Intellectual Class Research Articles

A Global Revolutionary Class Will Ride the Tiger of Alienation

This paper investigates how the global class of organic intellectuals will emerge. It thus updates Marx view on class struggle dynamics of the 19th century by taking the quantum leap of productive forces during the last 200 years serious. The most striking new element is the tremendous increase of the force of information power brought about by ICT. The emergence of Fascism and Stalinism in the first half of the 20th century was just a frightening first symptom of the coming age of alienation. Today, basing class membership – including the emergence of class consciousness – only on the (physical) local position in industrial production units is insufficient, even misleading. Global production is by its inbuilt complexity blurring the visibility of a specific worker’s exploitation status. There is necessary alienation, but then class struggle managed disinformation and manipulation is added. For the progressive classes this implies that they are split along the lines of their respective education status – how far the fog can be dissolved. This is where the concept of the global class of organic intellectuals, of an avantgarde, enters. The paper shows that already in the emergence of this new socialist agent the structures, in particular the information structures, of the next mode of production have to be present. It turns out that features, which are evil for capitalist thought are often the most important ingredients for the constitution of the forerunners of a socialist global society: persistent contradictions and diversity, exploding oscillations, deep and time-consuming dialogues, irrational solidarity, aesthetic stubbornness. The new intellectuals can remain rooted in local circumstances, can be organic, because they share many of these features with the exploited classes within which they act as catalyst, as avantgarde. In the end global socialism, organised by a revolving class of organic intellectuals, has to master alienation. This is the challenge.

The Formation of the Paradigm of National Self-identification in the Ukrainian Art of the End of the Nineteenth Century

The aim of the study is to show the unity of processes in the Ukrainian and European art in the end of the XIX – beginning of the XX centuries and to identify the connections between modern ideas and the formation of national identity. The methodology of the research. Methods of historical and art-study analysis have been used. Scientific novelty. The reasons for Ukrainians’ desire for national self-identification are revealed, the process of formation of the Ukrainian artistic elite in the context of the development of cultural autonomy is shown. Conclusions. As a result of the research, it has been discovered that the search for national identity in the realm of art, including the process of creating a national style, became a characteristic feature of the formation of self-identification among the representatives of artistic intellectual class. The formation and development of artistic life in Ukraine, as well as the formation of the national art elite through the creation of an art education system have been shown.

Socialism from the Bottom Up: Where Lawson and Powell Meet Hayek and Buchanan

What explains the recent resurgence of appeal and popularity of socialism in the United States? Why especially do people today like socialism when history and economics are clear that socialism as actually practiced has had disastrous consequences? These questions are taken up in the book Socialism Sucks: Two Economists Drink Their Way Through the Unfree World by Benjamin Powell and Robert Lawson. After an entertaining and insightful read through the authors’ journeys, Lawson and Powell conclude that people today don’t favor actual socialism, not socialism as properly understood by economists. Socialism properly understood is the abolition of private property and the central planning of all economic activity. F. A. Hayek in his 1949 paper, “The Intellectuals and Socialism,” raises the same question, and concludes that a biased intellectual class manipulates public opinion to support socialism. I then put Lawson, Powell, and Hayek in the context of James Buchanan’s 2005 paper, “Dependency as Desideratum,” which defines and categorizes four distinct but interrelated definitions of socialism. The most fundamental of these is a form of bottom-up socialism, which does not concern itself with collectivizing property rights, but which nonetheless feeds Leviathan.

Роль сетевой культуры техногенной цивилизации в распространении ресентимента

The network culture developed in the information and network space of an industrial civilization has a controversial influence on social subjects. Taking into account such positive aspects of the network culture as the increase of knowledge workers (a class of intellectuals, owning new technologies), the emergence of new types of activities that open up new opportunities for people, it is necessary to recognize some negative phenomena that contribute to the formation of ressentiment. Dissemination of negative information triggers the development of negative attitudes, which levels moral code and ethics and thus causes ressentiment. Computer games, demonstrating scenes of violence, lead to the spread of aggression and cruelty. The lack of ability of the young to filter out information becomes the reason of imaginary values generation and causes depravity. The present article proposes a general approach to solving this problem. It is suggested that there should be created websites which will promote humanistic ideas, the basis of traditional culture and universal human values, orienting subjects to creative activities.

