Intelligence Apparatus Research Articles

Design of Protection Functions Test System for Intelligent Low Voltage Electrical Apparatus Based on Flexible Test Technology

In order to satisfy the needs of protection functions test for intelligent low voltage electrical apparatus, based on the introduction of features of the flexible test technology, a design of protection functions test system for intelligent low voltage electrical apparatus based on the flexible test technology was proposed in this paper. The test system was made up of the hardware composed of industrial computer, multifunction data acquisition card, three phase current generator, three phase voltage generator, etc, and the software developed by LabVIEW. The design idea and the test flow of the software were also introduced in detail. Finally, the application example shows that the protection functions for intelligent low voltage electrical apparatus constructed based on flexible test technology could carry out a high efficient, automatic, accurate test, which fully reflected the three characteristics of the flexible test technology ——flexibility, adaptability and expandability. Therefore, the test system has great practical value and application prospect.

Influence of Perpendicular Magnetic Field on Apparent Density and Microstructure of Magnetic Fluid

The formula for a magnetic fluid's apparent density is derived based on Bernoulli's equation of magnetic fluid, and the distribution of the magnetic fluid's apparent density is measured by the intelligent apparatus of measuring a magnetic fluid's apparent density in an applied perpendicular magnetic field. Magnetic particle chain-like alignments are observed by a transmission electron microscope (TEM). Without an applied magnetic field, the magnetic fluid's density is equal everywhere and the distribution of magnetic particles is homogeneous and unordered. When magnetic induction and magnetic induction gradient gather strength in an applied perpendicular magnetic field, the magnetic fluid's apparent density increases gradually, and more chain-like structures are formed and aligned with the direction of the magnetic field. The results of magnetic particle alignments are correspondent with the distribution of the magnetic fluid's apparent density. Both of them result from particle-particle interactions and particle-carrier liquid interactions, which are eventually controlled by the applied magnetic induction and magnetic induction gradient distribution.

The Pakistan-US conundrum: jihadists, the military, and the people: the struggle for control

Yunas Samad's trenchant analysis of contemporary Pakistan features five main players: the people, the army, the Islamists, the politicians and the Americans. His book explains how a series of alliances borne of political and strategic expediency between the US and the military, between these parties and the Afghan mujahidin, and between various Pakistani politicians and some or all of the above - have continually undermined the state to the extent that its very existence is now in jeopardy. Much of the country is now under the de facto control of an indigenous, 'Pakistani', Taliban, whose writ is extending to Swat, Punjab and Sind along with its traditional bastion in the North West Frontier. Yet even in this parlous situation Pakistan's military and intelligence apparatus continue to be obsessed with waging a proxy war against India, whether in Kashmir or Afghanistan, at the expense of their own state's stability, while some elements now, paradoxically, see American influence in Afghanistan as a greater threat to Pakistan than the traditional foe across its eastern border. These high stakes contests for strategic and political power have also harmed Pakistan's economy, argues Samad, impoverishing many of its people while the military 'state within a state elite' benefits from American largesse and a tiny business elite enjoys the rich pickings of the of neo-liberal policies enacted at the behest of the World Bank and other international agencies. In conclusion Samad returns to his key themes: explaining how ordinary Pakistanis have been ignored by the country's military and civilian rulers, how their material circumstances have steadily deteriorated over the last twenty or more years and how grand strategic designs fashioned in Islamabad and Washington continue to undermine political life and have ushered in forms of Islamist and sectarian politics that were largely unknown in Pakistan.

Looking for Intel? … or Looking for Answers? Reforming Military Intelligence for a Counterinsurgency Environment

We analyze the recent Flynn Report and assess its implications for the future of military intelligence in Afghanistan. In particular, we argue that the report seeks to expand the substantive tasks of the military intelligence practitioner, while collapsing non-trivial aspects of existing organizational hierarchies. We argue that implementation of the Flynn Report's proposals would match poorly with the traditional nature of military intelligence and the realities of human resources constraints in the military. Further, the resulting scale of unfiltered data such a system would produce might serve to overwhelm rather than assist decision-makers. Finally, we conclude that the problems expressed in the Flynn Report should not be traced to the military intelligence apparatus per se, but rather to the inability of US political leadership to map out a clear vision for current operations – both in Afghanistan, and in the counterinsurgency environment in general.

