Soft Power Instruments Research Articles

Bollywood’s soft power: Branding the nation, sustaining a meta-hegemony

Abstract I present my theory of a ‘meta-hegemony’ to examine the hierarchy of dominance in Indian cinema. This concept asserts that Bollywood dominates Indian cinema and culture whilst being subservient to a larger global Hollywood hegemony. I will investigate the meta-hegemony’s three distinctive facets within the internal contours of Indian cinema. The first feature is Bollywood’s monopoly over the Indian film industry’s modes of production, distribution, exhibition and capital generation. The second is Bollywood’s ideological propagation of a post-globalization master narrative through its role as national cultural signifier of India’s neo-liberal turn. The third facet of the meta-hegemony is Bollywood’s validation by the state as an instrument of soft power signifying Bollywood’s branding as national and global commodity. In the process, I posit the emergence of a New Wave of independent Indian cinema as a counter-narrative to Bollywood’s articulation of consumer capitalism. Ultimately, I argue that Bollywood’s brand of soft power is indexical of India’s transition to neo-liberalism and indicative of the nation’s agonistic arbitration between the traditional and the material.

The concept of soft power in Russian foreign policy in the twenty-first century

The paper analyses the application of the concept of soft power in contemporary international relations in the case of the implementation of the foreign policy of the Russian Federation at the beginning of the twenty-first century. The author departs with the assumption that the government in Moscow uses a wide range of the soft power instruments and prove it on the case study of the combined use of hard and soft power instruments during the engagement in Syria. The analysis also includes the recent Russian foreign policy actions towards Serbia, and stresses out that the Russian Federation does not recognise sufficiently clear the benefits that our country provides in terms of promoting Russian national interests through the sophisticated application of the concept of soft power. The author concludes that the Russian Federation has not been using the full potential of their own sources of soft power in the foreign policy implementation process, and that the use of soft power is not sophisticated and optimal-except in the media.

Promouvoir la culture, conforter l'influence : Rossotrudnicestvo et Russkij Mir, instruments du soft power russe à l'ère postsoviétique

Promoting Culture , Bolstering Influence : Rossotrudnichestvo and Russkij Mir, Two Instruments of Russia's Soft Power in the Post­Soviet Era. The “ color revolutions ” that occurred in the mid­2000’s have urged Russia’s ruling elite to diversify its power channels and develop its own soft power strategy (mjagkaja sila). This understanding has been translated into the erection of a multiform state­centered institutional device. The article tackles the cultural and humanitarian sides of Russia’s soft power and public diplomacy with the case study of two representative organizations committed to the promotion of Russian culture and language abroad : the federal agency Rossotrudničestvo and the Russkij Mir Foundation. We put forward the idea that the preservation of Russia’s political influence in the world – most of all through its compatriots’ policy in the post­ Soviet space – tends to be the main purpose of its mjagkaja sila, beyond the strengthening of the country’s potential of attraction and the improvement of the country’s image these institutions initially pretend to achieve.

The Jean Monnet Programme as a Tool to Reinforce the Role of the EU as a Regional and Global Actor

This article aims to analyse the Jean Monnet programme as a soft power instrument of the European Union to achieve its objectives in the international arena. This research, through a quantitative and comparative analysis, explores the tendencies of the Jean Monnet Programme in terms of number of Jean Monnet projects per year in the countries, which have benefitted the most from the programme. From this study, it has emerged that regions neighbouring the European Union have trends very different from other third countries that are also active participants in the Jean Monnet Programme.

Understanding Russia's Soft Power Strategy

This article examines the specifics of Moscow's soft power strategy. The sources of the Kremlin's interest in the soft power concept are explained. The article discusses how the soft power concept fits in the current Russian foreign policy philosophy. Russia's soft power resources, institutions and instruments are described. Special attention is given to the limitations and constraints of Moscow's soft power strategies. The reasons why these strategies are often being inefficient are explained. The Kremlin's inclination to the combination of the soft and hard power strategies is identified.

