is the increasing role of mass communication in the political process "good" or "bad" for democracy? McNair shows that political interaction in the public sphere is dirty and not by democratic ideals. In the end, it was found that political communication is a philosophical problem, in this case, ethics. However, bringing up the term political communication ethics ultimately fell on an oxymoron understanding. Even so, for the sake of democracy, there needs to be an understanding that the ethics of political communication is necessary after considering the dangers of political communication without ethics.

Examining the Successful Dissemination Buddhism along the SilkRoad into China Against the Political Backdrop ofthe Southern and Northern Dynasties

Nowadays, it is easy to take for granted the connection between Buddhism and Chinese culture. However, Buddhism was originally from India, and passed into China as a foreign religion. One particular period that Buddhism began to blend which Chinese culture appeared to be the Southern and Northern dynasties. The active nomadic activities during this period introduced both the possibility and need of Buddhism as a part of Chinese society. After this period, Buddhism truly gained momentum in Chinese history. This paper will examine Buddhisms unique means of propagation, specifically how Buddhism managed to wield both interpretive and political power as important tools. Such observations could yield insight into the dynamics of political interactions in ancient China, as well as how such a structure incorporated religions and common culture into its reign. The paper hypothesizes that Buddhisms ability to build connection with Chinese society was due to its unique power of flexibility and persuasion, which suited the political backdrop of the Southern and Northern dynasties well. This paper will discuss and seek to validate this thesis through three lenses: royal support, governance, and translation. The discussion will involve interpreting scrolls written by the ancient Chinese, to signify the contemporary political and intellectual importance of Buddhism.

Interview with Reimund Mink, about his book ‘Official Statistics – A Plaything of Politics? On the interaction of Politics, Official Statistics, and Ethical Principles’1

Reimund Mink, a former employee from the European Central Bank recently published the book ‘Official Statistics – A Plaything of Politics? On the interaction of Politics, Official Statistics, and Ethical Principles’. The experience from Reimund with government finance statistics in European but also in many non-European countries is a rich source for dedicated reflections and lessons to learn from the roles that official statistics, (can) play in politics. His book informs in great detail on the backgrounds for and details of the role of official statistics and their political use. Ivo Havinga, former Assistant Director Economics Statistics of the United Nations Statistics Division, Department of Economic and Social Affairs, managing partner, and academic, and present senior advisor in statistical information systems for sustainable development, was found willing to interview the author Reimund Mink.

“Disinclined to Politicize”? Music and Canadian Politics 2.0

Musicians, scholars, and even reference materials are surprisingly united in the contention that music and politics occupy separate spheres in Canada. However, we suggest that denying the intersection of music and politics in Canada potentially blinds us to the complex ways in which artists, mediators, and audiences—that is, produsers—participate in projects that are undeniably ideological. Indeed, we suggest that appreciating the entwined relationship of music, politics, people, and contexts for circulation is particularly important at a moment when the participatory culture that prevails on social media platforms is increasingly normalised and the authority of established knowledge sources breaks down in the face of “controlless” circulations of content that radically challenge our capacities to communicate across partisan lines. Our analysis takes the form of three case studies: Tony Turner’s “Harperman” (2015), Adrian Sutherland’s “Politician Man” (2019), and Brock Tyler’s “Speaking Moistly” (2020). Our analysis interprets each example according to musical form, lyrics, creator intentions, and genre affiliations but, critically, also addresses how contexts for circulation, curation by produsers, and the affect of musicking illuminates kaleidoscopic meanings that accrue through the complex interactions of music and politics—meanings, notably, that cannot be discerned through a focus on the musical object or political landscape alone.

Digitality and Political Theory

Abstract Digitality is increasingly central to individuals’ existence, which has political implications. The article maps the political implications of digitalisation, focusing on African political thought. The latter is marked by Afro-communitarianism ideas, which foster solidarity, relationality, and communalism as foundational values of the polity. However, African communitarianism has granted little attention to contemporary phenomena such as digitalisation. Also, political theory discussions on digitality have looked mainly at (neo)liberal contexts. How the digital age is reshaping the tenets of communitarian political theories represents an underdiscussed issue. This article outlines a research agenda on digitality and African political thought. New digitality-enabled relational modes change human and political interactions. The issue at stake is how these new modes challenge or strengthen the Afro-communitarian political outlook. This article recognises digital-humanism, political community, relations of power as central matters of inquiry. The analysis relies on bibliographic sources from African philosophy and comparative political theory.

