Institutionalized Relationship Research Articles

ÜNİVERSİTELERLE SANAYİ KURULUŞLARI ARASINDA İŞBİRLİĞİNDE YENİ YAKLAŞIMLAR

"21. yüzyıla girerken sanayileşme yolunda ilerleyen ülkelerin sayısında ciddi bir artış olmuş, daha önce sadece gelişmiş ülkelerin tekelinde olan “sanayi malları piyasasında” gelişmekte olan ülkeler de yerlerini almaya başlamıştır. Bu durum günümüzün acımasız rekabet ortamında bu pazara yeni giren ülkeleri daha farklı yöntemler geliştirmek zorunda kalmıştır. Dünyamızın yeni ekonomik sistemi içerisinde “yenilik” üretemeyen milletlerin başarılı olma şansı oldukça düşüktür.
 
 Yaşadığımız yüzyıl muhtemelen ‘innovasyon (yenilik geliştirme)’ çağı olarak anılacaktır. 
 Yenilik yaratabilmek için sürekli olarak gelişmeleri takip edebilen ve bilimsel araştırmalar yapabilen sistemlere ihtiyaç vardır. Bu fonksiyonu en iyi şekilde yerine getirebilecek organizasyonlar bilimsel kuruluşlar, üniversiteler ve araştırma merkezleridir
 
 Geçmiş yıllarda üniversitelerle sanayi kuruluşları arasındaki ilişkiler, sanayinin belirli bir ihtiyaca yönelik olarak üniversitelerden bu konuda araştırma yapmasını istemeleri şeklinde tek yönlü ve kesintili bir şekilde yürütülmüştür. Ancak yeni şartlar daha kapsamlı, sürekli ve kurumsallaşmış bir ilişkinin kurulmasını gerektirmektedir.
 
 Bu araştırmanın amacı; halen sayıları 190’a yaklaşan üniversiteye ve dünya piyasalarında tanınan markalar üreten sanayi kuruluşlarına sahip ülkemizin, üniversite-sanayi işbirliğinde daha etkin bir sistem geliştirebilmesi için öneriler sunmaktır. 
 
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Coordination and planning: central categories in interagency relationships

The article reflects, based on a literature review and document analysis, on the coordination and planning categories as central to interagency relations. The study results indicate that cooperation is the most basic level in this type of relationship, given its informality and being based on personal and little institutionalized relationships. Coordination, on the other hand, would be the improvement of cooperation through elaborate arrangements, when agencies would consider the objectives, visions, purposes and desired end states of the other agency in the planning. The second category was worked from theorists and professionals of the interagency environment, who highlighted the importance of relationships to materialize through a planning process that produces an intelligible plan and that increases the chances of success of operations. We conclude that the full interagency relationship effectively materializes when it occurs through joint planning with the participation of all agencies involved in solving the problem.

China and Southeast Asia: Strategic Interdependence in the Making?

If we had to choose one word to describe the relationship between China and the Southeast Asian states, it would be “asymmetric.” China’s population is 2.2 times the combined population of the ten countries of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN).1 Its GDP is 4.3 times these countries’ combined GDP,2 while its 2017 military expenditure was almost 6 times the amount they spent collectively.3 Some scholars like to use the metaphor of Gulliver and the Lilliputians to compare China and the ASEAN states in world politics.4 The hope is that the Lilliputians can somehow tie up Gulliver if they work together. In the post–Cold War era, the ASEAN states successfully constrained China’s behavior through multilateral institutions, especially the ASEAN Regional Forum (ARF). After the 2008 global financial crisis, China’s assertive diplomacy in the South China Sea indeed caused some worries and suspicions in the region. However, the overall relationship between China and the ASEAN states has not fundamentally changed. Since 2013, China has continued its “charm offensive” to woo the ASEAN states with the proposal of the Maritime Silk Road—a massive infrastructure investment project that is part of the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI). On the one hand, Chinese investments, especially in the infrastructure sector, are largely welcomed in Southeast Asia despite some ups and downs, such as Malaysia’s [End Page 17] cancelation of two BRI-funded projects. The ASEAN states have, on the other hand, kept a nuanced and balanced attitude toward U.S. competition with China. I argue that a relationship of strategic interdependence has taken shape between China and the ASEAN states. Each side views the other as an indispensable actor in pursuing its strategic interests. Although the power asymmetry between China and the ASEAN states makes the latter more vulnerable than the former, the U.S. factor increases the sensitivity of China’s strategic dependence on ASEAN. Multilateral institutions have played a vital role in shaping Chinese-ASEAN relations. The more institutionalized relationship will empower both parties to reduce vulnerability and sensitivity levels in their nascent strategic interdependence in the future.

