Intergovernmental Level Research Articles

Fusion of Horizons or Confusion of Horizons? Intercultural Dialogue and Its Risks

In 1998, the UN General Assembly designated the year 2001 as the UN Year of Dialogue Among Civilizations. It was an attempt to avert the purported clash of and to foster trust and cooperation among various nations to tackle some of the impending global and regional crises. To contribute to this UN-led movement, the author presented his ideas concerning how such a dialogue could or should take place on two occasions: at the UNU International Conference on Global Ethos and at the UNESCO International Conference on Dialogue Among Civilizations: Democracy and East Asian Traditions. In this article, he exposes the double-edged nature of global dialogue as well as the risks and dangers that must be avoided for a dialogue to become meaningful. KEYWORDS: dialogue of civilizations, global ethic, politics of recognition, human rights, nationalism. ********** What can we hope to achieve through a dialogue of civilizations? The answer or answers to this question would depend partly on how we formulate our collective goals. Is the goal of intercivilizational dialogue simply the prevention of a civilizational clash? Or does it go further in addressing other pressing global and regional problems? Do we need to create a global ethic to achieve such goals? It is my understanding that the UN-led efforts to initiate an intercivilizational dialogue stem from the awareness that many of the impending global and regional crises can be averted only through a worldwide collaboration of state and nonstate actors, and that such a collaboration could only be the outcome of mutual trust and respect fostered through a global dialogue. Needless to say, this is easier said than done. In this article, I outline some of the risks involved in certain attempts to link the issue of solving global problems with that of initiating an intercivilizational dialogue. However, by exposing the risks, I do not intend in any way to undervalue the importance of either the intercivilizational dialogue or the ongoing UN efforts toward realizing that end. In fact, I am a strong supporter of such a movement and have on one occasion--at the International Conference on Global Ethos organized by the United Nations University in October 2000--tried to contribute to this movement by proposing a methodology for conducting a global dialogue aimed at creating a global ethic. (1) Therefore, my intention behind this attempt to expose the risks and even the dangers of intercivilizational dialogue is not to discourage such a dialogue--which would be irresponsible--but rather to minimize the risks by articulating what they might be. With the above in mind, I should like to begin by seeking an intelligible response to the following questions. Do we really need a global ethic? Why not simply rely on the existing international mechanisms of conflict resolution and problem solving? Although many agree that it would not be easy to devise a viable alternative system of global governance, there seems to be a growing consensus even among conventional state actors that the existing states system is unsuited to dealing with many of the pressing global and regional problems and that it is unsustainable in the long run. To mention an obvious example, unlike some conventional national security issues, which may still in some sense be addressed effectively through a top-down chain of command, human security issues that deal with problems ranging from human rights violations to terrorism to environmental degradation can hardly be solved by a government fiat. For example, global warming cannot be solved without the voluntary cooperation of most of the global population. hence, even though many treaties, conventions, and protocols are produced and signed at the intergovernmental level, their effects will remain negligible if implementation and compliance, both of which require the cooperation of so many different actors, do not follow. Therefore, it makes sense to seek a global ethic, a shared moral consciousness that could motivate people to voluntary concerted action--an operative ideal as it were. …

Democratizing security sector governance in West Africa: trends and challenges

While other regions of Africa have had their share of crises, the challenge of meeting numerous security threats has been particularly arduous in West Africa. Nevertheless, there are unmistakable signs that, through its collective regional integration instrument, the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS), the sub-region is beginning to awaken fully to the need to tackle its security crisis. This article makes two interrelated arguments. First, although the creation of democratic spaces in democratizing states, or complete rebuilding of collapsed states, provides greater opportunities for security sector reform (SSR), the relationship between democratization and democratic governance of the security sector is less clear. Second, a combination of norm setting at the sub-regional level as well as activism in the non-governmental sector across the region is driving the move (even if slow and seemingly uncoordinated) toward improved governance, including in the security sector at the national level. However, the commitment of states to principles of good governance at the inter-governmental level does not naturally lead to corresponding change within the state. Therefore, there is a clear need to promote a security sector governance (SSG) agenda at both sub-regional and national levels in order to expand the space for meaningful SSR processes in West Africa.