Official Enemies in Commercial and Soft Power Media

This article analyzes the transitivity processes associated with different actors in news media coverage of the conflict between Iran and the United States and its allies. It explores this by examining how agency is ascribed; that is, which mental, verbal, material, and relational processes are associated with which agents. The study compares the January 2012 coverage from the New York Times, Guardian, Fars News Agency, Tehran Times, and Xinhua News Agency, and finds a national bias, naturalizing or underplaying the paper's own nation's negative processes and highlighting and overemphasizing the processes associated with the “official enemy” for American, British, and Iranian news organizations. Xinhua is more neutral, also mimicking the foreign policy of the Peoples’ Republic of China. This questions the difference between domestic commercial new organizations, such as the New York Times and Guardian, and government-sponsored internationally oriented soft power instruments, such as the Iranian media and Xinhua, concerning their “independence” from government influence.

Korean Wave sebagai Instrumen Soft Power untuk Memperoleh Keuntungan Ekonomi Korea Selatan

Korean wave is a term used to illustrate the product of South Korean pop culture that has been successfully exported to foreign countries in Asia, Europe, and America. By using the concept of 'soft power', this article argues that, while this phenomenon merely seems like an entertainment phenomenon, Korean wave has actually become a vital instrument that brings positive impacts towards the economic development of South Korea. The strategy to develop the Korean wave as a soft power instrument is actually something that Indonesia must be able follow. This might be useful as an alternative strategy to optimize the role of Indonesian local culture as an effort to drive the national economy in order to face the current global challenges.

EDUCATION AS A SOFT POWER INSTRUMENT OF CHINA’S FOREIGN POLICY

Soft power tool is more and more often accepted by states – members of the global political process as the most important non-military tool for implementation of foreign policy’s tasks. Soft power is applied by a state via a wide range of instruments: communications (TV, radio, Internet), international economic programs, public diplomacy, scientific and educational exchange, large-scale cultural and sport events. In the contemporary research on the matters in connection with soft power, a great place is occupied by the analysis of educational component in soft power instruments which is explained, on one hand, by intrinsic acceleration of internationalization in higher education, and on the other hand – by focused state policy of world’s countries on increase of students exchange considered as own soft power tool. Today, the PRC is also actively realizing its ambitions in soft power buildup including by way of stimulation of student mobility in the country. Growing significance in the formulation of foreign political strategy is assigned to soft power and cultural diplomacy – an efficient instrument for establishment of attractive image of China and Chinese. Cultural diplomacy of the PRC is represented by two fields: cultural and, which is of great importance, educational exchanges. In China, there is a comprehensive program of state management of international educational processes – the crucial promotion channel of the country’s soft power.

Obama’s Dual Discourse on American Exceptionalism

Abstract This paper analyses the highly contested concept of American exceptionalism, as described in the speeches of Barak Obama. The authors of the paper use discourse analysis to show that Obama is using the idea of American exceptionalism on two levels: US foreign policy and the US stance towards international law. Our conclusion is that Obama uses an implicit dual discourse in both these fields. Obama favours active US foreign policy, based on soft power instruments and multilateralism. He insists that American exceptionalism does not mean that the US can exempt itself from the norms of international law, however, he does not think the US should always have a very active foreign policy. He makes room for unilateral acting and the use of hard power instruments in foreign policy. He allows for the use of force even if is not in accordance with the norms of international law, when US national interests are threatened.

Soft power and cultural diplomacy: emerging education hubs in Asia

Several education hubs have emerged in Asia and the Middle East in recent years with a specific focus on cross-border higher education. Through considerable efforts in policy planning and generous funding, these hubs aim to transform a country or city into an eminent destination for education, research, and training. The inherent design of these hubs raises many questions about higher education's contribution to international relations as large numbers of local and foreign actors congregate. Specifically, some education hubs are leveraging cultural heritage and colonial legacy as an instrument of soft power by emphasising shared cultural identities and values. By engaging in cultural diplomacy, education hubs seek to exert influence on the international stage. However, assumptions about shared identities and values as well as the prevailing political climate of the local society present serious challenges for policy implementation. Alternatively, an education hub can also engage with international actors based on an enduring faith in the venture of science to propel the knowledge economy – another kind of norm that underpins soft power. This paper compares Malaysia, Singapore, and Hong Kong as education hubs that engage in soft power and cultural diplomacy.

