Interwar Research Articles

Crisis of loyalty and the defense of Empire in the estimates of the british Military class: colonial army during the inter-war period

In the interwar period, three powerful ideological factors – nationalism, pan-Islamism, and communism - simultaneously undermined the power of the metropolis in the dependent territories. Behind this façade, as was reasonably assumed in Delhi, Simla, Jerusalem, Cairo, and London, the interests of rival states were concealed. Overseas territories were seen both as a source of strength (economy, international prestige) and weakness (diversion of resources because of the leadership’s belief in the existence of an external threat).The historiography of the British Empire pays attention to how the colonial administrations and the metropolis responded to the challenges posed by the prospects of combining crises of loyalty and worsening international competition into a single problem of ensuring colonial order after the First World War. The question remains open about how the representatives of the military class themselves looked at such a cross-border threat. The article shows that, in this light, one of the key topics for the army corporation in the framework of the professional discussion was the institutionalization of the colonial army. To what extent did the esprit de corps of the British Army have an imperil character in terms of institutional peculiarities and public self-presentation? Was colonial service has been perceived as a priority over participation in conventional conflict in the training of the officer corps? How was it supposed to solve the problem of the growing obligations of the army to suppress anti-colonial protests (including guerrilla warfare in full-scale) against the background of worsening international relations, financial shortages and personnel restrictions? To what extend did the logics of the military thought development and corporate interests had mirrored the evolution of the colonial rule’ models after the Great War? As the results of the presented study demonstrates, these issues did not only constellate internal and interdepartmental discussions on the declared topic. Their participants had a hand in the further development of a wider discursive field – about the prospects for the future of the British Empire as such.

Female Gazes in the Communist Movement: Women Photographers in the Interwar Period and World War ii

Abstract Women participated in communist movements and contributed to communist culture. At the intersection of women’s history, visual arts, gender studies, history of socialism, and the history of communism, this article focuses on six women photographers—Tina Modotti, Elizaveta Mikulina, Gisèle Freund, Lisette Model, Julia Pirotte, and Gerda Taro—analysing the circulation of their works in the communist press and in circles sympathetic with the communist cause. The research on women photographers’ gazes contributes to a deeper understanding of both the lager networks of communist movement and the multifaceted aesthetics of communist culture. By crossing women’s lives and works, their subjectivity and political paths, the documental and artistic legacy of the images they have produced, the article demonstrates why and how women photographers’ production intersects communist culture during the Comintern and World War ii.

Vernacular classicism and the Mausoleum of Halicarnassus: the architectural imaginary of a Danish interwar crematorium

Abstract This article discusses a crematorium inaugurated in 1923 in the municipal Northern Cemetery (Nordre Kirkegård) of Aarhus as a case of vernacular classicism in interwar Denmark. While earlier works by its architect Sophus Frederik Kühnel (1851–1930) followed National Romantic, Renaissance, and Gothic models, the crematorium stands out because of its crowning feature, a stepped pyramid roof that emulates one of the most characteristic architectural elements of the mid-fourth-century BCE Mausoleum of Halicarnassus, described by Pliny the Elder (HN 36.31) and other ancient authors. This reference to one of the most famous funerary monuments from classical antiquity is both functionally and symbolically appropriate in a cemetery setting and also fits into a longer history of ‘Mausoleumania’, both in Denmark and internationally. Furthermore, it reflects a broader architectural movement of vernacular, ‘Nordic’ classicism during the interwar period, when local architects ‘translated’ classical elements into the vernacular, for example, through prominent use of brickwork and eclectic combinations of classical motifs with both medieval and National Romantic forms. Kühnel’s crematorium shows some of the creative ways in which Scandinavian architects freely adapted distinctive elements from the repertoire of classical architecture, in this case in response to the rise of cremation.

The Comintern and the National and Colonial Question: the Roots of Soviet Anti-Imperialism and Anti-Racism Reconsidered

Abstract With Russia’s escalation in Ukraine, many long-standing positions and relationships have become much more complicated. Many nations in the Global South have elected to remain neutral to avoid damaging their long-standing relations with Russia, which they rely on for political or economic stability. The Russian government has instrumentalized this history of Russian and Soviet support for anti-imperialism to buoy its own relations with the Global South. This support has its roots in the Comintern period when the Communist International promoted anti-imperialism, anti-racism, and self-determination of nations. These efforts, in turn, helped develop the image of the Soviet Union as an anti-imperial bulwark, while also providing an alternate path in which many nations in the Global South found inspiration following the Second World War. This thought piece reconsiders the history of the Comintern to ask fresh questions about its role in anti-imperial and anti-racist movements. In doing so, it calls for a greater attention to the limitations of the Soviet regime during the interwar period, and a reconsideration of the imperial actions of the Soviet Union as relates to this history. It also explores how the history of the Comintern and the complicated history of Soviet support for global decolonization in the interwar period remains relevant to contextualizing present-day reactions to Russian aggression in Ukraine and why, despite the correctives of the post-Cold War period, historians now need to ensure further complexities in this history are not overlooked in the instrumentalization of this history promoted by Russia following February 2022.