The Austrian Way: Sozialpartnerschaft as Means to Curb the Falling Rate of Profit

Economic crises are inherent in all market systems. The leap from long boom to long downturn is attributed to the lack of advanced capitalist economies to achieve and sustain high profit rates. Economic historians vividly outline overaccumulation and overheating leading to a squeeze of profits as underlying to great booms, recessions and depressions by the historical examples of Italy, France, Germany and Japan. Overaccumulation is based on the capital account being run down due to a demand for labor, which leads to rising wages and capital flight and ultimately to unprofitable economies. Tightening labor markets during long boom phases lead eventually to class conflict, which is the starting point of the profit squeeze and eventually busts and recessions and depressions. Overheating occurs in the wake of strike waves and subsequent wage explosions, such as in Europe between 1968 and 1970 in France, Germany, Netherlands, Italy and the United Kingdom, when workers backed their claims with strike action. Capitalists were forced to concede wage rises, which eventually lowered their rate of profit. Strikes stem out of frustration over moderation of growth of real wages, reduction in labor's share and increase in the share of profits, erosion of differentials, and increased work load. Manifold conventional monetary, fiscal and social intervention strategies as counter-cyclical means to avert booms and busts are described in international examples of the past. This paper aims at adding to the existing literature the case of describing the Austrian Sozialpartnerschaft. This stakeholder engagement means practiced in Austria is shown to avert social imbalances leading to economically inefficient worker uprising, protests and strikes. Since the post-World War II era, the Austrian Wirtschaftswunder (economic miracle) is attributed to the Sozialpartnerschaft breeding economic growth alongside social stability in Austria. The relative low economic fluctuations of the Austrian economy are grounded in the model of Sozialpartnerschaft to solve class struggles and worker rights movements elegantly through self-determination, participation and compromise. The unique Austrian model of the voluntary Sozialpartnerschaft is captured to implicitly curb the falling rate of profit phenomenon. In the Sozialpartnerschaft model, the citizenry, that undermines the profit rate in many other countries, gains access to board meetings to discuss national claims. Rather than partially illegal and counterproductive, risky strike movements, the Sozialpartnerschaft forms an institutionalized relationship between the government, political parties and certain interest groups in the field of labor, social, and economic policy. While it is widely recognized as a key element in Austrian politics since the end of World War II, social partnership is neither anchored in the Austrian constitution nor laid down in any specific legal act. The insights gained from the Austrian way to structure economic growth are discussed alongside granting an international and future perspective of Sozialpartnerschaft as means to avert negative consequences in the wake of economic fluctuations. While the influence of the Sozialpartnerschaft may be decreasing in the eye of the European Union integration and in times of globalization, other countries with fairly less developed stakeholder engagement approaches may learn from the positive example of the Austrian way to gracefully social partner in reaching common economic, industrial and societal endeavors together.

Tsars, Task Forces and Standards: The New “IRS”?

AbstractInstitutional processes for regulating government-nonprofit relations in the U.S. are experiencing substantial growth, particularly at the state level. First, cabinet-level nonprofit “tsars” are being appointed by state governments as point persons for communication and coordination with nonprofits. Second, high-level cross-sector task forces are being established to examine the current relations between the sectors and to recommend reforms in regulatory and oversight processes. Third, nonprofit industry associations are developing statements of operating standards that seek to promote greater discipline in operations. These processes are potentially harbingers of the creation of new institutionalized relationship systems (IRS). This paper examines the emergence of these new institutional arrangements, analyzes their short-term impacts and speculates about their durability.

The Development and Growth of the Software Industry in Ireland: An Institutionalized Relationship Approach

Ireland's software industry emerged in the 1970s and 1980s due to significant international developments and, more importantly, the industrial policy approach adopted in Ireland. The attraction of software foreign direct investment during these decades was followed by the emergence of an internationally competitive Irish software sector. A multitude of factors combine to explain the trajectory of software in Ireland: from developments related to globalization and international trade, to policy makers' efforts to promote an industry where Ireland could forge a comparative advantage internationally. An analysis of industrial dynamics and institutionalized relationships (IRs) furthers our understanding of significant developments in the industry in terms of interactions between firms, government and other stakeholders. This paper makes a novel contribution by analysing Ireland's software industry within the IR framework. The IR approach we employ focuses on the finance IR, the purchase IR, the employment IR, and the commercial IR. The adoption of the IR framework approach is particularly insightful in the Irish case as it facilitates a multifaceted analysis of the complex relationships that have moulded the Irish software industry. Such an approach also facilitates a study of the policy implications and policy prescriptions that are pertinent to the software sector.