DYNAMICS AND SPECIFICS OF CZECH-MOLDOVAN RELATIONS IN 1993–2021

The article analyzes the dynamics of Czech-Moldovan relations in the period from 1993 to 2021. The general chronological analysis is put into the context of regional trends in Central Europe and Eastern Europe, as well as the distinctive features of the Czech Republic’s foreign policy and their changes over time. The article is divided into three parts corresponding to the phases of the Czech-Moldovan political interaction: passivity in the 1990s, sharp activation in the period 2004–2014 and stagnation in the second half of the 2010s. The article pays special attention to the humanitarian aspects of political interaction, which became the key area of cooperation in the analyzed period. The author considers the influence of various factors on the changing nature of interaction, identifies general trends that illustrate the specifics of Czech-Moldovan relations.

Implying implausibility and undermining versus accepting peoples' experiences of suicidal ideation and self-harm in Emergency Department psychosocial assessments.

Patients seeking emergency care for self-harm and suicidality report varying experiences from being believed and taken seriously to not being believed and taken seriously. Epistemic injustice provides a conceptual framework to explore how peoples' experiences of self-harm and suicidality are believed or not. We use an empirical method -conversation analysis - to analyze epistemics in clinical communication, focusing on how knowledge is claimed, contested and negotiated. In courtroom, police and political interaction, conversation analysis has identified communication practices implying implausibility in a person's story to contest and recharacterize their accounts. To investigate communication practices in Emergency Department (ED) biopsychosocial assessments that may (1) undermine, imply implausibility and recharacterize or (2) accept peoples' experiences of suicidal ideation and self-harm. Using conversation analysis, we micro-analyzed verbal and non-verbal communication in five video-recorded biopsychosocial assessments with people presenting to the ED with self-harm or suicidal ideation, and conducted supplementary analysis of participants' medical records and post-visit interviews. We present three cases where experiences were not accepted and undermined/recharacterized and two cases where experiences were accepted and validated. When peoples' experiences of suicidality and self-harm were not accepted or were undermined, questioners: did not acknowledge or accept the person's account; asked questions that implied inconsistency or implausibility ("Didn't you tell your GP that you were coping okay?"); juxtaposed contrasting information to undermine the person's account ("You said you were coping okay before, and now you're saying you feel suicidal"); asked questions asserting that, e.g., asking for help implied they were not intending to end their life ("So when you called 111 what were you expecting them to do"); and resistinged or directly questioned the person's account. Multiple practices across the assessment built on each other to assert that the person was not suicidal, did not look or act like they were suicidal; that the person's decision to attend the ED was not justified; that an overdose was impulsive and not intended to end life; asking why the person didn't take a more harmful medication to overdose; that self-harming behaviors were not that serious and should be in the person's control. Alternative characterizations were used to justify decisions not to provide further support or referrals to specialist services. At times, these practices were also delivered when speaking over the patient. When peoples' experiences were accepted, practitioners acknowledged, accepted, validated suicidality/self-harm and introduced a shared understanding of experiences that patients found helpful. Non-verbal feedback such as nodding and eye contact was central in acceptance of patients' accounts. These findings advance our understanding of how peoples' experiences of suicidality or self-harm are undermined or accepted in mental health encounters in the ED. They have important clinical implications: patients report that when their experiences are not accepted or undermined, this makes them more distressed, less hopeful about the future and discourages future help-seeking when in crisis. Conversely, acknowledging, accepting and validating suicidality/self-harm and introducing a new ways of understanding peoples' experiences may make people less suicidal and more hopeful, generates shared understanding and encourages future help-seeking.

FEATURES OF THE INFLUENCE OF SOCIAL MEDIA ON THE POLITICAL IDENTIFICATION OF YOUTH

The relevance of the research topic lies in the development of technical instruments that change the conditions of social existence in general and political interaction in particular. The use of such instruments has an impact on all forms of collective existence, which means that it requires different forms of identification from a person, including young people. The aim of the article is to determine the features of the influence of social media on the collective identification of young people in the political environment. To achieve this goal, it is necessary to solve a number of tasks: 1) to formulate an understanding of the essence of social media; 2) to determine the content of the concepts of “identity” and “identification”, to link them with the phenomenon of imaginary communities; 3) to identify some features of the influence of social media on the process of achieving political identity among young people. A logical method is used in this article. It allows to form a holistic view of the content of the concepts of “social media” and “identification”. A critical method is also used, which is expressed in identifying the influence of social media on the political identification of young people. The results obtained and the main conclusions of the study are that the interactive nature of social media, an unlimited range of content broadcast in them, the formation of digital identity of young people, as well as the simplified possibility of organizing civil society through the formation of imaginary Internet communities - all these aspects affect political identification of youth and have a positive impact on the course of political processes in the state.