Legal regulation of the activities of cooperative societies in Eastern Galicia in the interwar period at the beginning of the ХХ century

Based on archival materials, legislative acts, and studies of contemporaries, the article attempts to highlight the role of legal regulation in the formation and development of the cooperative movement in the region. The study helps to better understand the complex interaction between political authorities and public initiatives in the context of socio-economic transformations of the interwar period in Eastern Galicia. The problem of legal regulation of the activities of cooperative societies in Eastern Galicia in the early twentieth century, in particular in the interwar period, is relevant and important for understanding the socio-economic processes of that time. A study of this issue will allow us to better understand the role and impact of the cooperative movement on the development of economic sectors and the lives of the local population. This article examines the legal environment in which cooperative societies operated in Eastern Galicia in the interwar period. The article analyses the legal acts regulating the status, rights and obligations of cooperative organisations and assesses their effectiveness and impact on the development of the cooperative movement (the Trade Law, the Law on Companies, the Ministry of Internal Affairs’ Order). However, the legal regulation of the activities of cooperative societies during this period remains poorly understood, especially in terms of their impact on community development and economic well-being of the region. The development of the Ukrainian cooperative movement in the nineteenth century coincided with the beginning of the capitalist industrialisation of Ukrainian lands. The Austrian government took this movement seriously, which was reflected in a large number of legislative initiatives of the Austrian Reichsrat. The government adopted various legal acts aimed at regulating the activities of voluntary associations, organisations and societies. Coverage of this topic will help to understand the mechanisms of functioning of cooperatives in the fields of production, trade and services, as well as their interaction with government agencies and other sectors of the economy. Further research on this topic could serve as a basis for developing recommendations for improving the legal environment for the development of the cooperative sector in modern Ukraine.

The role of Ukrainian political and legal thought in strengthening the national self-identification of Ukrainians of Galicia in the interwar period

The article summarizes the contribution of national-democratic, conservative and nationalist thinkers to the restoration of Ukrainian statehood based on the analysis of ideological and worldview doctrines of representatives of Ukrainian political and legal thought of the interwar period. The forms and methods of struggle, which are the basis of the state concepts created by them, are summarized. It was established that the defeat in the national liberation struggle of the Ukrainian people at the beginning of the 20th century led to the transformation of the worldview of many Ukrainian scientists and politicians, who, despite ideological differences, had a common strategic goal - the need to restore and establish a sovereign, independent Ukrainian state. The study of the intellectual heritage of the leading representatives of Ukrainian political and legal thought gave reason to conclude that the failure of Ukrainians to form an independent state was largely connected with the weakness of the national consciousness of the people and the insufficient ideological and political maturity of its leaders. In view of this, Ukrainian political and legal thought was aimed at strengthening the national self-identification of Ukrainians and their awareness of their political interests. It is argued that the scientific approach to substantiating the idea of national-state independence of Ukraine was initiated by Stanislav Dnistryanskyi, one of the founders of Ukrainian political and legal thought of the national-democratic direction. It is characterized (according to Volodymyr Starosolskyi) that the struggle for one’s own (national) state is a historically political factor in the formation of a nation. It is emphasized that disappointment in the ineffectiveness of the republican-democratic methods of organizing power prompted V. Lipinsky and other representatives of conservative opinion to search for more adequate forms of state organization. It is shown that in the interwar period for the Ukrainians of Galicia, nationalist ideology was especially important, which had a powerful influence on the formation of the Ukrainian nation as a self-aware, social, cultural, legal and political community and was a prerequisite for the creation of its own sovereign and independent state.