Fight Club, 1880: Boxing, Class, and Literary Culture in John Boyle O'Reilly's Boston

Because late nineteenth-century American sport was connected to both immigrant assimilation and cultural prestige, this essay first describes Boston amateur athletics during the later nineteenth century. Ireland-born poet/lecturer/newspaper editor John Boyle O'Reilly (1844–90) provides an important example of social and intellectual class mobility from the perspective of an immigrant writer. We observe through O'Reilly's sporting experiences and literary career how the development of upper-class amateur athletics in Boston and the popularity of boxing among its Irish working classes gave him exceptional influence among both groups. His history of boxing, Ethics of Boxing and Manly Sport (1888), is examined in detail as a key statement on pugilism, masculinity, and American citizenship fame. This view of Boston's intellectual and physical cultures, observed from the standpoint of O'Reilly, a talented writer and a sort of literary counterpart of famed pugilist John L. Sullivan (his friend, occasional sparring partner, and fellow celebrity among the Irish American community), sheds light on newly available pathways to social mobility made possible by simultaneous engagement with literary and athletic cultures.

Good Governance and National Development: Nigeria in Perspective

<em>Issues relating to good governance and development have been pushed to the forefront of world affairs, largely because of the wave of the democracy movement now blowing soothingly across the whole length and breadth of the international community. Good governance and development are dividends of democracy that are of great interest to the democratic family. The paper attempts to critically examine the intimate relationship between good governance and development with particular reference to Nigeria as a case study. Abundant literature on the subject matter reveals that democracy and good governance provide an enabling environment for development to take place, and that the role of political leadership in realizing all of this is critical. It is recommended, among other things, that (1) the intellectual class should be involved in the country’s development plan; (2) there is the urgent need to create a virile but flexible work force that can initiate and execute development plans; and (3) efforts must be made to embark on capacity building of all the institutions of governance so that they can perform their roles optimally for the benefit of the country.</em>

ДАНІЕЛ БЕЛЛ ПРО «ПЛИННІСТЬ» ВЛАДИ В ЕПОХУ ПОСТІНДУСТРІАЛІЗМУ

The article analyze the position of one of the most respected researchers of post-industrialism, Daniel Bell, on the impact of new information technologies on “politics-power” relations. The following two features of the influence of information and knowledge on the political sphere of public life are clarified: “Situs as Political Units» and «Rightful Meritocracy.” According to D. Bell, there are three analyzed current models of power: 1) the previous model of power, which is based on property, and besides it is inherited; 2) a model of government, the basis of which is knowledge acquired through education; and 3) a model of power, the source of which is a political office obtained through an organizational apparatus. The concept of the rightful meritocracy of D. Bell was analyzed, it’s meaning in the idea that the power belong to the most gifted. He believed that a capitalist society іs gradually transforming into a society in which gifted people will be promoted to senior positions, including political. He defined a certain “merit formula”: “Intelligence + Achievements = Merit”. D. Bell argued, that people with such merits should take up leadership positions in politics, business, science and other activities. In post-industrial society, the principle of “achievement” is relevant, there is a thought, that power is achieved through the personal virtues of the people, their high level of education and skills. In such society, there are almost no senior positions available to people without qualifications. In conclusion, we can say that the politician, from the point of view of D. Bell, is a highly skilled specialist which have the necessary management skills. Post-industrial society implies the emergence of a new intellectual class, whose representatives can at political level act as consultants, experts or technocrats.

ДАНІЕЛ БЕЛЛ ПРО «ПЛИННІСТЬ» ВЛАДИ В ЕПОХУ ПОСТІНДУСТРІАЛІЗМУ

The article analyze the position of one of the most respected researchers of post-industrialism, Daniel Bell, on the impact of new information technologies on “politics-power” relations. The following two features of the influence of information and knowledge on the political sphere of public life are clarified: “Situs as Political Units» and «Rightful Meritocracy.” According to D. Bell, there are three analyzed current models of power: 1) the previous model of power, which is based on property, and besides it is inherited; 2) a model of government, the basis of which is knowledge acquired through education; and 3) a model of power, the source of which is a political office obtained through an organizational apparatus. The concept of the rightful meritocracy of D. Bell was analyzed, it’s meaning in the idea that the power belong to the most gifted. He believed that a capitalist society іs gradually transforming into a society in which gifted people will be promoted to senior positions, including political. He defined a certain “merit formula”: “Intelligence + Achievements = Merit”. D. Bell argued, that people with such merits should take up leadership positions in politics, business, science and other activities. In post-industrial society, the principle of “achievement” is relevant, there is a thought, that power is achieved through the personal virtues of the people, their high level of education and skills. In such society, there are almost no senior positions available to people without qualifications. In conclusion, we can say that the politician, from the point of view of D. Bell, is a highly skilled specialist which have the necessary management skills. Post-industrial society implies the emergence of a new intellectual class, whose representatives can at political level act as consultants, experts or technocrats.

