Intentional Deprivation Research Articles

SIGNS OF ECONOMIC ABUSE OF CHILD

Economic violence is a form of domestic violence that includes intentional deprivation of housing, food, clothing, other property, funds or documents or the ability to use them, leaving without care or concern, preventing access to necessary treatment or rehabilitation services, prohibition to work, forcing labor, prohibition to study, other offenses of an economic nature. Let's consider external manifestations of economic violence.

Conceptualizing Journalists’ Safety around the Globe

Killings, as the most extreme form of violence against journalists, receive considerable attention, but journalists experience a variety of threats from surveillance to gendered cyber targeting and hate speech, or even the intentional deprivation of their financial basis. This article provides a comprehensive, interdisciplinary framework of journalists’ safety, summarized in a conceptual model. The aim is to advance the study of journalists’ safety and improve safety practices, journalism education, advocacy, and policy making - vital as press freedom and fundamental human rights face multifaceted challenges, compromising journalists’ ability to serve their societies. Journalists’ occupational safety comprises personal (physical, psychological) and infrastructural (digital, financial) dimensions. Safety can be objective and subjective by operating on material and perceptional levels. It is moderated by individual (micro), organizational/institutional (meso), and systemic (macro) risk factors, rooted in power dynamics defining boundaries for journalists’ work, which, if crossed, result in threats and create work-related stress. Stress requires coping, ideally resulting in resilience and resistance, and manifested in journalists’ continued role performance with autonomy. Compromised safety has personal and social consequences as threats might affect role performance and even lead to an exit from the profession, thus also affecting journalism’s wider function as a key institution.

Особливості місця, часу, обстановки й слідів вбивств, учинених в умовах неочевидності

On the basis of generalization of materials of criminal cases and research papers, typological characteristics of the victims, determined by the typical place, time, environment and traces of murders committed in conditions of unobviousness, and typological characteristics of identity of the murderer are provided. It is emphasized that these elements have an important place in the structure of criminalistics characteristics of these crimes because the investigation always starts with their establishment. It is underlined that the elements that are studied in the article provide original information about the crime. On the basis of research and data obtained from the generalization of criminal cases of unsolved murders, probabilistic, statistical and correlation connections between the elements of the forensic characterization of unsolved murders of previous years have been established and standard versions have been proposed based on them, primarily on the identity of murderers. Such versions serve as a kind of guide for investigators in organizing the investigation of a specific act of intentional deprivation of human life, committed in conditions of obscurity. This makes it possible to significantly narrow the scope of the search for persons involved in the crime, and increase the probability of its disclosure. The issue of investigating unsolved crimes recently has been the subject of attention in the works of many scholars. But these studies covered general issues specific to the investigation of all types of unsolved crimes. At the same time, there have been no in-depth studies of the problematic issues of the investigation of unsolved murders in recent years. The analysis of investigative practice shows that there are a number of specific factors for criminal cases of unsolved murders, which are related to the peculiarities of the forensic characterization of these crimes, as well as to mistakes made during the initial investigative actions and investigative measures. In the article the author tries to determine the methodological features of establishing the place, time, situation and traces of murders committed in conditions of obscurity with the subsequent implementation of the results in the investigative practice of law enforcement agencies.

ECONOMIC VIOLENCE AS A TYPE OF DOMESTIC VIOLENCE: STATUTORY REGULATION AND THE FIRST EXPERIENCE OF APPLICATION OF THE CRIMINAL LEGISLATION OF UKRAINE

