The existence of automatic, unconscious processes influencing human emotion, cognition, and behavior is widely accepted and confirmed by numerous studies (e.g., Ohme et al., 2001; Jarymowicz, 2002; Hassin et al., 2005; Wentura and Degner, 2010; Bargh et al., 2012; Bargh, 2014; Wentura and Rothermund, 2014). Researchers demonstrated the mechanisms of implicit social cognition, including implicit attitudes and stereotypes (e.g., Greenwald and Banaji, 1995; Nosek et al., 2009; Molden, 2014), implicit affect (e.g., Zajonc, 1980, 2004; Murphy and Zajonc, 1993; Feldman-Barrett et al., 2005; Ohme, 2005; Kobylinska, 2007; Kolanczyk, 2007), as well as automatic processes in perception, evaluation and motivation (Bargh, 1997; Bargh et al., 2012; Rotteveel et al., 2015). Such mechanisms are described as automatically occurring and hard to control or modify. However, more and more researchers (Baumeister and Vohs, 2004; Koole, 2009; Kobylinska and Karwowska, 2014; Jarymowicz and Imbir, 2015) are starting to explore whether an individual always remains under the unconscious, automatic influence of these processes. Even if intentional, voluntary control is not possible, some evidence suggests that automatic self-regulation, including emotion regulation (which does not require person's conscious knowledge and intention, Fitzimons and Bargh, 2004; Koole and Rothermund, 2011) can operate outside of conscious awareness and influence the course of other processes (e.g., emotion) even the implicit ones (e.g., Kolanczyk and Pawlowska-Fusiara, 2002; Kobylinska, 2007; Wentura and Degner, 2010; Teige-Mocigemba and Klauer, 2013; Koole et al., 2015). In this opinion article we base our understanding of emotion regulation on the process model of emotion regulation proposed by Gross (2008, 2014, 2015a,b), who defined emotion regulation as a series of processes which cause changes in the dynamics, duration and speed of emotional activation, as well as changes in accompanying behavior, experience, and physiology. Accordingly, Gross (2008) argued that regulation could result in decreasing, intensifying or sustaining of either positive or negative emotions. He distinguished between antecedent-focused and response-focused regulation showing evidence that the antecedent-focused strategies (e.g., reappraisal) are more effective and adaptive then the response focused strategies (e.g., suppression) (Gross et al., 2006). More and more researchers, including ourselves, agree that emotion regulation manifests itself in a flexibility in experiencing positive and negative emotions by using different emotion regulation strategies (e.g., Ekman and Davidson, 1994; Bonanno and Burton, 2013; Sheppes et al., 2014; Aldao et al., 2015). Still, the majority of current research concentrates on the regulation of negative emotions, as decreasing the intensity or duration of negative emotions seems especially important for people in a present world (Gross, 2015a). We also focus on regulation of negative emotion. Our aim is to present some results that indirectly suggested the existence of automatic emotion regulation as well as some direct evidence (including replication) for this kind of regulation. Results of our own experiments described below add to the discussion about automatic emotion regulation showing consensus with previous studies.