MIDDLE CLASS IN UKRAINE: GOVERNMENT OR OPPOSITION?

MIDDLE CLASS IN UKRAINE: GOVERNMENT OR OPPOSITION?

Does globalization matter in the relationship between renewable energy consumption and economic growth, evidence from Asian emerging economies.

The study aims to investigate the impact of social, economic and political globalization on the renewable energy-economic growth nexus in a panel of six Asian emerging economies over the period 1975-2020. The results of the CS-ARDL approach show that renewable energy consumption contributes significantly to long run economic growth. Economic and political globalization firmly hold back economic growth, while social globalization directly promotes economic growth. The nonlinear effects of political, social, and economic globalization on economic growth clearly demonstrate the validity of the inverted U-shaped relationship between political globalization, economic globalization, and economic growth, and the U-shaped relationship between social globalization and economic growth. The study also found that economic, social and political globalization moderated the impact of renewable energy on boosting economic growth. Based on the renewable energy consumption model, it is revealed that economic growth significantly promotes long run renewable energy consumption. Economic, social, and political globalization have significantly boosted long run renewable energy consumption. However, the nonlinear effect model reflects a U-shaped relationship between globalization indicators and renewable energy consumption. The interaction of political, economic, and social globalization with economic growth has also witnessed an increase in renewable energy consumption, which supports the scale effect hypothesis. The causality test concludes that there is a two-way causal relationship between renewable energy consumption and economic growth, thus supporting the feedback hypothesis. The policy implications for Asian emerging economies are discussed based on the empirical analysis of this study.

Reexamining Political Communication with the New Generation of Voters: The Case of İYİ Party

Political communication is a crucial matter for political actors and institutions to gauge public sentiment, shape public opinion, and influence the current political landscape; it acts as a bridge between the public and political actors/institutions. Throughout history, politics has continuously evolved based on its target audience and the changing world. Particularly in Turkey, the dynamics of political communication for Generation Z, characterized as a new generation of voters with distinct expectations, goals, and political perspectives, have taken on a different dimension compared to various social groups. Political actors and institutions strive to reach the new generation of voters, engage with their interests, and develop effective communication strategies to gain the support of this voter group that is considered the future of the country. This paper explores a different perspective on political communication, emphasizing transparency and equal opportunities, integrating digital and interactive communication into every issue, and examines how such communication strategies were employed by the İYİ Party in digital platforms. The research was conducted between January and June 2023, incorporating recent elections and campaign data. This study is significant in understanding political communication strategies, observing how these dynamics take shape through technological innovations and the targeted audience, and assessing the impact of this communication style on active political participation. The focus on the İYİ Party, which received 9.96% of the votes in its initial elections, demonstrates its distinct political communication strategy compared to other parties, further highlighting the study's importance. The objective of this research is to showcase the transformation of political communication with new-generation voters in the era of social media and digitalization, using the İYİ Party as a case study. The research employs a qualitative approach in two phases. In the first phase, a literature review collected data on the impact of political communication on voters. In the second phase, the social media accounts of the İYİ Party were analyzed to determine their focal topics and strategies through their posts. Additionally, voter reactions were observed based on the identical posts. This process examined how political communication evolved through trends and posts to connect with new-generation voters on social media. In conclusion, İYİ Party’s political communication strategy focuses more on topics relevant to new-generation voters, such as equal opportunities, diversity, education and technology accessibility, welfare policies, democracy, social justice, and rights. These topics are approached with a digital interaction-centric perspective, making political interaction more interactive. * This study is based on the master's thesis titled "Political Parties and Voter Behavior Dynamics in Turkey: The Case of the İYİ Party," conducted at the Department of Sociology at Ankara Yıldırım Beyazıt University.

«Калмыки ныне с Крымом в твердом миру…». Калмыцко-крымские отношения в конце XVII в.