Darker Legacies Of Anti-corruption: Fascist Criticisms of the Law in Inter-war Romania

Abstract The aim of this article is to open a new way of understanding corruption by examining its place within the law and culture of the European semi-periphery, with a focus on inter-war Romania. My intention is to operate a twofold displacement of the analysis of the anti-corruption and the status of constitutional practice in this context. First, I aim to reposition the question of political corruption within a jurisprudential and legal historical context. In this way I inquire what is the legal theoretical importance of political corruption in a post-dependency context? In other words, what can the representation of corruption entail for law, and for a particular legal historical trajectory within the European periphery. Second, I move towards exploring the context of the inter-war period as well as the discursive construction of political corruption within the law and through the fascist criticism levelled against it.

Protecting the health and welfare of Japanese women: Yoshioka Yayoi and her visit to Nazi Germany in 1939

ABSTRACT In 1939, Yoshioka Yayoi embarked on a trip to Nazi Germany on behalf of the Japanese government, to observe local maternal healthcare and welfare policies and facilities. As a prominent woman doctor and women’s rights activist, Yoshioka actively engaged in social and medical activism in Japan in the interwar years, eventually becoming a key leader in various government-sponsored women’s groups during World War II. Through an analysis of Yoshioka’s 1939 trip hosted by the Nazi Women’s leader, Gertrud Scholtz-Klink, this article looks to uncover salient features of the transnational network established between Japanese and Nazi women leaders. With reference to Yoshioka’s observations on maternal protection in Nazi Germany, this article also evaluates her strategic adaptation of Nazi policies to improve maternal welfare and healthcare in Japan, as well as the reception of these policies in a global context. Furthermore, it examines the alignment and disparities between Yoshioka’s perspectives and those of the wartime Japanese government, revealing the complexities faced by women leaders in navigating between women’s and national interests during the wartime period.

Reports to the Military Office of the President of the Republic in Czechoslovakia on the situation in Poland in 1935

The article focuses on the military and political reports of the Military Office of the President of the Czechoslovak Republic in 1935. The relations between Czechoslovakia and Poland in the interwar period were not ideal for a number of reasons, yet there were mutual contacts, one of which was the work of the diplomatic corps and military attachés. The view of these reports on developments in Poland was an important source of information for the Czechoslovak President. That is why the reports are quite detailed. The article presents them with a commentary on the events mentioned and with the necessary setting in the contemporary context.

Peculiarities of the development of Ukrainian political and legal thought of the nationalist direction in Galicia in the interwar period (1919-1939) of the 20th century

The article examines the peculiarities of the development of Ukrainian political and legal thought of the nationalist direction in Galicia during the interwar period. The ideas and specifics of the views of Ukrainian thinkers who formed and developed Ukrainian nationalist thought are considered. It is shown that the struggle of Ukrainian nationalists was aimed at realizing the natural right of the Ukrainian people to self-determination. It is emphasized that it was extremely difficult for Ukrainians to achieve this in practice, because the process of annexation of Western Ukrainian lands was accompanied by a violation of fundamental international obligations of Poland and its current legislation, which were a prerequisite for the consent of the victorious states to temporary (1919) and permanent, with the rights of autonomy (1923) inclusion of Western Ukrainian lands into the Second Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth. It is emphasized that in the 20s, the occupation government began mass polonization in Galicia, which consisted in the artificial colonization of Ukrainian ethnic lands by the Polish population, significant restrictions on Ukrainians in obtaining school education in their native language, persecution of organized public life, etc. The apogee was the so-called pacification, a punitive action to "pacify” Ukrainians, which was carried out from September 16 to November 30, 1930. It was established that repression and mass terror caused acute forms of confrontation in society, which should be considered as an adequate response of Ukrainian nationalists to the efforts of the authorities to oppress the Ukrainian population with violent methods. It is argued that a new stage in the development of Ukrainian political and legal thought of a nationalist direction is largely connected with the figure of Dmytro Dontsov, who formed the basic principles of education of the national elite, defense of national interests and development of national ideology. It has been proven that in the interwar period, nationalist ideas in Galicia penetrated into the popular masses, mastered them and thus significantly changed the character of the Ukrainian people.

