This study investigates the difference between more than n and at least n + 1. It is observed that these two quantifiers can generate different implicatures in intensional contexts due to their exhaustivity properties. Building on theoretical notions of argumentation in discourse, it is proposed that more than n, but not at least n + 1, is associated with positive argumenatative orientation (an attempt to convince the addressee of something). In a large-scale corpus investigation, more than n is shown to be associated with much larger numerical values than at least n (as well as other comparative quantifiers). Based on a qualitative investigation of the data, I propose that more than n is used more commonly to convey subjective positions that are being made more convincing by larger values of n, while at least n + 1 is used more commonly to convey objectively informative content. The quantifiers’ behavior in intensional contexts is explained as a combined effect of their respective argumentative orientation and the exhaustivity implicatures they generate.
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