Introduction. The article deals with a little-known — though noticeable — episode in the history of late seventeenth-century Kalmyk-Crimean relations. The period remains somewhat understudied, and there are still unpublished sources on the topic. Goals. The paper aims to introduce some newly discovered archival materials discussing a most interesting period in the history of relations between the Crimean and Kalmyk Khanates characterized by a short-lived close political interaction. Materials. The work examines materials stored at the Russian State Archive of Ancient Acts, the former largely contained in collections nos. 111 (‘Don Affairs’), 119 (‘Kalmyk Affairs’), and 123 (‘Crimean Affairs’). Results. The conducted insights into archival sources have yielded some new data pertaining to mutual ambassadorial contacts between the two khanates that essentially clarify and extend the existing historical knowledge of the then Kalmyk-Crimean relations. Conclusions. The mutual political approach between Kalmyks and the Crimean Khanate in the 1680s–1690s proved short-lived, and had primarily been ignited by a dramatic deterioration in Russian-Kalmyk relations. That was a significant success of the Crimean diplomacy that took every advantage of the then dissentions between Kalmyks and the Tsardom of Russia. The mentioned political consent was paralleled by mutually beneficial horse and cattle trading activities. However, the frequent power shifts in the Crimea never facilitated any long-term interaction, the latter having been aggravated by another worsening in the ‘Nogai question’ when in 1696 Nogai subjects of Kalmyks fled to Kuban requesting the Crimean Khan’s protection. It was then that the confrontation between Kalmyk chieftains and Crimean officials — that finally led to an armed clash — arouse.

«Калмыки ныне с Крымом в твердом миру…». Калмыцко-крымские отношения в конце XVII в.

Introduction. The article deals with a little-known — though noticeable — episode in the history of late seventeenth-century Kalmyk-Crimean relations. The period remains somewhat understudied, and there are still unpublished sources on the topic. Goals. The paper aims to introduce some newly discovered archival materials discussing a most interesting period in the history of relations between the Crimean and Kalmyk Khanates characterized by a short-lived close political interaction. Materials. The work examines materials stored at the Russian State Archive of Ancient Acts, the former largely contained in collections nos. 111 (‘Don Affairs’), 119 (‘Kalmyk Affairs’), and 123 (‘Crimean Affairs’). Results. The conducted insights into archival sources have yielded some new data pertaining to mutual ambassadorial contacts between the two khanates that essentially clarify and extend the existing historical knowledge of the then Kalmyk-Crimean relations. Conclusions. The mutual political approach between Kalmyks and the Crimean Khanate in the 1680s–1690s proved short-lived, and had primarily been ignited by a dramatic deterioration in Russian-Kalmyk relations. That was a significant success of the Crimean diplomacy that took every advantage of the then dissentions between Kalmyks and the Tsardom of Russia. The mentioned political consent was paralleled by mutually beneficial horse and cattle trading activities. However, the frequent power shifts in the Crimea never facilitated any long-term interaction, the latter having been aggravated by another worsening in the ‘Nogai question’ when in 1696 Nogai subjects of Kalmyks fled to Kuban requesting the Crimean Khan’s protection. It was then that the confrontation between Kalmyk chieftains and Crimean officials — that finally led to an armed clash — arouse.

Pemikiran Ibnu Khaldun Tentang filsafat Pendidikan Islam

Ibn Khaldun's thoughts on the philosophy of Islamic education reflect his valuable contribution in understanding the role of education in the formation and advancement of civilization. In his famous work, "Muqaddimah," Ibn Khaldun expresses a rich and relevant view of education in the Islamic context. Ibn Khaldun considers education as an important element in the formation of individual character and civilization. For him, Islamic education must include moral, ethical, and spiritual dimensions. Ibnu Khaldun argues that early education has a central role in forming the foundation of social life, and emphasizes the importance of providing good education to children from an early age. Apart from early education, Ibn Khaldun also recognized the importance of formal education in forming educated individuals. He recognized the value of knowledge and expertise in community development, and suggested that educational institutions such as madrasas and universities should provide knowledge that is scientific and skill-based. However, Ibn Khaldun also stressed the importance of experiential education in Islamic thought and understanding. He emphasizes that direct experience in social and political interactions brings a deeper understanding of the dynamics of society. According to him, this experience enables individuals to gain wisdom and contextual understanding which is crucial in understanding and applying Islamic teachings in everyday life. In his thoughts, Ibn Khaldun made education a means to achieve social justice and progress of civilization. He recognized the importance of acquiring knowledge and skills, but also emphasized the need for solid moral and spiritual education. For him, Islamic education must combine religious teachings with scientific understanding and practical experience to create individuals who are committed to the good and benefit of humanity.
 