Media/politics connections: beyond political parallelism

Used by Seymour-Ure and by Blumler and Gurevitch the concept of “political parallelism” gained further prominence after Hallin and Mancini took it as one of their key variables in the comparison of media systems. The concept seems to work well for analyzing western societies, but how useful is it for dealing with the rest of the world? This article suggests that the concept of political parallelism only can be productively used when two conditions are satisfied. There must be a competitive political system, with political cleavages clear enough to allow the media to reproduce them, and an institutionalized relationship between media and political agents that is sufficiently stable to allow the observer to identify recurrent patterns of interaction. However, these requirements are not met everywhere. By “provincializing” the concept of political parallelism – taking it as a product of specific circumstances, rather than as a universally applicable category – this article proposes a new and more globally applicable framework for studying political communication

Discordance in couples’ reporting of courtship stages: Implications for measurement and marital quality

The symbolism of rituals creates a shared understanding of events among group members. In the context of romantic relationships, a shared understanding of relationship status transitions may be associated with greater commitment and higher quality relationships. We argue that couples with differing retrospective accounts of their premarital courtship may not have had clear discussions or rituals marking relationship turning points. We test the association between discordance in couples’ reports of premarital courtship stages and marital quality using data from married couples in a national online survey (n=1504). We find that couple discordance is common, particularly among former premarital cohabitors and for the less institutionalized relationship stages of dating and stayovers, and is associated with lower marital quality. Implications for relationship measurement and the meaning of couple discordance are discussed.

Sport for decolonization

Sport is now mobilized as a novel and effective means of achieving international development goals, leading to an increasingly institutionalized relationship between sport and development. While there is recent evidence of the effectiveness of Sport for Development and Peace (SDP) programmes and policies, research has also drawn attention to the relations of power that underpin the movement and, in particular, to colonizing tendencies in SDP initiatives. This article explores this critical research and considers it against the insights and importance of a development praxis concerned with decolonization. We argue that SDP scholars and activists would be well served to consider the main tenets of a decolonizing framework and we put forth some theoretical and methodological imperatives for decolonizing sport for development.

Globalization as an Enabling Force

Does the increased economic openness associated with globalization reduce the capacity of the state to manage the economy? The contributors to Linda Weiss’s States in the Global Economy consistently answer this question with a fairly strong ‘‘no.’’ In the process, they point to the importance of domestic institutions as a criticalFperhaps the criticalFmediating variable in determining how states manage openness. Why do the contributors see domestic institutions as a decisive source of difference? Clearly not because they accept the usual globalization storyFwhich sees capital mobility and an ever tightening web of international trade and investment agreements as a constraint on state policy and a force for homogenization that reduces state capacity. Instead, as Weiss points out in her extensive opening essay, they see globalization as an enabling force. Specifically, by increasing economic insecurity, globalization generates political pressures for increased social protection and economic pressures for innovation. But domestic institutions bring diverging normative orientations and organizational capacities with their responses to globalization. As a result, domestic institutions generate great differences as states translate these globally sparked domestic political pressures into new policies. Does this mean that divergent state responses to globalization will also generate heterogeneity among economies rather than convergence? Here Weiss’s interesting conclusion ultimately reflects her earlier work (Weiss 1998) and her association with Michael Mann (1986). In her concluding essay, Weiss argues that the analyses in the book show that a convergence on a new model is indeed occurring, but it is not the neoliberal model long predicted by the crude globalists she critiques. Instead, Weiss argues, the book’s chapters demonstrate a growing convergence around ‘‘governed interdependence.’’ Governed interdependence is an institutionalized relationship of negotiation between the state and, preferably, sectorally coherent business organizations. In this relationship, each side maintains their autonomy, but the state sets broad developmental goals and monitors businesses’ achievement of those goals. Governed interdependence works through political exchange between the state and societal actors. The state receives the information and cooperation it needs from societal organizations to transform the economy. In return, the state legitimates those organizations, ameliorates social risks surrounding investment, and provides a focal point for resolving struggles among firms and sectors. Weiss thus argues that governed interdependence enhances state capacity, understood as Mann’s infrastructural power. She predicts that globalization will cause a withering of both French style statism and US style arm’s length regulation in favor of governed interdependence. Weiss has mobilized a sufficiently broad array of contributors to test this proposition across an array of issues that exceeds most similar volumes: taxation, the welfare state, and industrial governance. John Hobson’s essay attacks the conventional wisdom that globalization will cause a race to the bottom on taxation or a shift