Dyplomacja kulturalna jako narzędzie miękkiej siły Unii Europejskiej

Cultural Diplomacy as an Instrument of the European Union Soft Power The aim of this article is to answer the question of how European Union uses tools and methods of cultural diplomacy, the extent to which these can help achieve international aims and what are their functions. While the importance of culture has been on the rise in the realm of foreign affairs, its role in this field remains one of the most under‑studied aspects of policy. In this text I point out what is the cultural diplomacy, and which programs are proposed by EU to interest the world, not only in the European Union but also foreign audience. M.C. Cummings defines cultural diplomacy as the exchange of ideas, information, values, systems, traditions, beliefs, and other aspects of culture, with the intention of fostering mutual understanding. European Union uses culture to support their soft power potential, to generate goodwill, to frame international agenda in particular ways, to erect and re‑enact boundaries and/or to create societal linkages across them. According to J. Nye: cultural diplomacy is the best example of soft power, i.e. the possibility of communicating, via the conduit of culture, of values and ideas. Furthermore it is the ability to achieve to what is desired rather than attractiveness or coercion. It is the result of the attractiveness of a given culture, political ideals and the substance of the policy of a given country. Thus, Europe’s cultural diplomacy is an important element of EU relations with the rest of the world and thus plays a part in shaping the EU’s reputation and the exercise of union interests.

İyi Komşu’dan Model Ülke’ye: Türkiye’nin Ortadoğu’da Arap Baharı Sonrasında Değişen Rolleri

The recent Arab uprisings have forced many actors to reconsider their positions regarding Middle Eastern politics. Role theory provides a viable tool to explain changes in actors’ foreign policy behaviors, presuming that states’ foreign policies are shaped by the ruling elites’ foreign policy role conceptions. This article analyzes Turkish foreign policy roles with regard to the Middle East and North Africa before and since the Arab uprisings that began in December 2010. We argue that these uprisings caused Turkey to change its emphasis from roles built on soft power instruments to harder roles requiring material capabilities. We also discuss the implications of this change with reference to theories of international politics.

EU Soft Power with China: Technical Assistance in the Field of Intellectual Property Rights

This article argues that the technical assistance programmes of the EU have been amongst the most effective soft power instruments in shaping the influence that Europe has had within key actor communities during China's re-emergence. The IPR2 project is one such example of this phenomenon. The article locates this initiative within the context of joint interests as an intersection between the EU's motivations in embedding a more sophisticated approach across China towards the importance of intellectual property protection and China's needs to improve her own domestic level of innovation. This method of cooperation is an illustration of normative transference through diffusion and shows how engagement can move beyond a narrow notion of soft power to encompass more wide-ranging interpretations that highlight the importance of a nation's technological capability and the influence possessed by a country's scientific achievement. The success of IPR2 is examined in two ways: first, through qualitative analysis of political dimensions in its formation and outcome, and second, in quantitative terms through reviewing increased IP activism by Chinese institutional and corporate actors. The article concludes by maintaining that engagement strategies of this kind offer a model for future relations and deserve sustained political support.

Education as a Soft Power Instrument of Foreign Policy

Nowadays, the number of countries that regard that education is the best way to promote their national interests on the world stage is increasing. Especially big powers started to pay special attention and importance to the use of education as an effective instrument/source of soft power.

Education and Research Policy as an Instrument of Soft Power in Germany

Paper analyzes higher education and resarch policy in Germany as an important instrument in ensuring the competitiveness and influence of the state in the international arena. In today's global struggle for leadership Germany relies on "soft" and "smart" power («soft and smart power»): education, research, innovation and human capital. This article discusses the most important initiatives the federal government and lands in the past five years, aiming at strengthening the position of Germany as a world center of higher education and advanced research and the most attractive location for highly qualified specialists from around the world.