Constitutional and legal mechanisms of regulation of economic social relations in the Second Polish Republic

The constitutional and legal mechanisms of regulation of economic social relations in the Polish state in the 20-30s of the twentieth century are investigated. It is determined that the fundamental constitutional and legal institutions of the economic system are property, labor, and the financial system. Constitutional regulation of the sphere of economic organization of social life of different states is not the same in form and volume. Based on the analyzed broad legislative framework, it is stated that in the first half of the 20s of the twentieth century. political, economic and legislative formation of the Polish state took place. Reforming the financial system, agriculture, trade contributed to the formation of the Polish economic system. It is noted that the intervention of state bodies in economic affairs was minimal, which contributed to the development of various industries of the country and the economy as a whole. In the period from the May 1926 coup to the beginning of the world economic crisis, Polish legislation began to change from free democratic to authoritarian. The situation was characterized by contradictory trends: on the one hand, democratic institutions and the Constitution of 1921 remained, on the other hand, the executive branch demonstrated the desire to govern the state, despite the parliament and political parties. The new legislation introduced by the Pilsudchiks in the first half of the 30s, on the one hand, was aimed at overcoming the crisis in the economy, and on the other hand, it was marked by increased interference of power in all spheres of society. It is stated that in the interwar period, the Second Polish Republic quickly created and developed its own economy. This was achieved thanks to the well- established system of economic social relations of the Polish state - the system of relations of property, production, exchange, distribution and consumption of material and spiritual goods. The leading role in this was played by the liberal, democratic constitutional and legal field, which became an effective mechanism for regulating the economic activity of the state. shows effective ways, forms and methods. It is recommended to use the experience of developing the legislation of the Polish state to improve modern Ukrainian economic law.

Pozycja ustrojowa notariatu w świetle Prawa o notariacie z dnia 25 maja 1951 r.

The article provides an analysis of the systemic position of the notariat under the Law on Notaries of 25 May 1951. This act introduced in Poland the system of notariat modelled on the Soviet legislation. Under this law, the notariat became a state body, operating through state notary offices under the supervision of the Minister of Justice and its organs. It was commonly classified as a legal protection body, although it was known that its purpose, functions and principles of operation differed much from both the traditional profession of notary and other legal protection bodies. The provisions of the new law recognized a notary as a state employee with special obligations to comply with the law and social rules applicable within the People’s State. Granting a new status to a notary entailed the abolition of the professional self-government of notaries and the notary traineeship. Despite the formal abandoning of previous traditions, the general principles of the notariat set out in the Law on Notaries of 1951 were nevertheless based to some extent on the achievements of the Law on Notaries of 1933. Thanks to these principles for the operation of the notariat, notaries continued to enjoy strong trust from the public, which allowed the notary to continue to be referred to as a person of public trust. The fact that the notariat managed to keep its character as an institution of public trust demonstrated the universal nature and vitality of this institution. This allowed the Polish notariat to survive the period of nationalization and ultimately to go back in 1991 to the systemic traditions that had been developed during the interwar period.

Society and Archaeological Sites in Interwar Greece

Throughout the twentieth century, Greek society invested in the enhancement and management of archaeological sites and monuments seen as particularly important for the nation’s political and diplomatic agendas. Antiquities have always been part of public life in modern Greece, as evidenced by national campaigns emphasizing the timeless value of ancient Greek culture, promoted in the service of national, political and economic ends. In this context, the Greek Archaeological Service has long carried out works for landscaping and demarcating archaeological sites, as well as for enhancing access to them. This study, drawing on archival material of the Directorate for the Management of the National Archive of Monuments (DMNAM) and other sources as well as two case studies—the Temple of Apollo Epicurius at Bassae/Andritsaina and the archaeological site of Delphi—examines the factors that have determined the relationships between antiquities and Greek society. In particular, it focuses on contradictions, and occasional conflicts, related to such relationships during the interwar period (1918–1939) and the social impact of the promotion and enhancement of archaeological sites. The paper also emphasizes local communities’ and authorities’ involvement in managing archaeological sites in their regions due to high tourist interest during this period.

Building the Nation in Stone and Wood. Restorations and Writings about Historical Monuments in the First Half of the Twentieth Century in Romania

The paper looks at restoration and preservation practices and at art history writings to explore attitudes and mentalities in the first decades of the twentieth century in Romania. It deciphers the creation of an architectural heritage and the meanings of writings about and restoring historical monuments in a young nation-state that expanded significantly after World War I. Some of the major restoration sites in Romania, around 1900, are analysed together with several of the architectural history writings of the interwar period that reveal a growing turn to nationalism in the Romanian cultural and political spheres.

»Za otroka« - Kolonije kot del mladinskega skrbstva mestne občine ljubljanske med svetovnima vojnama

After incorporating youth welfare in the framework of public social welfare in 1923, the Ljubljana municipality included in its remit the organisation of holiday colonies for sick children from socially disadvantaged families. The recommendations and precepts of the relevant theory were diligently translated into practice (even during the financially unstable times of the economic crisis and its consequences). Although it did not manage to obtain all the desired or planned resort sites, the children’s colonies became a regular feature of the interwar period. Year after year, the Ljubljana municipality provided for an increasing number of girls and boys, and it should be underlined that they did not only receive medical but also social and educational care.