The politics of Europe 2003: differences and disagreements

ABSTRACTThe European Union (EU) was supposed to make a great leap forward in 2003. In many ways, it did. The European Convention presented its draft constitutional treaty. The 10 candidate countries signed and ratified their treaties of accession, and the EU and the North Atlantic Treaty Organisation (NATO) agreed to share institutional resources. However, the year was marked more by division than by achievement. A series of crises over Iraq, the Stability and Growth Pact and the intergovernmental conference together shook confidence in the future of Europe. This essay examines what the implications of these crises are for Europe’s future. It argues that they represent important disagreements––but not lasting differences––between the member states. The politics of Europe remains on track at the intergovernmental level. If there are problems in Europe’s future, they are more likely to arise between elites and voters than between the member states.

Development and Institutionalisation of Romani Representation and Administration. Part 1

The post-1989 rise of ethnic conflicts in the former Eastern Bloc have led to the renewed salience of minority rights and their prominence in international relations. The 1990s witnessed a proliferation of legal instruments and offices dedicated to minority rights at the intergovernmental level (mainly within the Organisation for Security and Cooperation in Europe, Council of Europe, but also the United Nations). After decades of arguing that rights of persons belonging to national, ethnic or religious minorities can be sufficiently ensured within the framework of universal human rights, attributed to individuals regardless of group membership, liberal political theorists (most notably Will Kymlicka) have started to advocate the need to supplement these traditional human rights with minority rights (meaning certain group-differentiated rights or “special status” for minority cultures) in order to ensure justice in multicultural states.

Informal Circles of Ministers: A Way Out of the EU's Institutional Dilemmas?

This contribution argues that the particular relevance of informal circles of ministers lies in their ability to routinise and communise the process of the interpretation of constitutional norms at the intergovernmental level. The informal setting triggers a particular mode of interaction—deliberative intergovernmentalism. In the case of economic policy coordination among the euro–zone countries, which is analysed in this article, this interaction produces common standards for the assessment of the economic situation in the member states and guidelines on appropriate policy responses in particular budgetary and economic situations. In a situation, in which there is growing need for closer policy coordination but European Union member states are reluctant to transfer further decision–making competences to the supranational level, the mediation between diverging interpretations of the rather ‘thin’ formal constitutional norms governing the coordination process is crucial in order to ensure the overall stability of the coordination framework. Informal circles of ministers can therefore be a way out of the current institutional dilemmas arising from the attitude of national governments to move towards new areas of common engagement while being increasingly reluctant to transfer further formal decision–making competences to the supranational level.

Institutional reform and government coordination in Brazil’s social protection policy

This study, now being published posthumously, examines Brazil’s recent experience in formulating and implementing government social policies and assesses the prospects for establishing a “social authority” for centralizing and coordinating such policies. It describes the complex pattern of exclusion and vulnerability against which social reforms must be instituted in Brazil. It then goes on to review the social development strategy adopted as part of the Plano Real in 1994, which seeks to restructure the financing, outlays and benefits of the social protection system in order to increase its effectiveness, coverage and redistributive impact. Finally, it analyses the coordination of federal social policies, especially at the macropolitical and intergovernmental level, drawing special attention to the creation of sectoral chambers and policy integration mechanisms to replace former bureaucratic coordination structures.

Implementing Internationalisation: The Practical Application of the Fractal Process Model

The paper is concerned with the application of internationalisation theory to the practical issues of undertaking international activity, from the level of the individual, through the department, faculty, and university levels, up to and including the governmental and intergovernmental levels. This fractal process model has widespread use and is a powerful methodological and analytical tool for understanding how internationalisation can be undertaken.

Friends and Competitors: Policy Interactions between Local Governments in Metropolitan Areas

This article explores intergovernmental policy interactions between cen tral city, county, and suburban city governments in 186 metropolitan ar eas. Two hypotheses are developed to test the existence and shape of intergovernmental policy interactions between these governments. A com petition hypothesis, based on Tiebout's 1956 concept of interjurisdictional competition, posits that counties and cities compete in the developmen tal policy area by matching what other cities and counties do. A coopera tion hypothesis, based on the notion of the functional arrangements between local governments, posits that counties and cities cooperate in the public safety and education policy areas by supplementing others' policies or by substituting their policies with others' policies. The results of an analysis of local government expenditures indicate that local gov ernments compete as well as cooperate at the intergovernmental level and that intergovernmental policy competition is weaker than interjuris dictional policy competition. The article ends with a series of discussions on possible changes in the current local government system to mitigate the competition between cities and their counties.