La participación de Ia iniciativa privada en la financiación de actividades de interés general. Especial referencia a los convenios de colaboración empresarial con la Iglesia Católica en materia de patrimonio histórico

International organizations insist on the need to create the necessary incentives in order to channel the financial resources of physical and juridical persons into the tasks of preserving and enriching our heritage; this is done through fiscal and patrimonial measures which favour patronage and support for non-profit-making organizations. Collaboration between the public and private sector is an observable reality in different countries, encouraged by the existence of a fiscal regime favorable to the cultural activity of businesses or individuals. In this line, here in Spain Law 30/1997 (24 th November) on Foundations and Fiscal Incentives for private participation in activities of public interest tries to create a suitable juridical basis for encouraging altruistic actions, a basis adapted to the demands of present-day society. This is done through an up-to-date regulation of Foundations and a regime of fiscal incentives for private funding of activities of general interest, Of the various possibilities of patronage which Law LFIF offers, this study on those options which do not demand a permanent and institutionalized relationship involving setting up agencies to achieve their end, but rather those options which involve occasional collaboration with non-profit-making bodies through donations or which involve businesses initiatives in activities for the public good. This law and later taxation legislation have modified in part the regime envisaged in the Spanish Historical Heritage Law, so this will not be given preferential treatment. From this standpoint we examine, in first place, the fiscal regime on donations made by physical or juridical persons to foundations, to associations for the public good or to similar entities; particular attention in paid to religious bodies which may be the recipients of donations while, at the same time, evaluating to what extent the formulas worked out by the legislator are suitable for encouraging private participation in a

“Nonpublicity” and the Unmaking of a President: William Howard Taft and the Ballinger-Pinchot Controversy of 1909–1910

William Howard Taft may have been the last American President to take office without intending to seek public support by cultivating the press. During single term, from 1909 to 1913, he eschewed the tactics of managing presidential news coverage so vigorously applied by predecessor, Theodore Roosevelt, and successor, Woodrow Wilson.(1) Instead, Taft preferred a laissez-faire approach to public opinion, based on the notion that accomplishments would speak for themselves. In a rare magazine interview in 1910, he stated that I hope for my administration is the accomplishment of definite results, which will be self-explanatory.(2) Richard A. Ballinger, Secretary of Interior, called the approach one of nonpublicity.(3)Taft's hands-off approach toward presidential publicity and subsequent failure to win re-election have been attributed variously to ineptness at politics, ignorance of the press, inability to visualize himself as a public person, and general failure to live up to the expectations of presidential behavior established by Roosevelt.(4) Biographer Henry F. Pringle argues that Taft's ultimate defeat was caused, in no small measure, by these repeated incessant headlines which, try as he might, he could not guide or control.(5) Other scholars suggest that reluctance to manage the press was rooted in minimalist, late-nineteenth-century view of the presidency itself.(6)This study assumes that, whatever its origins, nonpublicity was a deliberate choice by Taft, one whose outlines and consequences are as worthy of examination as presidential attempts at managing the press to influence public opinion.(7) The focus of the inquiry is relationship with the Washington, D.C., correspondents during first year as President, beginning in March 1909, and, particularly, on refusal to respond to highly publicized charges of corruption directed at Secretary of Interior Ballinger by the forester Gifford Pinchot and other progressive critics.(8)It suggests that the consequences of policy of nonpublicity were indicative of profound changes taking place in the relationship between presidents and the press early in the twentieth century. In not trying to cultivate the Washington, D.C., correspondents, Taft failed to conform to the expectations of a new relationship between presidents and the press established during the administrations of William McKinley and Theodore Roosevelt. McKinley, who became President in 1897, and Roosevelt, who succeeded him in 1901, encouraged the growth of a nascent White House press corps. To interest these correspondents in the presidency as a source of news--and to shape that news from the President's perspective--McKinley and Roosevelt established practices that formed the basis for an institutionalized relationship.(9) These practices included supplying the correspondents with information and guidance for news stories, both on a regularly scheduled basis and on demand; providing advance copies of speeches and statements; arranging frequent opportunities to chat with the President, even if off the record, and producing news on presidential trips and at summer retreats. Under Roosevelt, who was, as admiring aide, Archie Butt, remarked, his own press agent, the flow of information from the President to the correspondents increased dramatically. In addition to The Editor and Publisher, April 17, 1909 telling the correspondents views, Roosevelt also guided what they wrote by telling them what the news was and how they should prepare it.(10)To take advantage of this growing supply of news from the White House, the correspondents established parallel working practices to listen to what the President or secretary wanted to tell them, to compose that information into news stories, and to pass those stories along to their editors. The White House became a regular beat, an addition to the late nineteenth century focus on Congress. …