Do Interstate Visits Matter? Political-Geographic Analysis of Slovak Economic Diplomacy

The aim of this article is a political-geographical analysis of political and economic relations between the Slovak Republic and the countries of the world from 1993 to 2019. We spatially analyze more than 15,000 trips of Slovak government officials to countries around the world and their relation to foreign trade. Using the statistical method of correlation, we examine the degree of relationship between trade indicators and political interactions (represented by government visits) in more than 150 countries around the world. We cartographically define spatial concentration, especially the high direct correlation between trade and trips, and examine the factors and causes of this correlation on the example of selected countries with significant values. The countries of the Eastern Partnership, the Middle East, the Western Balkans, and East Asia have the highest correlation coefficients. Our article seeks to contribute to the discussion on the effectiveness of economic diplomacy using geographical approaches.

Symbolic Politics as a Tool in Social Protest

The article analyses the concept of symbolic politics and its potential for explaining the mechanisms and means of struggle used by social protest movements. A detailed discussion of the protest events that took place in Lithuania between 2021 and 2023 reveals how the symbolic capital of major national holidays and commemorations was exploited by the opposing political forces.Between 2021 and 2023, social discontent was rising in Lithuania and so was the number of mass protests in the country. The latter differed significantly from the previous ones not only in the geography and social composition of the participants (mostly not the residents of Vilnius but those of the province, representatives of the so-called lower social classes), but also in the problems and political demands they identified. The rhetoric used was more typical of the ‘culture wars’, with demands for systemic changes and calls for the resignation of some high-ranking officials or even institutions, such as the government of the Republic of Lithuania. The frequency of these protest events and the number of protesters have also been noticeably rising.The main reasons for the growing dissatisfaction of some citizens were the domestic and foreign policies implemented by the ruling coalition formed by the TS-LKD (Tėvynės sąjunga-Lietuvos krikščionys demokratai, Homeland Union-LithuanianChristian Democrats), the Lithuanian Liberal Movement (Lietuvos liberalų sąjūdis, LLS), the Freedom Party (Laisvės partija, LS) and the government it appointed at the end of 2020, as well as the legislative initiatives reflecting the so-called gender discourse. These protests were suppressed with the help of a negative image of the protesters in the mainstream media and (not always adequate to the situation) by demonstrating the measures taken by the force structures structures to control the civil unrest. However, early in 2022, protesters spontaneously discovered and exploited, sufficiently effectively, unconventional or openly counter-conventional symbolic political tools: they used major national holidays and commemorations and public events organised on those occasions, which became an arena for demonstrating openly their negative attitudes towards the political elite.With this in mind, the aim of this article is to take a closer look at the official commemorations of 13 January, 16 February, and 11 March, the three most important national dates in 2022, and the forms of civic dissatisfaction that were expressedduring them. The category of symbolic politics was used as a theoretical basis for the study and is presented in greater detail in the article. In addition to sources such as public speeches of politicians, broadcasts of these events, TV reports or discussions about them in official and social media, etc., anthropological participatory research was chosen as a significant method of analysis.Taking into account the specifics of the development of post-Soviet countries, the topic of the exploitation of cultural memory, especially related to the era of the national movement Sąjūdis (the time of the restoration of the state) in the accumulation of symbolic capital and in the solution of topical socio-political problems was of particular importance for the analysis of the interaction of symbolic politics and social protest. The mass protests of 2021–2023 illustrate how the Sąjūdis epoch and the political values and programming of Lithuania’s development put forward during that era are still being used to challenge, reject, and create a vision contrary to the currently established political discourse and its order, including the commemorative ritual. The ongoing struggle for the right to control the symbolic legacy of the Sąjūdis and the lack of ‘feedback’ in political communication are fuelling hostility and radicalisation on both sides of the conflict. The struggle for the appropriation of the memory and moral capital of the Sąjūdis (and of the first Republic of Lithuania, from which the Sąjūdis evolved legally and symbolically) has become extremely significant for each of them, because the appropriation of this resource also plays the role of the legitimation of a particular political group. Denying the political opponent the right to this symbolic resource simultaneously denies any legitimacy they may have and at the same time eliminates them symbolically from the field of political competition.