Research on a PLC Simulation Control Apparatus for Intelligent Traffic Lights

In this paper an intelligent traffic light simulation control apparatus based on PLC and touch panel is developed. The device uses the touch panel as the master computer, PLC as the control kernel, the photoelectric switch and the sound sensor for vehicle detection components, to control the traffic lights and nixie tubes. Some conventional functions are realized to simulate the real road traffic lights control system, for example, alternatively working of the red lights, the yellow lights and the green lights, time countdown showing function, manual adjustment of the time, etc. Besides, the system can automatically adjust the time of traffic lights by the traffic flow in different directions, and can automatically change the working modes of the traffic lights by the current system time. The practical application shows that the device can not only promote students’ learning interests and improve students’ practical ability and creativity, but also can be used to control the real traffic lights if the traffic flow detectors are substituted by the earth inductors or the infrared cameras.

The Struggle to Reform Intelligence after 9/11

Two years after the Homeland Security Act of 2002, Congress passed the Intelligence Reform and Terrorism Prevention Act. This act aspired to replace a sprawling agency‐oriented intelligence apparatus with an integrated, networked intelligence community. The act envisioned a director of national intelligence who would accomplish sweeping structural reforms, while at the same time maintaining and improving the efficiency and effectiveness of intelligence operations. This vision has not materialized. The director of national intelligence does not have the power to implement structural reforms. Schisms between the legislature and the executive also hamper reforms.

Russia's Very Secret Services

Russia's <i>Very</i> Secret Services

‘[…] the best security for London is the nine Kennedy children.’ Perceptions by US Officials in Washington DC and London of Britain's Readiness for War in 1939

The London Observer was the title given to the published version of the diaries of General Raymond E. Lee, US military attaché in London in 1940–1941, edited by James R. Leutze, which appeared in 1971. Yet Lee did not arrive in London till spring 1940, as Britain's ‘Finest Hour’ sounded and the nation squared up to Luftwaffe air attack and the threat of German invasion. Compared with this phase of the Second World War, so extensively chronicled by historians, scant attention has been paid to British preparedness for war—and especially little to evaluations by America's London observers of the quality of British preparedness. This article seeks to fill that gap. Firstly, it highlights the severe organisational shortcomings and largely absent coordination that prevented the US diplomatic and intelligence apparatus forming coherent advice to President Franklin D. Roosevelt and the State Department on whether Britain's defences, and Neville Chamberlain's government, could withstand the Third Reich. Secondly, it shows that seriously divergent assessments resulted as to the likelihood of Britain withstanding a war, notably as between the pessimism of Joseph P. Kennedy, the US ambassador to the Court of St James from 1937 to 1941 and father of later President John F. Kennedy, and the measured optimism of his professional defence advisor, Brigadier-General Bradford G. Chynoweth, Lee's predecessor as US military attaché in London. Finally, it suggests the importance of personalities in international politics, as the difficulty for the State Department, the War Department and the President of accurately calibrating British war readiness in 1939 became greatly exacerbated by the personal animosity between their men on the spot.

Between Maitatsine and Boko Haram: Islamic Fundamentalism and the Response of the Nigerian State

Nigeria has a long history of religious conflicts, some of the most virulent being those of the Maitatsine (1980s) and Boko Haram (July 2009). The latter matched the former in intensity, organization, and spread. Given the international attention to global terrorism, there is the likelihood that fundamentalist groups receive motivation, material, and ideological support or influence from a global jihadist movement. Unresolved national issues, including the weak economy, weak security and intelligence apparatuses, and the failure to define what the national culture and identity is, are critical factors. The precedent of Maitatsine and the government's handling of it suggest that government incapacity and lack of political will have served to encourage recurrence and question the state's capacity. This paper discusses the resurgence of violence under the guise of religious revivalism and draws parallels between the Maitatsine uprisings and the Boko Haram uprising. It examines the Nigerian state response to these uprisings. It concludes that unless the state addresses concretely and tackles bravely the conditions that can aid or fuel violent religious revivalism, uprisings may recur.