Constitutional and Distributional Conflict in British Medical Politics: The Case of General Practice, 1911–1991

This paper explores the theoretical confusion in explanations of health policies. It does so by distinguishing between the politics of constitutional conflict and the politics of distributional conflict, and analysing their development over time. The first type is epitomized by the collisions between the state and the medical profession in 1911, 1945 and 1989 on the issue of general practice. The second is characterized by a corporatist-style, institutionalized relationship between the state and the profession between and subsequent to these events. Conclusions are drawn about the limitations of corporatist and other theories and about the methodology of policy analysis.

Friendship: Bonds and Binds in a Voluntary Relationship

This paper develops an approach to the understanding of cultural problems in the friendship bond. Utilizing depth interview field data from respondents of both sexes aged eighteen to eighty, plus self-reports of friendship problems by college students and applicable theories of relationship behaviour, two important aspects of friendship culture are probed: (1) the desirable personality traits of friends and the expectation that these will not change; (2) the assumption of an unwritten contract between friends concerning the provision of aid and the repayment of kindnesses. The two major characteristics of the friendship bond that make it both unique in human group life and attractive - freedom and intimacy - also set in motion an internal dialectic which can be the basis of problems between friends or the eventual demise of the relationship. The voluntary aspect of friendship means that it has little of the societal support that other relationships enjoy and that behaviour between friends is freely selected; the intimacy aspect is in direct contradiction to this in that it suggests that the behaviour between friends should fulfil certain expectations which they individually develop. These contradictory pressures also make prior discussion of continuance of attractive traits and expectations almost impossible. Thus, the friendship bond is exceedingly fragile when compared with other, more institutionalized relationships such as marriage. Analytic points for this study are illustrated by descriptions of problematic situations from actual friendships in which the exigencies of life trigger (almost inevitably) the contradictory aspects of the friendship bond.

A Foreign-Policy Model of the Distribution of British Bilateral Aid, 1960–70

As a consequence of Truman's Point Four Program of 1949, the provision of economic assistance to independent low-income countries became the official policy of the United States. In the early and mid-1950s economic development assistance, though growing, received relatively little attention as the Korean war turned the USA's foreign aid in the direction of military assistance. However, by the start of the 1960s, the transfer of economic assistance from high-income to low-income countries had developed into an institutionalized relationship. Economic assistance was clearly distinguished from military assistance and administered separately; the USA's monopoly of aid was decreasing as other high-income countries, partially under the USA's pressure, were establishing their own aid programmes; and the volume of aid and the number of recipients were increasing.

Bilateral Institutions and Transgovernmental Relations Between Canada and the United States

Preceding essays have documented the dramatic growth of transnational relations between Canadians and Americans and have emphasized the development of new issue areas—private, local, regional, and national—between the two countries. As these relations expand in scope, complexity, and occasionally conflict, we would expect to see a corresponding growth in Canadian-American institutions to provide mechanisms for policy coordination, bargaining, and conflict resolution. The increase in formal governmental institutions between Ottawa and Washington has indeed been notable, but we must not conclude that these institutions constitute the core of the intergovernmental relationship. The informal and formal communications between federal government bureaucracies and between officials of the states and provinces are no less important; hence, the essay will focus not only on the bilateral institutions but also on the phenomenon that Nye and Keohane have called transgovernmental relations, that is, the non institutionalized relationships between subunits of governments and the activities they undertake that remain reasonably immune from central control (see their preceding essay in this volume).