The European Union's Mediterranean Policy in the Context of the "Arab Spring"

The article discusses the policy of the European Union aimed at the export of its democratic values, acquis communautaire and governance models to the neighbour countries in the Southern Mediterranean. The process of Europeanization reflects a particular case of global megatrend -democratization which in its turn positioned as democracy promotion through soft power instruments. From the EU point of view the goal of the Barcelona process launched in 1995 was to construct Euro-Mediterranean Partnership and common identity in order to promote democratic transitions in Southern Mediterranean. While the EU Foreign Policy in the Mediterranean region was historically conditioned by the security interests of the European Union, it suffered from securitization/democratization dilemma. The article analyses the process of external Europeanization in the Southern Mediterranean as a regional dimension of global democratization process in the context of Union for the Mediterranean development before and after the Arab Spring and new approach in the framework of the ENP Partnership for Democracy and Shared Prosperity with the Southern Mediterranean. The article proposes that the lack of political strategic vision in the EU toward the Arab democratic transition during 2011-2013 narrows its role as a transformative democratic power, hinders Europeanization/ democratization process in the macro-region of North Africa and Middle East and presents the EU with a new dilemma - to continue its traditional democratization policy or to shift towards a more pragmatic approach to cooperating with new Arab regimes.

Енергетичний фактор як інструмент “жорсткої” та “м’якої сили” у взаємодії США та Росії в зоні Перської затоки

Енергетичний фактор як інструмент “жорсткої” та “м’якої сили” у взаємодії США та Росії в зоні Перської затоки

Confucius Institutes as Instruments of Soft Power: Comparison with International Rivals

The Chinese Confucius Institutes, which have become common around the world and particularly in Asia, have followed the examples of the British Council, Alliance Française and the Goethe Institute. Yet by following the earlier examples, Confucius Institutes have the benefit of late development and can learn from the experiences of earlier approaches. This paper studies and analyses the overseas educations institutions of China, Britain, France and Germany to identify similarities and dissimilarities and then draws conclusions from this. It is shown that Confucius Institutes are a representative of the overseas soft power approach of the Chinese government and have multiple intentions and purposes.

East Reflects on West, East Meets West!: South Korean Media Responses to London 2012

London 2012 was a contradiction of Kipling's meretricious couplet about East and West. What was the response of the East, specifically the South Korean media, to London's selection as the host city of the 2012 Olympics? Furthermore, what were the various viewpoints of the South Korean media regarding the significance of London hosting the Olympic Games hard on the heels of the Beijing Olympics? Answers to these questions can provide insights into the geopolitics and politics of modern South Korea, which has very different relationships with China and Britain. An analysis, macroscopic and microscopic, in terms of politics, economics and culture, of media reactions in South Korea to the Olympics of the two nations can provide illuminating insights into a sports mega-event as an instrument of soft power.

The Middle East Policy of America after the Cold War

The aim of this study is to discuss the Middle East policy of the United States’ (U.S.) after the Cold War. In the period following the Cold War, the Middle East has been a place that the U.S’ has projected upon as if it were its own private land. This is an attractive and important issue for political research area. In briefly, it can be divided the policies of the U.S. in the post-Cold War concerning the Middle East into three just like a tripod and these are security, economy and politics. Firstly, eliminate the danger of radical Islamic groups, especially war against to acts of terrorism, secondly; controlling oil and energy resources and the finally is ensuring the security of Israel state. This paper will examine the September 11 attacks and the U.S. Greater Middle East Project and the U.S. occupation of Iraq. In that period U.S. tend to use the hard power. Than after this period, new President Barack Obama has changed the American Middle East policy discourses. The Obama’s foreign policy discourses show us that he is tend to use soft power instruments. This study argues that the U.S. foreign policy in Middle East after the Cold War has changed periodically. However the aim of Middle East policy of the U.S.’ has not changed, but the policy instruments have been changed from hard power to soft power Then, the question has been raised about the whether the U.S. will be success or not with this new policy. These concerning issues are going to be discussed.