Teaching and Learning Guide for: Transnational Crime and Transnational Policing

Teaching and Learning Guide for: Transnational Crime and Transnational Policing

Crossing Empire's Edge: Foreign Ministry Police and Japanese Expansionism in Northeast Asia (review)

Reviewed by: Crossing Empire's Edge: Foreign Ministry Police and Japanese Expansionism in Northeast Asia Selcuk Esenbel Crossing Empire's Edge: Foreign Ministry Police and Japanese Expansionism in Northeast Asia. By Erik Esselstrom. University of Hawai'i Press, 2008. 248 pages. Hardcover $59.00. Crossing Empire's Edge, by Erik Esselstrom, is part of the new field of transnational history, which looks at border-crossing issues and experiences that researchers working within the boundaries of the nation-state have frequently neglected. The work sheds critical light on the participation of the Japanese Ministry of Foreign Affairs (Gaimushō) in prewar imperialism and militarism in the context of the political intelligence role the ministry's police force played during the twentieth century. Making rigorous use of both published and unpublished ministry records and the available research on this aspect of Japanese imperialism—little known, especially in English-language scholarship—the book convincingly argues against remnants of the official view that, emerging from the Tokyo War Crimes Trial following World War II, has relegated responsibility for Japanese militarism solely to the army and a few radical Asianist extremists. As he states early in the book, Esselstrom takes issue with the [End Page 408] standard view of postwar scholarship, which has often characterized the Foreign Ministry as a liberal and progressive element that clashed with the Imperial Army, whose unilateral security prerogatives and reckless ideological ambition led to the Manchurian Incident of 1931 and its aftermath. The author challenges the so-called villains-and-victims view of prewar Japanese imperialism and militarism and its vindication of the American destruction of that polity and exoneration of "ordinary" Japanese from responsibility. By showing the involvement of the Foreign Ministry, the book provides insight into that institution's participation at each stage of Japan's colonial and imperialist project. In five concise chapters rich with solid evidence, Esselstrom discusses the activities, spanning roughly sixty-five years, of the consular police force organized under the Japanese Foreign Ministry and deployed, through a controversial interpretation of extraterritorial privilege, on the Asian continent as part of Japan's informal empire. Originally a small security force, the consular police evolved to become a "full-fledged political intelligence apparatus devoted to apprehending Korean, Chinese, and Japanese purveyors of dangerous thought" (p. 2). Active in China's treaty ports, North China, and Manchuria along the Korean border, at its peak in 1936 the consular police force numbered 1,794, or just over 70 percent, of the Foreign Ministry's 2,557 total personnel overseas. Beginning with a discussion of patterns of Japanese police work in late Chosŏn Korea, the first chapter recounts the origins of Japan's earliest quasi-colonial organization in northeast Asia as Japanese consular police institutions in Korea. The force stationed in Korea illustrates the part played by the Foreign Ministry in facilitating that country's annexation, a development in which Japanese residents were deeply involved. The second chapter looks at Japanese consular police in late Qing and early Republican China, and in Manchuria. Responsible for the protection of local Japanese civilians and Koreans, who were considered to be Japanese subjects, the consular police stationed in the Jiandao region (on the Manchurian/Korean border) became a source of jurisdictional ambiguity and led to clashes with Chinese police forces throughout this period. Chapter 3 sheds light on the history of Japanese intelligence, tracing the development of Japanese consular activities in this area as a means of guarding against ideological threats to the imperial state, whether posed by nationalists or Communists, by Koreans or Japanese. Here we see the background to Imperial Japan's prewar anti-Communism, which would form the basis for collaboration between the United States and former members of Japanese army intelligence during the Cold War years.1 The discussion of Japan's anti-Communist ideology during the 1920s and 1930s rightfully places Japanese history in the context of twentieth-century imperialism and patterns of global power relations. One interesting example, reminiscent of patterns in modern global power behavior up to the present, is the prewar collaboration between the French and Japanese Foreign Ministry offices, which exchanged information about political opposition groups, including Vietnamese nationalists, in the case...