The Thought of Yaroslav Stetsko Compared with the Views of Vojtech Tuka to 1941: On Two Variants of Integral Nationalism in Central and Eastern Europe

The inter-war period and the first years of the Second World War were a period when integral nationalism and Fascism were triumphant throughout Europe. The Ukrainian and Slovak national movements were no exception in this regard. These ideologies developed primarily within the framework of the Organization of Ukrainian Nationalists and the Hlinka’s Slovak People’s Party, respectively. This article compares the thought of representatives of the more radical factions within these two organizations: Yaroslav Stetsko and Vojtech Tuka.

Activities of religious creeds in culture and education in the Bielsko poviat district in the years 1918-1939

The Bielsko poviat is known to have had a complex denominational situation. Key denominations of the region included Catholics, Protestants and Jews. In the city Bielsko itself lived followers of all three religions. The relations across the various religions of the region were heavily influenced by the nationalities of the population. In the inter-war period there were twelve Catholic parishes, four Protestant churches and one Jewish community in the Bielsko poviat district. The article presents the cultural and educational activities in the Bielsko poviat district in the years 1918-1939 against the backdrop of the above-mentioned religious groups.

Crime, Trade Marks and Soft Trade Policy in the Interwar Era: Market Realities and the Merchandise Marks Act 1926

ABSTRACT This article explores a facet of the relationship between trade marks and the criminal law in the UK in the interwar era, a pivotal period of transition in UK economic policy from free trade to a more managed economy. Drawing together insights from legal, business and economic history, we show that, in the interwar years, the context of domestic politics and wider international trade policy, produced a greater focus on the relationship between trade marks and market-place understandings of the national origin of manufactured products. This context included the passage of the Merchandise Marks Act 1926, a criminal law statute that stipulated the circumstances in which imported goods were to be marked with an indication of national origin, and included a criminal offence regulating trade marks enforced by prosecutions brought by the Board of Trade. We argue that the criminal law regulating trade marks became entwined with ‘soft’ trade policy, i.e. a means of protecting the domestic/Empire market falling short of tariff protection. Drawing on substantial original archival research, we explore the problems that confronted the Board of Trade when it enforced the 1926 Act in view of market realities.

Governing summer in Mount Lebanon: Istiyaf, tourism, and mobility in the interwar Arab East

ABSTRACT This article examines the lattice of dynamics, networks, and perceptions underpinning the blanket label of ‘tourism’ in Lebanon and the broader Arab East during the interwar (mandate) era. It analyses guidebooks, pamphlets, government correspondence and travelogues published in the Middle East and Europe. Hoteliers, tour operators, merchants, and journalists distinguished between siyaha (tourism) and istiyaf (‘summering’) to create different tourist publics – one western, the other regional Arab. Separate guidebooks were written for each, pinpointing different sites of interest, cuisines, and leisure destinations, based on assumed cultural attributes, travel practices, and desires. While historiography argues that Europeans created mass tourism as an industry, istiyaf was rooted in a legacy of indigenous travel practices and economies. By drawing Arab travellers to Mount Lebanon’s village resorts, istiyaf enabled residents to produce, narrate, and exhibit Lebanon–not just aesthetically or geographically, but also climatologically and gastronomically. Different classes and genders could claim ownership of this new Lebanon. Making interwar Lebanon a regional leisure destination cemented its connection to new neighbours while simultaneously distinguishing it from them. This research thus reveals how tourism, leisure, and mobility both undergirded and undermined nation and state-building efforts in these germinal postwar decades of the Middle East.

Why Am I an Atheist?

This article sheds light on a neglected episode in the scholarship on Egypt's intellectual life in the interwar period, as well as on the Arab renaissance (Nahda) and its intensive preoccupation with the triangle of religion, science, and secularism. The discussion focuses on a provocative manifesto published in 1937 by an Egyptian writer Ismaʿil Ahmad Adham, which called for a godless universe. Adham's challenge to established religions is framed within a broader historical and intellectual context. It raises the following questions: How unique is Adham's atheism in the Egyptian and Arab writings of his time? What can we learn from the public discussions of his views about Egyptian civil culture in the 1930s and its commitment to a democratic ethos? Addressing these questions from a comparative perspective in both Islamic and European history may contribute much to the understanding of Arab debates about the existence of God.