Flann O’Brien: Problems with Authority ed. by Ruben Borg, Paul Fagan, and John McCourt

Reviewed by: Flann O’Brien: Problems with Authority ed. by Ruben Borg, Paul Fagan, and John McCourt Erika Mihálycsa (bio) FLANN O’BRIEN: PROBLEMS WITH AUTHORITY, edited by Ruben Borg, Paul Fagan, and John McCourt. Cork: Cork University Press, 2017. xv + 330 pp. €39.00. Originating in the second International Flann O’Brien Conference organized in 2013 in Rome, the volume edited by Ruben Borg, Paul Fagan, and John McCourt, and dedicated to the memory of one of the most active promoters of the globalization of Flann O’Brien studies, Werner Huber, reflects the archival and historical turn that has taken place in the rapidly diversifying discipline. One small but telling sign of this is the fact that the mercurial author is now consistently referred to as Brian O’Nolan—the civilian name that he never used in any of his fiction, plays, or journalism; the writer who goes under the changed name looks very different from his portrait as a young postmodernist. Against the critical construction of O’Brien as something of a cultural accident who wrote “books [that] did not come from the world, [but] . . . became the world; in the beginning was the word, but there was often nothing except the word and its hollow echoes,” these essays speak about a writer in, and of, his time, and moreover, a popular writer of socially performative work, responding in ambiguous ways to the cultural-political realities of post-Independence Ireland and displaying many of the symptoms of the Irish cultural field in the 1940s and 1950s.1 The volume opens with Carol Taaffe’s polemical essay that bids us to take the long-standing thesis that O’Brien had all his life been a coterie taste, with “a grain of salo,”2 presenting the case for a success-oriented professional writer whose career veered “from post-Joycean experimentalism to television comedy, advertising, and the exploitation of a literary brand” and whose activity as a columnist reflects the “populist” values of post-Independence Ireland, a peculiar blend of progressive democratic ethos and conservative anti-intellectualism (33). Not for him the disdain for the philistine who had presumably never given “a fart in [his] corduroys for any form of art whatsoever”3: the particular corduroys O’Brien was at daggers with were worn by the Dublin artistic and intellectual class, not the “Plain People of Ireland.”4 Taaffe claims that critics favored his early novels to the “throwaway work” (24) to which he dedicated most of his creative energies for over twenty-six years and overlooked the fact that his magazine articles present in concentrated form the most disruptive “flannobrienesque” narrative strategies, including collaborative authorship. Maebh Long’s sobering look at O’Brien’s exploitation of the stage Irish stereotype comes to similar conclusions: “[It is a] sustained performance of the post-independence search for national identity” (34). The works walk the tightrope between undercutting and adopting the old-new stereotypes—eternal revenants, which turn [End Page 488] the corrective versions that ought to supersede them into tomorrow’s jaded clichés almost by default. In an analysis as sophisticated as it is unsparing, Long indicates how O’Brien’s plays from the 1930s and 1940s blunt the political edge of the earlier riotous bilingual carnival and, with a “troubling slippage between accent and brogue, individual and type” (44), become subservient to the cliché. The same bilingual carnival of accents comes under the neurolinguistically informed gaze of Maria Kager, who shows how the bilingual’s enhanced metalinguistic awareness energizes the practice by Myles na gCopaleen (another of O’Brien’s pseudonyms) of phonetically rendering a variety of accents and idioms, as well as his lifelong preoccupation with hackneyed language use—one of the column’s recurring features being “The Catechism of Cliché” (70). Kager also saliently points out the fact that O’Brien’s “mother” tongue, Irish, was not his parents’ “mother” tongue but an acquired speech, which inevitably colored the writer’s process of learning the language and his Gaelic writing (56). Ian Ó Caoimh’s fascinating archaeology of Cruiskeen Lawn and O’Brien’s biographies demonstrates that not only did the author not seek to fly by the...