A call for the integration of 'Biographical Intelligence' into the National Intelligence Model

Biographical intelligence is an established concept within Intelligence circles and is used to develop a wider picture of activities of heads of state and politicians likely to be harmful to the interests of the sovereign state collecting such data. However, to date, despite the pervasiveness of the National Intelligence Model in Britain in professionalizing the face of policing, the concept of biographical intelligence has yet to mature. This briefing paper examines this overlooked issue and in particular discusses why biographical intelligence could prove to be a useful addition to the Intelligence armoury of policing. The paper demonstrates how crime entrepreneurs can gain competitive advantage across a lifetime by exploiting existing gaps in the intelligence system and how as a result they can stay ‘one step’ ahead of the police intelligence apparatus. The constructed narrative shows up systemic flaws in the system that are still relevant and open to exploitation by resourceful and intelligent criminals.

The Design and Implement of Improvement for Pointer MV-meter Display Mode

Based on relative fresh foreign and domestic scientific research results about intelligent apparatus and instruments, we adopt SCM to be the main controller of the meter, utilize former DA-16 low frequency MV-meter, realize the improvement of the DA-16 low frequency MV-meter under the premise that doesn’t change its work principle, and transforms the needle output of the MV-meter to digital display. The improvement of MV-meter acquires large advancements in many aspects such as the automatization of measurement process, the data processing of measurement result and the display precision, and the improved MV-meter can not only enhance the reading precision, but fully reduce the reading time, and its use is more convenient and simple in the experiment.

Russian Intelligence Activities in Canada: The Latest Case of an “Illegal”

This article discusses Russia's use of “illegals” for espionage purposes, using the recent Canadian case of one “Paul William Hampel.” Unmasked in November 2006, his case of was reminiscent another one a decade earlier which involved two Russians who also operated under false Canadian identities. Although we do not know how much of a role simple luck or poor Russian tradecraft played in Hampel's case, that Russia is still using Canada for espionage purposes should not come as a surprise. One of the few tools Russia has absent a strong economy and rejuvenated armed forces, is its intelligence apparatus. Hampel's case should serve as a warning to all well-established advanced democracies: espionage is as important today as it ever was in the pursuit of a state's national interests. *The views expressed in this article are the author's own and do not reflect the official position of the government of Canada or any of its departments and agencies.

A History of Effects-Based Air Operations

Effects-Based Operations focus on results achieved from using military operations—the output. Too often, military commanders and their staffs concentrate on the means—the inputs—sterile metrics like body counts, bomb tonnage, or the number of sorties flown. U.S. airmen have always recognized the inherent logic and desirability of concentrating on effects, and their doctrine going into World War II emphasized this focus. Unfortunately, the intelligence apparatus necessary to analyze a complex enemy economic system did not then exist. Since then, new technologies and new analytical tools—which came into their own during the Persian Gulf War of 1991—have made this decades-old concept a reality.

Strategic Culture, Intelligence Assessment, and the Conduct of the Pacific War: The British-Indian and Imperial Japanese Armies in Comparison, 1941-1945

The article compares the intelligence efforts of the British-Indian and Imperial Japanese armies during the Second World War in the Asia-Pacific theatres. It illustrates how cultural factors enabled the British to establish a more efficient intelligence apparatus than their Japanese counterpart. Whereas the British viewed intelligence as a vital instrument for aiding their war effort, the Japanese tended to scorn its value. The good use of intelligence in turn enabled the British to use their scarce resources to defeat their opponents, whereas poor intelligence led the Japanese to squander their limited strengths.