The criminal liability for economic violence in Ukraine as one of the types of domestic violence was analyzed in the article. Interpretations of such types of economic violence as intentional deprivation of housing, food, clothes, other property, money and documents or opportunity to use them, leaving without care or guardianship, preventing in receipt of necessary services in treatment or rehabilitation, ban to work, coercion to work, ban to study and also other offenses of economic nature. It was established that the intentional deprivation of housing, food, clothes, other property, money or documents should be understood as conditions under which the victim cannot use this property in full because it has been spent on the guilty person’s own needs, transferred to third parties, destroyed or damaged, etc. It was noted that the relevant property may belong to the offender or the victim. In turn, deprivation of the opportunity to use this property means that the victim is either limited in time to use these items, that is cannot use them constantly, but only for a certain time or with a certain frequency and/or cannot use this property to the extent which deems it necessary. Separation of these types of economic violence from crimes such as abuse of guardianship rights, evasion of alimony payment for child support, evasion of money payment for keeping of disabled parents, and malicious failure to care for a child or a person in custody or care was done. It was stated that committing such a type of economic violence as a ban on work or unlawful force to work, the offender against the will of the victim at his own discretion determines whether the victim has the right to realize his right to work or vice versa to force the victim against his will to work or overwork or perform the work chosen by the offender himself, not the victim. In this case, the aggressor may not work himself at all. This type of economic violence was separated from such crimes provided by other articles of the Criminal Code of Ukraine as the exploitation of children and the use of a minor child for begging. The attention was focused on the fact that the list of types of economic violence for which criminal liability may occur has an open character. This approach of the legislator makes the norm more flexible in application but significantly complicates its interpretation.

Qualification of negligent homicide in the practice of the Supreme Court of Lithuania

Straipsnyje analizuojami tam tikri neatsargaus gyvybės atėmimo kvalifikavimo klausimai, susiję su neatsargaus gyvybės atėmimo atribojimu nuo nužudymo ir nelaimingo atsitikimo. Tiek baudžiamosios teisės moksle, tiek teismų praktikoje nėra vieningos nuomonės dėl neatsargaus gyvybės atėmimo, kaip nusikaltimo, atribojimo nuo nelaimingo atsitikimo (kazuso). Nemažai problemų teismų praktikoje kyla, kai neatsargų gyvybės atėmimą reikia atskirti nuo tyčinio gyvybės atėmimo, t. y. nužudymo. Šiuo klausimu keičiasi ir teismų praktika. Ilgą laiką kelių eismo taisyklų pažeidimas, sukėlęs nukentėjusiojo mirtį, neatsižvelgiant į taisyklių pažeidimo pobūdį, buvo vertinamas kaip neatsargus gyvybės atėmimas ir buvo taikomas specialus baudžiamojo įstatymo straipsnis, numatantis baudžiamąją atsakomybę už kelių eismo taisyklų pažeidimą. Pastaruoju metu toks požiūris kinta, ir tie atvejai, kai nukentėjusysis miršta dėl itin šiurkščių, tyčinių kelių eismo taisyklų pažeidimų, teismų praktikoje jau pripažįstamas nužudymu. Autoriai šiame tyrime nagrinėja aktualiausią Lietuvos Aukščiausiojo Teismo praktiką, kurioje sprendžiami neatsargaus gyvybės atėmimo atskyrimo nuo nužudymo ir nelaimingo atsitikimo klausimai. Tai daroma siekiant nustatyti pagrindines normų, numatančių atsakomybę už neatsargų gyvybės atėmimą, aiškinimo ir taikymo problemas, pasiūlyti jų sprendimo būdus.