Reading and Transcendence of Ming Dynasty Texts

In the Ming Dynasty, groups proliferated, were “no longer restricted to the intellectual class,” nor “a special right of scholars.” In recent years, commercial publishing research in the Ming Dynasty has gradually received attention. However, scholars’ attention is still lacking on these questions: When did these books for specific begin to enter the public's field of vision? Who compiled the books? And what effect it had on the community? This paper attempts to sort out the development of reader communities and materials in the Ming Dynasty, taking the as the subject of and how they construct rules, habits, and interests in the Ming Dynasty. As for books, the object of reading, how popular book break the class of text within the elite class and begin to provide the general public with access to knowledge. Also, the impact of social background on the subject in the specific historical conditions of the Ming Dynasty deserves attention. Few scholars have thus far discussed the specific profile of readers and reading materials. Reading is essentially a collective phenomenon; are as much as individuals as members of a group. The social background of a reader shapes in a significant way his skills, concepts, and interpretation strategy. By combing through the social environment, we can explore the behavior and of a particular historical period from a new perspective. This study attempts to expand the cultural and social context on which the reading action is based and discuss the social conditions for a particular set of reading norms that oriented the reader before the act of reading.

The Creation of a French Catalan Identity through the Landscape of the Roussillon: The Writings of Josep Pla and Jean

<p><em><span style="font-size: medium;"><em>The end of the 19<sup>th</sup> century saw the Roussillon at a crossroads: to the north were the social and financial opportunities that came from adopting French, the language of the aristocracy and the elite (Berjoan, 2009, pp. 121-122), to south was the shining example of Barcelona, now living its Renaixença period, where Catalan arts and culture were gaining the attention on a world stage. In Perpignan, and in neighboring communities, the intellectual classes of the Roussillon were weighing their options. Catalan was widely spoken in this area of France, but few could write it. In fact, the efforts by the French government to unify the nation under one language had resulted in the devaluing of Catalan among its speakers. A lack of grammatical and orthographical norms in French Catalonia had also led native speakers to become confused about the language they spoke (Berjoan, 2009, p. 122). Was it Catalan? Were they?</em></span></em></p>

Kelas Cendekia Versi Mobile yang Terintegrasi dengan Sistem Rekomendasi

Urgency usefulness of online learning system based on social constructivism which is the mobile virtual classroom learning philosophy is of concern, because the system is built on the pattern of reciprocity between users in order to produce the most quality materials see the absence of a system that provides online learning for it. Content of lecture materials that have been divided into certain categories are processed into virtual versions and delivered lightly. The recommendation system is designed to respond users who have rated it by providing good quality course material. Software is created with Unity Engine and incorporated the recommended system protocol with data stored in a scholarly research database. The recommendation system implemented is the items based collaborative filtering with the specification of training data used are 401 rating data, 51 records and 17 users. With sparsity data training amounted to 53.74%, tested the prediction accuracy resulted RMSE 0.91523 and the accuracy of 81.69%. The mobile version of virtual class that has been planted with recommendation system is tried and tested on several brands of android smartphone. Results obtained on the questionnaire resulted in a rating of 4,762 on performance and 4,572 against the intellectual class software interface. Whereas the level of user enthusiasm for the virtual class reaches 4,0588 on a scale of 1 to 5.

To Seek the Future in the Past: Thoughts on Xu Zhangrun: ‘Our Current Fears and Expectations’ (评许章润:我们当下的恐惧与期待)