Reform, Reorganization, and the Renaissance of the Managerial Presidency: The Impact of 9/11 on the Executive Establishment

In the wake of 9/11, realigning the human and financial resources of the executive branch to fight the war on terrorism quickly became the defining mission of George W. Bush’s transformed presidency. This article assesses the ways in which 9/11 impacted on the executive branch of the U.S. government, using a framework of “punctuated equilibrium” to posit that the terrorist attacks on New York and Washington added considerable force to trends already in motion. September 11 proved a catalyst for significant institutional changes, such as the enhanced role of the vice president in policy making and the reorganization of the federal government and intelligence apparatus. Organizational reforms, driven in a top‐down fashion by the White House, reflect President Bush’s confidence in the managerial presidency: the notion that preventing future terror threats is effectively a problem of executive control, bureaucratic coordination, and adequate funding.

Turkey's Intelligence Community in Changing Times

It can be argued that Turkey's geostrategic importance not diminished with the end of the Cold War. Whereas a decade and a half ago it directly faced, and was preoccupied with, the Soviet threat, Turkey now a stake in the political, economic, and security developments of southeastern Europe, the Middle East, the Caucasus, and the Caspian Basin. Pursuing its interests in each of these regions and beyond, Turkey has become a more assertive and independent actor on the international stage.1Issues of current international concern to Turkey are many and are as diversified as ever, ranging from traditional security threats from neighbouring countries or terrorists, to energy supplies vital for its security, economic achievements and their geographical routing, or foreign perceptions of its respect for human rights. In many respects, it was easier for Turkish politicians, policy planners, and defence and intelligence analysts to figure the country's exact place and role in world affairs during the Cold War than it is now. While they could afford to focus their resources on a few key security problems, such as the Soviet military threat and left-wing and ethnonationalist/separatist terrorism, they no longer have this luxury. Now they must worry about current and future developments in Iran, Iraq, Syria, the Caucasus, and central Asia, and the policies adopted vis-a-vis their country by the European Union (EU) or traditional allies such as the United States, a major assistance provider. This new situation is particularly challenging to Turkey's intelligence community, which must answer more requirements than ever before, while adjusting to Turkey's continuing evolution as a Muslim country with a secular democratic system and aspirations to membership in the EU.A hotbed of intelligence activities during the Second World War and an attractive intelligence centre for western intelligence agencies targeting the Soviet Union during the Cold War,2 Turkey no longer the same intelligence value and is in fact understudied by students of intelligence. But Turkey is far from being the only country in this category. While the field of intelligence studies is vibrant and expanding in the wake of the terrorist attacks against the United States on 11 September 2001, very little is being written about the intelligence systems of countries like Turkey and its neighbours, and even less on a comparative basis. This article will attempt to develop a base of knowledge on Turkey's intelligence community from the few publicly accessible sources that do exist, in the belief that the community plays a significant role in state affairs and will continue to do so in the foreseeable future. In doing so, it will first discuss Turkey's intelligence system, then elaborate on that country's intelligence requirements, explore the nature and extent of Turkey's intelligence relationships, and, to conclude, offer some thoughts on where the community is headed.TURKEY'S INTELLIGENCE COMMUNITYTurkish governments since the foundation of the republic by Ataturk in 1923 have placed a lot of emphasis on securing the state from its external and internal enemies, real or imagined. Thus, it would not be surprising to find out that the country a well-developed, experienced, and relatively efficient intelligence apparatus. While it is dominated by the National Intelligence Organization (Milli Istihbarat Teskilati-MIT), which a broad mandate both at home and abroad to gather intelligence related to national security, it is equally well served by intelligence organizations focused on criminal and security intelligence gathering at home, such as the General Directorate of Security (Emniyet Genel Mudurlugu-EGM).The work of Turkey's intelligence organizations is, at least in theory, coordinated by a National Intelligence Coordination Board, presided over by the MIT undersecretary, which was established when law no. 2937 took effect on 1 January 1984. …

Getting to Arab Democracy: What Do Iraqis Want?