New Trend in Terrorism in Nigeria: ‘Boko Haram Sect’ - The Villain of the Piece

It is no longer news to the global community that Nigeria is currently under the scourge of terrorism. Since the start of the current year, the reality in many parts of the globe remains a poignant reminder since most of the factors that have triggered their upheaval resonate in Nigeria on a daily basis.Undoubtedly, the dastardly act unleashed on the United States of America on the 11th of September, 2001 when two of the four commercial jets hijacked by nineteen members of Al-Quaeda crashed into the 110 story twin towers of the World Trade Centre killing nearly 3, 000 souls have since brought the issue of terrorism to the fore. This heinous act which resulted in monumental damage is still much remembered till today in the United States as they now set aside September 11 of every year in remembrance of lives that were lost during the 9/11 attack. However, that despicable act was discovered to have been spearheaded by the late Al-Qaeda leader Osama Bin Laden who was later killed in May, 2011 by U.S. forces inside Pakistan.The U.S. 9/11 attack and several others such as the Mumbai attack on India on 26th November, 2008 made terrorism a pivotal issue and several strides have since been made by global actors in combating this menace. Consequently, there have also been flurry of international and domestic efforts to tackle terrorism.Incontrovertibly, terrorism in the world at large has risen to a sublime and the global community in a bid to stave-off this act which has constituted a threat to global peace and stability unanimously agreed to counter terrorism in all its forms and to also bring its perpetrators to justice.For instance, world leaders at the 2005 September Summit unequivocally condemned terrorism in all its forms, manifestations, committed by whomever, wherever and for what ever purposes.Although prior to and after the 9/11 gruesome attack on U.S, terrorism had been alien to Nigeria not until recently when Nigeria started experiencing frequent and diverse terrorist activities in form of spat of bombings in various states of Nigeria, which has left several people dead and so many others bereaved of their loved ones.The perpetrators have being identified as a group known as Boko Haram extremist sect from the Northern region of Nigeria who have remained impregnable to the Nigerian government.Sadly enough, on a fateful Friday the 26th of August, 2011, a suicide bomber rammed through two security gates at the United Nations building in Abuja, Nigeria, hit the main building and then detonated a blast which killed 23 people and injured more than 70 others.This unabashedly Boko Haram Islamist sect who had claimed responsibility for similar attack on the police headquarters on the 17th of June, 2011, also claimed responsibility for the mayhem on the UN building. On Sunday the 11th of September, 2011 another bomb was also set-off at Plateau State, Nigeria. The continued onslaught by this group of insurgents and the aftermath effect has kept Nigerians in perpetual fear. Nigerian citizens and foreigners no longer consider Nigeria as a safe place to live as a result of this restiveness. Similarly, terrorism constitutes a total infringement and intentional deprivation of the citizens’ right to life as enshrined in Section 33 (1) of the Constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria 1999 (as amended). Other international human rights instruments also guarantees right to life which is a fundamental human right. Apart from the fact that terrorism is generally viewed as inhumane; it is equally a criminal act which the whole world frowns at. Considering the above, I believe it is high time Nigeria address the major cause so as to get a clear direction on how to address the current problem. This is the more reason why I consider this paper not only timely but equally phenomenal at a crucial moment as this when Nigeria is going through a climax of unrest.Candidly speaking, tackling the present upsurge in terrorism would not be an easy task due to various factors which has long perpetuated terrorism in Nigeria. Nonetheless, this paper shall attempt to advance strategies that would at list serve as a springboard in checkmating terrorism in Nigeria.

Paternalism On Pain of Punishment

We overpunish and overcriminalize, Douglas Husak insists in his latest book-length tour de force entitled Overcriminalization: The Limits of the Criminal Law (2008). (1) In what ways and by what measure? In his carefully reasoned, systematic, and provocative analysis of the scope and limits of the criminal law, Husak provides benchmarks by which we can determine to what extent legislators have been overzealous in employing punishment to achieve their regulatory ends. And if Husak is right, we should be deeply concerned about the reach of American criminal law today, because it both prohibits legally what is not prohibited morally and imposes harsh and stigmatizing punishments on those who are not deserving of them. In Husak's view, we are subject to regime that frequently and systemically violates right that is as important as any that citizens can have-the right not to be punished--and we should both fear for our own freedom and be outraged on behalf of those who have already lost theirs unjustifiably. None can fail to admire the breadth of knowledge, both theoretical and empirical, that Husak brings to the defense of these conclusions, and none can fail to become impassioned by his passionate indictment of the ways in which legislators, police officers, prosecutors, and judges are complicit in perpetrating grave injustices in the name of criminal justice. Among the pivotal claims of Husak's book--one surprising, in part, because it has received little serious defense by criminal theorists before is the claim that have right not to be punished, they have a right not to be subjected to intentional deprivation and censure through state action. (2) Such right is as weighty as any right we count as fundamental--as weighty, for example, as the constitutional rights of free speech, marriage, and privacy. In Husak's view, if legislators were to abide by seven general principles or (which he derives from the criminal law itself and by analogy from tenets of equal protection analysis within constitutional interpretation), (3) the criminal law would not overreach its proper scope and the right against punishment that all citizens possess would not be in peril. But because legislators have not constrained their lawmaking zeal by conscientious adherence to these principles, our criminal law is now riddled with mala prohibita offenses, (4) ancillary offenses, (5) overlapping offenses, (6) risk-creation offenses, (7) paternalistically-motivated offenses, (8) and just plain stupid offenses (9) that permit offenders to be sentenced to prison terms that are grossly disproportionate to the severity of their misdeeds (if they are guilty of moral misdeeds at all). At stake and at risk today, argues Husak, is our right against punishment--a right that implies that those who seek to sanction our conduct must satisfy demanding criteria of justification. (10) Upon applying the constraints on criminal legislation that he develops, Husak reaches substantive conclusions about the limits of the criminal law that are largely identical to those that would be reached by theorists with classic liberal, and even strong libertarian, sympathies. But what is surprising, given these conclusions, is that his ambitious and important book is not, as such, defense of liberty! It is not in the tradition of those who seek to derive checks on state power from theory of personal freedom. It does not indict paternalistic laws on the basis that persons have moral permissions to engage in the conduct such crimes prohibit; it does not rail against the proliferation of mala prohibita offenses on the basis that persons should lose liberty only when its use threatens the rights of others; it does not sort out what he calls ridiculous crimes by identifying prohibitions that target abuses of rights that are matters of right nonetheless. This is because Husak's concern is not, first and foremost, with the protection of an arena of action immune to state interference; rather, his concern is with the protection of the right against punishment. …