In July 2018, Professor Xu Zhangrun (许章润) Professor of Jurisprudence and Constitutional Law at Tsinghua University, posted an essay, Our current fears and expectations (我们当下的恐惧与期待). The essay appeared on the website of the Unirule Institute of Economics (天则经济研究所), an independent think tank in Beijing. It was then translated into English by Geremie R. Barme, Editor, China Heritage on 1 August 2018 and posted to its website with an elegant and thoughtful introduction by the translator (Imminent Fears, Immediate Hopes — A Beijing Jeremiad). Xu very tightly packed within the few pages of its essay a set of complex and sophisticated theoretical arguments whose elaboration and interpretation critically affects key structures of Chinese politics, economics and societal objectives. Professor Xu focuses not merely on theoretical aspects of Chinese constitutionalism in the New Era, but also its necessary consequences for the political work of the vanguard in the context of the overarching policy of Reform and Opening Up, and with it, socialist modernization. The essay quickly became quite well known in China, and abroad. The essay is important and worthy of reflection, even for those inclined to reject its claims, in whole or part. In this contribution to that necessary discussion, Flora Sapio (UniNaples, Italy) and Larry Cata Backer (Penn State, USA) for the Coalition for Peace & Ethics have each produced reflections on the many important ideas, and provocations, in Professor Xu's essay. These reflections touch on core evolving concepts of Chinese constitutionalism — the mass line, democratic centralism, and the evolution of Leninism as theory and as method. They touch on the character of China's Go Out policy as well — especially in the form of its current Belt and Road Initiative. Lastly, the reflections, like Professor Xu’s essay, touch on the critical issue of the role of the intellectual classes in the process and operation of constitutionalism, an issue with important ramifications in the West as well as in China.

HAUNTED: ON THE NEW ARABIC TRANSLATION OF SARTRE'SANTI-SEMITE AND JEW

Two years ago, without any apparent explanation, a little-known Egyptian scholar translated Jean-Paul Sartre'sAnti-Semite and Jew(originally published asRéflexions sur la Question Juive, 1946) into Arabic. Widely acknowledged as an experimental and highly influential theory of anti-Semitism in the 1960s, Sartre's text had already had a profound, yet indirect, influence on an entire class of left-wing Arab intellectuals who used it in order to figure out their relationship with the colonizer; that is, with their Otherness. Though these intellectuals readAnti-Semite and Jewin French, it still remained one of Sartre's very few works that had never been translated into Arabic. How so? Addressing this question, this article offers a genealogy of non-translation that revisits the accumulative process by which Sartre's text acquired the status of a haunted and, hence, untranslatable text. Situated at the juncture where anti-Semitism, Zionism, and revolutionary Arab politics intersect, the text became entangled in the ethical politics of the conflict and, after the 1967 war, became associated with the collapse of the Arab revolutionary project and with Sartre's betrayal of the Arab cause. Thereafter, the work of leftist intellectuals who had drawn on Sartre to reject anti-Semitism was forgotten, and an anti-Semitic sentiment that rejects the original message ofAnti-Semite and Jewslowly settled in. Beyond dissecting the process by which a text becomes haunted, this article also states the need for an original theorization of anti-Semitism that is culturally specific to the Arab world rather than derivative of European experience.

Collaborative Filtering Recommender System pada Virtual 3D Kelas Cendekia

Intelligent Clasrooms is a concept of modern learning process where users can perform collaborative learning wherever and whenever. With learning in Intelligent Classroom, users can get different learning experience where learning process is expected to run more effectively and efficiently. One application of the Intelligent Classrooms concept is learning by utilizing the virtual world. The information collected in the Intelligent Classroom will increase so that a system is needed. The recommendation system of collaborative filtering is the most appropriate system with the intellectual class. With the sparsity of training rate of 80%, it is implemented a collaborative filtering recommendation system with error rate which if calculated with RMSE is 1.060709 or it can be said that the accuracy level is 78.79%.

KEPRIYAYIAN DALAM KARYA SASTRA: Berkaca pada Para Priyayi, Karya Umar Kayam*

Priyayi are the members of a social group, which had great influence in Javanese society and dominated it for a long time. Their importance derives from the leading role they played in the modernization process and the fact that they formed the intellectual class of society, which had progressed without loosing their Javenese cultural identity and origins. Although the status of priyayi lost its power and shine after independence of Indonesia(1945), the influece of priyayi-especially their moral and ethics view-can be felt in Indonesian society up to the present day. In connection to that, this research is an attempt to understand the priyayi through the literature.