Getting to Arab DemocracyWhat Do Iraqis Want? Mark Tessler (bio), Mansoor Moaddel (bio), and Ronald Inglehart (bio) Efforts to establish a new political order in Iraq have thus far concentrated primarily on the construction of new political institutions and the selection of leaders to run them. In the hope of putting Iraq on a path toward democracy, elections for a national assembly were held in January 2005; elected officials then established a transitional government and drafted a constitution that was approved by a referendum in October; and this phase of the process concluded with the election of a new parliament in December. Yet while activities of this sort are needed to initiate a transition to democracy, political-science research makes it clear that the views of ordinary citizens are critical for sustaining and consolidating a democratic regime. As early as 1963, Gabriel Almond and Sidney Verba observed that "if the democratic model . . . is to develop in new nations, it will require more than the formal institutions of democracy—universal suffrage, the political party, the elective legislature. . . . A democratic form of participatory political system requires as well a political culture consistent with it . . . [of which] the norms and attitudes of ordinary citizens are subtler cultural components."1 Writing more recently, Ronald Inglehart made the same point: "democracy is not attained simply by making institutional changes or through elite level maneuvering. Its survival depends also on the values and beliefs of ordinary citizens."2 With respect to the [End Page 38] Arab world, Iliya Harik has emphasized that countries need not only democratic leaders, but also populations with a democratic political culture.3 Evidence in support of this proposition comes from research in many countries and world regions, including Latin America,4 East Asia,5 and Africa.6 And as Palestinian political scientist Ziad Abu-Amr observed following the January 2005 elections in the West Bank and Gaza, it will take far more than elections to build democracy in Palestine.7 Against this background, the present study analyzes the results of a survey of Iraqi citizens' attitudes toward governance and democracy. The survey, conducted in November and December 2004, gives particular attention to: 1) attitudes toward democracy; 2) attitudes about the political role of religion; 3) the relationship between political attitudes and views about the rights and status of women; and 4) the degree to which political attitudes differ among Iraq's ethnoreligious communities and are influenced by sectarianism. Few Arab countries, if any, have been ruled by a government as efficiently brutal as the Ba'ath regime under Saddam Hussein (1979–2003). As Iraqi exile Isam al-Khafaji wrote in 1994: [T]he Ba'ath regime has constructed a network of multiple intelligence apparatuses that pervades all aspects of Iraqi society. . . . Corruption, competition for influence and authority, and a rigid hierarchy have rendered this system highly effective in achieving one of its major objectives: promoting a sense of helplessness among the population.8 As described in a more scholarly study of Iraqi politics, the country evolved under Saddam Hussein from a "popular democracy" to a "totalitarian democracy," which was in fact no democracy at all. In the legislative elections of 1989, for example, "no opposition candidates were allowed to run; on the contrary, a yardstick even stricter than in the past was used to prevent the entry of opposition figures."9 In light of this dismal history, it is perhaps not surprising that there is a widespread desire for democracy among the Iraqi public. This desire is documented by a large survey conducted in Iraq in November and December 2004. With support from the National Science Foundation, and working in close collaboration with the Baghdad-based Independent Institute for Administration and Civil Society Studies, the present authors designed and carried out a major survey of attitudes related to governance and other political and social issues. The survey is based on a representative area probability sample, with a total of 2,325 respondents interviewed in 16 of Iraq's 18 provinces.10 At least 120 respondents (4.4 percent of the national sample) were interviewed in every province selected. Of all respondents, 68.9 percent reside in urban areas, with 22...

‘Before the Colonel Arrived’: Hoover, Donovan, Roosevelt, and the Origins of American Central Intelligence, 1940–41

Credit for the origins of American central intelligence are commonly placed solely with Colonel William Donovan who visited Great Britain in 1940–41 and, based upon these experiences, subsequently reported to the Roosevelt White House on the need for a centralized American intelligence organization. Yet evidence indicates that prior to Donovan's overseas visit and report to the White House, representatives of the Federal Bureau of Investigation traveled to Britain, surveyed its intelligence apparatus, and FBI Director J. Edgar Hoover submitted a report to President Roosevelt pre-dating Donovan's. Historians, therefore, must reconsider the origins of American central intelligence as not influenced by any one individual but by multiple individuals with bureaucratic interests.