Augustine, Arendt, and Melanie Klein: The (De)Privation of Evil

It does not seem as if Augustine's conception of evil as the privation or absence of goodness is adequate to account for the horrors of the 20th century. Whether this is true depends on how we interpret “privation.” Drawing on Melanie Klein and Wilfred Bion, I argue that the privation of goodness may be seen not merely as the absence of goodness, but as the active destruction of goodness, its intentional deprivation. This, it turns out, is enough to make sense of Hannah Arendt's otherwise confusing concept of the banality of evil. Making sense of her concept does not, however, make it right.

Obywatelski projekt „Stop Aborcji” ─ prawne i doktrynalne uzasadnienie inicjatywy oraz ocena jej przebiegu

Tekst przybliża prace nad projektem ustawy będącym przedmiotem obywatelskiej inicjatywy ustawodawczej Stop Aborcji w 2016 r. jak również jej przebieg. Prezentuje jednocześnie prawne i etyczne racje, dla których projektowi nadano taki a nie inny kształt. Nie bez znaczenia w tym kontekście był fakt, że w świetle encykliki Evangelium vitae (pkt 73), aborcja jest zbrodnią, której żadna ludzka ustawa nie może uznać za dopuszczalną. Jako bezpośrednie zabójstwo niewinnych istot (Evangelium vitae pkt 72), aborcja nie ogranicza się do relacji między Bogiem a grzesznikiem. Mając daleko idące, dramatyczne skutki społeczne, pozostaje zawsze czynem zewnętrznym domagającym się stosownej reakcji ze strony państwa. Jan Paweł II ubolewał, że w świadomości zbiorowej aborcyjne zamachy na życie tracą stopniowo charakter „przestępstwa” i w paradoksalny sposób zyskują status „prawa”, do tego stopnia, że żąda się uznania ich pełnej legalności przez państwo, a następnie wykonywania ich bezpłatnie przez pracowników służby zdrowia (Evangelium vitae pkt 11). Chociaż więc aborcja często jest dla matki przeżyciem dramatycznym i bolesnym bo może być uwikłana w chęć ratowania innych ważnych dóbr, to Jan Paweł II podkreślał, że wszystkie te i tym podobne racje, jakkolwiek poważne i dramatyczne, nigdy nie mogą usprawiedliwić umyślnego pozbawienia życia niewinnej istoty ludzkiej (Evangelium vitae pkt 58). Dlatego też Kongregacja Nauki Wiary podkreśla, że w przypadku przerywania ciąży sama rezygnacja z karania wydaje się przynajmniej oznaczać, że prawodawca nie uważa już przerywania ciąży za przestępstwo przeciw życiu ludzkiemu, gdyż zabójstwo zawsze spotyka się z karą. Realizacja tych oczywistych zasad ogólnych ma miejsce w porządku prawnym około 150 państw świata, w tym w prawie karnym Państwa Watykańskiego, które (niezależnie od ekskomuniki latae sententiae w porządku duchowym) przewiduje odpowiedzialność karną każdego umyślnego sprawcy aborcyjnego zabicia dziecka. Chociaż ustawodawstwo większości innych państw traktuje matki na równi z innymi współsprawcami aborcji, autorzy obywatelskiego projektu „Stop Aborcji” przewidzieli niczym nieograniczoną możliwość odstąpienia przez sąd od kary wobec matki, bez konieczności wykazywania szczególnych okoliczności.