The spiritual heritage of the Turkic peoples according to the data of “Shadzhara-i-tarakime”

The study of the foundations of the Turkic tribes existence, especially their characteristic properties of the space organization, the true needs of individual existence and development, large-scale migration flows turned out to be important in understanding the space of Eurasia from the point of view of the cultural and historical integrity. The social consequences of the world order on the territory of Eurasia at that time led to the merging of different character centers civilizations. This article is devoted to the study of the traditions relationship in the spiritual culture of the Turkic peoples on the basis of oral historical traditions and legends in the work “Shadzhara-i-tarаkime”. We discuss the important aspects of the formation of the worldview foundations of the Turkic-speaking peoples. Therefore, it is relevant to consider the problem of studying the ethnic identity of the early Turkic tribes in the continuity with the study of the ethno-political processes of the Middle Ages. The study of these historical events will not only help to reveal the problem of selfdetermination more deeply, but will also reveal the formation of historical prerequisites for the beginning of economic, social, cultural, and political interaction between the Turkic peoples.

Адаптационные ресурсы российской молодежи в условиях интенсивных геополитических трансформаций

The work is focused on the research of technologies for the formation of young people's scientific picture of the world and the corresponding political culture in the conditions of a high degree of societal informatization and cardinal geopolitical transformations. The article emphasizes the role of education and science in the process of spiritual and ideological formation of personality, the increasing importance of information technology and new social media. It is emphasized that one aspect of the geopolitical reality that intensifies the civil participa-tion of youth in politics is the intensification of social networking technologies that challenge the information security of Russia. Information threats as a devastating, destructive component in the space of political interac-tions manifest themselves in the distortion of information in order to psychologically influencing young people. The methodological significance of the concept of universal evolutionism and the resource potential of the lat-est information technologies and digital ecosystems in politics are argued.

BETWEEN DEPRESSION AND HOPE: Affective Mediations of Urban Restructuring in Leipzig, East Germany

AbstractIn this article, which is based on an empirical analysis of neoliberal restructuring in Leipzig, East Germany, I describe how the study of affective atmospheres adds to our understanding of urban restructuring, showing how collective moods affect (de)mobilization, contestation and the regulation of urban political economy to shed light on the relation between institutional, political and social processes. I demonstrate the relevance of affect for power relations, political interactions beyond rationality, and the rhythms and temporalities of urban restructuring, as exemplified by two prominent atmospheres that characterize Leipzig—post shrinkage depression (PSD) and anticipatory hope (AH).

The globally familiar: Digital hip hop, masculinity, and urban space in Delhi. By Ethiraj GabrielDattatreyan, Durham and London: Duke University Press. 2020. pages 264. $37.25 (paperback). ISBN: 978‐1478011200

Canadian Geographies / Géographies canadiennesEarly View BOOK REVIEW / COMPTE RENDU DE LIVRE The globally familiar: Digital hip hop, masculinity, and urban space in Delhi. By Ethiraj Gabriel Dattatreyan, Durham and London: Duke University Press. 2020. pp. 264. $37.25 (paperback). ISBN: 978-1478011200 Piyusha Chatterjee, Piyusha Chatterjee orcid.org/0000-0001-8527-2766 Concordia UniversitySearch for more papers by this author Piyusha Chatterjee, Piyusha Chatterjee orcid.org/0000-0001-8527-2766 Concordia UniversitySearch for more papers by this author First published: 15 June 2023 https://doi.org/10.1111/cag.12863Read the full textAboutPDF ToolsRequest permissionExport citationAdd to favoritesTrack citation ShareShare Give accessShare full text accessShare full-text accessPlease review our Terms and Conditions of Use and check box below to share full-text version of article.I have read and accept the Wiley Online Library Terms and Conditions of UseShareable LinkUse the link below to share a full-text version of this article with your friends and colleagues. Learn more.Copy URL No abstract is available for this article. REFERENCES Liang, L. (2005). Porous legalities and avenues of participation. Sarai Reader, 05(Bare Acts), 6– 17. http://archive.sarai.net/files/original/8d57bfa1bcb57c80a7af903363c07282.pdf Nayyar, D. (1998). Economic development and political democracy: Interaction of economics and politics in independent India. Economic and Political Weekly, 33(49), 3121– 3131. https://www.jstor.org/stable/4407443 Early ViewOnline Version of Record before inclusion in an issue ReferencesRelatedInformation