Forecasts and warnings of natural disasters: The roles of national and international agencies

AbstractNatural disasters are caused by natural events, which can be grouped as (i) extreme unstable events; (ii) large ‘variability’ events associated with extremes of the inherent variability and chaotic behaviour of geophysical systems; and (iii) global change events. These primary events are usually followed by equally harmful secondary events, such as mud slides or tsunamis following volcanic eruptions. Whether these events lead to disasters depends to a large extent on the preparedness and resistance of the afflicted community – i.e. its vulnerability. Forecasts for these different categories of event are of two types: ‘risk’ forecasts based on data of previous events, and real‐time forecasts. For group (i) events, these forecasts only begin following some initial detection, whereas for groups (ii) and (iii), forecasts are made before any indication of the event. Many (but not all) types of secondary event may also be forecast with increasing accuracy using local geophysical data and computational models of relevant processes. In this paper the organisation of forecasts and warnings is described, as is how it involves geophysical and disaster or emergency centres at the national, regional and international level. Satisfactory arrangements for issuing, receiving and acting on forecasts and warnings between countries (including the use of broadcasting media) require carefully negotiated procedures at the intergovernmental level. It is pointed out that international procedures developed for meteorology need to be extended to include other types of geophysical event and disaster. The final section of this paper reviews the need for defining targets for improvement in forecasting during the current International Decade for Natural Disaster Reduction (IDNDR), and that this should be preceded by establishing the accuracy of current methods, i.e. the baseline. Clarification of our objectives and targets may well lead to greater financial support from governments and other donors.

Problems and prospects for health sector links in the Southern African region: The role of South Africa

Recent political developments in South Africa provide many opportunities for the development and extension of health sector links in the Southern African region and the possibility to move away from past hostilities towards a constructive future. The need to address health issues at an inter-governmental level is becoming more urgent as poverty, drought and homelessness take their toll on the health of the region's population. This paper examines the prospects for and problems with regional integration in the health sector. It begins by outlining the historical context of regional health sector links and by discussing crucial issues that have to be addressed in relation to future regional activities. It is suggested that future regional co-operation should be based on a new approach to regional security which seeks to overcome adverse relationships, to encourage collective action and responsibility, non-interference in domestic affairs and peaceful resolution of disputes. The second part of the paper examines areas in the health sector that would benefit from co-operation. These include disease control, nutrition, medicines, health services, health personnel and research and development. Potential problems related to health sector links are explored and possible mechanisms for regional integration in the health sector are briefly considered.

International year of shelter for the homeless

The United Nations General Assembly, by proclaiming 1987 as the International Year of Shelter for the Homeless (IYSH), launched a new major initiative to stimulate effective action at the national and international levels to improve the shelter conditions of the homeless, the poor and the disadvantaged throughout the world. Responsibility for organizing and coordinating the activities for the Year was entrusted to the Commission on Human Settlements at the intergovernmental level, and the the United Nations Centre for Human Settlements, UNCHS (Habitat), at the secretariat level. The launching of the Year coincided with severe economic constraints in the developing countries which dampened hopes for achieving the goals and objectives of IYSH. Yet during the period from 1983 to the end of 1987 many governments made new commitments to ameliorate the inadequate shelter conditions of the poor and took serious steps towards adopting new or revised strategies and policies to that end. The organizations in the United Nations system, multilateral financial institutions, bilateral aid agencies and non-governmental organizations (NGOs) responded positively to the challenges posed by the IYSH programme and contributed in many ways to the achievement of its objectives.

British policy towards Western Europe, 1947–9: the best of possible worlds?