Social Classes of Intelligence, Economic Growth and Technological Achievement: Robust Regression and Outlier Detection

A previous study has shown that the intellectual class, which is represented by the 95th percentile intelligence quotient (IQ) at a normal distribution, displayed the strongest impact upon economic growth. Meanwhile, those with average ability (50th percentile IQ) exhibited the second strongest impact, and followed by the non-intellectual class (5th percentile IQ). In addition, the researchers discovered that only the intellectual class was significant for technological progress. As such, this article re-analysed the dataset employed in prior study via robust regression. As a result, after eliminating several outliers, the levels of IQ for the intellectual class and the average ability group displayed equal impacts on economic growth, and the impacts were larger than that of non-intellectual. Furthermore, the IQ of the average ability group was significant for technological achievement, although not as strong as the intellectual class. Besides, the number of professional researchers employed in the research and development (R&D) sector did not reflect similar paramount effects as the impact of the average ability IQ in generating technological development. Thus, based on the conclusions drawn, this study suggests that the R&D sector should employ professionals who possess not only high academic qualifications, but also exceptional levels of cognitive skills, especially to spark new innovations. JEL: J24, O31, O47, Z13

HOW VIETNAMESE UNDERSTANDS ABOUT DECENTRALIZATION: AN Q- METHODOLOGY STUDY

Nowadays, more and more countries move away from centralized governments institutions. Decentralized government institutions are doing more work of government both in developed and developing countries than ever before. The literature on decentralization are vast, but there is little agreement about what decentralization means. There are not many research about the conceptualization of the decentralization in Vietnam. Official decentralization in Vietnam began with Doimoi (economic innovation) in 1986 and rapidly accelerated in late 1990. How the citizens understand the decentralization to develop their power to construct a nation. The aim of this study is finding out what Vietnamese citizens comprehend about decentralization, especially the intellectual class because of the critical role of this class in society. This study's participants were a sample of 17 people from intellectual class who had education level at least bachelors' degree in Ho Chi Minh City – the largest, the developed city in South of Vietnam. Q- methodology, which was introduced by William Stephenson in 1935, was used for data collection and analysis. Four distinct viewpoints about decentralization were identified: (1) democratization, (2) Public-private transfer, (3) Theoretic Stereotype and (4) A comprehensive view. This study also finds out that maybe Vietnamese are emphatically agreed that decentralization is the transfer of authority and general definition and administrative decentralization are paid attention.

China in the Radical Enlightenment Context of the English Battle of the Books

Jonathan Israel's Radical Enlightenment revives a significant intellectual connection between the Dutch scholar Isaac Vossius (1618–1689) and the English statesman and essayist Sir William Temple (1628–1699). Their connection had several strands but centered on a shared, even credulous, enthusiasm for China, which Jesuit missionaries were introducing to Europe's intellectual class with accelerating detail and sophistication from the mid-seventeenth century on. Vossius was at the vanguard of those turning the reports from China into challenges to a range of orthodox positions, and Temple followed and in a sense outdistanced Vossius by arguing that the Chinese had realized utopia "without temples, idols, or priests." This essay shows that a group of self-consciously Newtonian Anglicans made the heterodoxy being advanced with evidence from China a central reason for initiating the battle with Temple, and that, regardless of the war's other, perhaps safer, fields, charges of religious heterodoxy remained near the center of the Newtonians' understanding of the Ancients v. Moderns Controversy, even beyond Jonathan Swift's satiric send-up.

Intellectual Giftedness for Leadership: How Robust is the Crime Reducing Effect of Intellectual Class?

This paper aims to reassess Burhan et al.’s (2014, Intelligence, 47, 12–22) findings on the impact of intelligence (IQ) on the crime rates at a cross-country level. People who belong to the intellectual group, characterized by IQ at the 95th percentile of a normal distribution were found to have a tremendous impact in terms of crime rate reduction, compared to those with average ability (50th percentile IQ). This was proven using the ordinary least squares (OLS). Other than that, people of non-intellectual class (5th percentile IQ) were found to be least important in reducing crime. However, in their study, many independent variables were stated as not significantly related to the crime rates, which contradicts with other literature. It is questionable if the presence of serious outliers in the samples causes the objectionable finding. In this study, we analyzed the impact of IQ classes on the rate of eight different types of crimes, namely homicide, rape, kidnapping, robbery, assault, burglary, property crimes, and vehicle theft. Analysis was carried out using the Tukey’s Bisquare robust M-estimator that mitigates the effects of outliers in the samples. In conclusion, we have proved that those from the intellectual class have more significant role than people of average ability and non-intellectual class in reducing the crime rates. Thus, educational policies for the gifted are recommended in order for them to become active participants of the future transformation of their societies, by enhancing functionality and quality of the institutions across nations, and thereby, reducing crimes.