The course of postwar British relations with the countries of Western Europe is often seen as having been set by the developments of 1947-9. In early 1948, Britain was regarded as the leader of Western Europe; a year later the British had not only lost that leadership, but with hindsight had lost their place in future European political developments. How and why did such a transformation come about? During 1947 and 1948, the British government took a leading role in bringing about West European union. This represented an attempt to achieve a close association of West European states working at intergovernmental level. Concrete examples of Britain's leading role were the signing of the Dunkirk Treaty on 4 March 1947 between Britain and France and the Brussels Treaty on 17 March 1948 between Britain, France and the Benelux countries. The concept of West European union to which the British were committed, and which was explicitly espoused in the Brussels Treaty, seemed to imply a greater commitment of the United Kingdom to European affairs than had existed in British foreign policy hitherto. Yet during 1948 and early 1949, when the governments of France, Benelux and Italy started to propose some form of West European unity, they found that they were faced by implacable British opposition. This unity sought to go beyond the intergovernmental level towards West European federation. Even when the US government supported West European unity strongly, British opposition to it did not lessen. The distinctions between union and unity seem to have been clearly conceptualized by the British by 1948. This failure of the British government to move from working for European union towards working for European unity has widely been regarded as a missed opportunity. During the late 1940s, the policy of the British government on the issue of unity was opposed by everybody; abroad by the major European governments and the United States, and at home by the Conservative Party. Many historians have since sided, in varying degrees, with this contemporary criticism of the Labour government. 1 However, this article will argue that such a critical approach does not allow for

Recent Developments in United Nations Treaty Registration and Publication Practices

The framework for the systematic registration and publication of international agreements on an intergovernmental level was set in Article 18 of the League of Nations Covenant, and later in Article 102 of the United Nations Charter. The purpose of treaty registration and publication is to give effect to the principle and policy of “open covenants”—enunciated as the first of President Wilson’s Fourteen Points—in lieu of secret diplomacy. In addition, these procedures serve to record “contemporary trends in substantive international law” for the benefit of judicial and government practitioners, scholars, and specialists in various fields.

The politics of policy reversal: the US response to granting trade preferences to developing countries and linkages between international organizations and national policy making

Analysis of the United States’ shift to support of trade preferences for developing countries in 1967 provides evidence for the value of a “bureaucratic politics” model that pays attention to the importance of transgovernmental relations in influencing national policy making. Between 1964 and 1967, international organizations affected, United States policy making on trade preferences, and officials within the US government who favored preferences used such organizations-particularly the OECD-to help change American policy. Intergovernmental, transgovernmental, and national levels of policy making were closely linked to one another. This case study suggests the need for a broadened conception of “bureaucratic politics”; but it also supports the view that the “bureaucratic politics” and “rational actor” approaches are fundamentally complementary rather than antithetical.

Man and the biosphere: An international research programme

A new international research programme entitled Man and the Biosphere (MAB) has just been launched by the General Conference of UNESCO. This programme is to focus on the structure and functioning of the biosphere and its ecological regions, on the changes brought about by Man in the biosphere and its resources, on the overall effects of these changes upon the human species itself, and on the education and information which needs to be provided on these matters. The need for the programme and the history of its development are briefly analysed. The scope and the proposed scientific content of MAB are described, including a list of the 31 research themes that are being considered on natural environments little modified by Man, on rural environments, on urban-industrial environments, and on pollution and related phenomena affecting the biosphere. An indication is given of the type of basic operations needed for such an international programme which is to include networks of observation and research stations and utilization of modern methodologies; also indicated are the education and training activities contemplated as a support to the programme, particularly in developing countries. It is emphasized that the MAB programme, which constitutes in many respects a follow-up and extension at the intergovernmental level of the International Biological Programme (IBP), will be carried out under the guidance of a 25-countries coordinating council in close cooperation with the other United Nations agencies and non-governmental organizations concerned. Each country has been invited to set up a National Committee through which individual scientists can influence the content of the programme.

Integration and Disintegration in Franco-German Relations, 1954–1965

The object of this study is to determine how close to, or how far from, international integration France and the Federal Republic of Germany (West Germany) moved between 1954 and 1965. Results presented here are revealing though probably not astonishing: While some indices of international integration suggest growing assimilation between Frenchmen and West Germans at the societal level, others, paradoxically, show marked deterioration in French and West German coordination and amalgamation at the intergovernmental level. What is important about these findings is that they follow predictably from some theories of international integration and raise questions about others.