Electoral Institutions Research Articles

Running uphill: A comparative analysis of the gender gap in campaign financing

AbstractWomen are not a demographic minority, but they certainly are a minority in politics. Most legislative bodies across the world are still overwhelmingly male. Female candidates cite lack of resources as one of the main deterrents to run. Using data on candidates encompassing twenty‐eight elections in sixteen countries between 2006 and 2017, we examine the role of electoral institutions, partisanship and candidates’ political profile in mitigating – or aggravating – the gender resource gap. We find that female candidates systematically avail of significantly lower campaign budgets. This is true across different electoral systems and on the left as well as on the right. The gap is larger in size among incumbents. It is also wider in parties that use voluntary quotas and put forward more female candidates. Moreover, the budget composition of male and female candidates varies considerably. Male candidates tend to use higher proportions of their own resources, while female candidates rely on proportionally higher party contributions, that are, however, smaller in size.

Institutionalising inclusion

Inclusion within the electoral process is crucial for democratic societies, ensuring all citizens can participate regardless of background. The study explores how institutional frameworks, particularly electoral management bodies like the Zimbabwe Electoral Commission (ZEC), facilitate or hinder inclusivity through their operational mandates. Drawing on data from Election Observation Missions and other sources, this analysis evaluates the ZEC's performance in candidate inclusion, accessibility of polling stations, voter education initiatives, and representation of marginalised groups such as women and youth. Key findings reveal that while ZEC implemented measures to enhance inclusion, challenges persisted, such as accessibility issues for voters with disabilities and uneven voter education coverage. Through a historical backdrop and contextual framework, this paper delves into the role of electoral institutions in promoting democratic processes and enhancing inclusion. The findings underscore both achievements and challenges encountered by the ZEC, suggesting areas for future improvement and policy refinement to strengthen electoral inclusivity through institutional means. The study concludes by recommending enhanced financial and legislative support for ZEC to bolster its operational capacity and collaboration with other institutions. Addressing these recommendations could mitigate common electoral challenges and further embed inclusive practices within Zimbabwe's electoral framework.

Electoral Behavior of Russian Youth of the Digital Generation

The article is devoted to the analysis of the electoral behavior of Russian youth of the digital generation (aged 18–24 years). The empirical basis of the study was made up of data from an interregional youth survey conducted by the authors in 2023, as well as data from a WCIOM study in 2024. The relatively low level of their participation in the electoral process and in general in socio-political activities is considered as a feature of the electoral behavior of young people of the digital generation. At the same time, a steady trend towards a decrease in youth absenteeism has been identified, which is manifested in the formation of an intermediate group of young people with a more positive attitude towards elections. Subject to comprehensive constructive actions on the part of the state and civil society institutions, this group can be included in the electoral process. The study showed that young people of the digital generation are quite well informed about the possibility of online voting, although the vast majority of young people aged 18–25 years do not have practical experience in participating in remote electronic voting. For young people who ignore the institution of elections, the form of voting is not significant. A tendency has been discovered towards a decrease in the electoral activity of girls of the digital generation, who are inferior to young men in other indicators of socio-political activity.

ANTI-CORRUPTION RESPONSIBILITIES OF CANDIDATES ACCORDING TO THE LEGISLATION OF KAZAKHSTAN (based on materials of the election campaign for the elections of the Mazhilis of Kazakhstan 2023)

The article notes that the institution of elections is one of the important elements of state security in any state. In this regard, it is common practice to enshrine in national electoral legislation provisions aimed at ensuring law and order in various spheres of life. Anti-corruption norms occupy a special place in electoral legislation. The article notes that the institution of elections is one of the important elements of state security in any state. In this regard, it is common practice to enshrine in national electoral legislation provisions aimed at ensuring law and order in various spheres of life. Anti-corruption norms occupy a special place in electoral legislation. According to the author, the enshrinement of anti-corruption responsibilities in the electoral legislation is connected to a greater extent not with electoral law, but with the legislation defining the legal status of deputies and elected officials. The author examines the features of establishing anti-corruption responsibilities in the legislation of the Republic of Kazakhstan, as well as electoral practice. In most cases, the judicial authorities decided to uphold the decision of the relevant election commission to cancel the registration of a candidate. Moreover, in a number of cases, candidates managed to overturn the decision of the election commission to refuse registration. An analysis of electoral practice led to the conclusion that in most cases, many offenses in the area under consideration were the result of candidates’ legal illiteracy, their inattention, and the amount of unreliable information was most often insignificant. In this regard, it is concluded that the legislation should allow election commissions and judicial bodies to more widely use their own discretion when resolving such cases.

When Do Voters See Fraud? Evaluating the Effects of Poll Supervision on Perceptions of Integrity

Abstract What shapes voter perceptions of election outcomes? Recent disputes in Malawi and Kenya highlight the vulnerability of local vote counts to accusations of malfeasance, which often generate negative public perceptions of vote reliability. Election monitoring in these countries is thought to crucially affect both the quality of the election and voters’ perceptions of the same. To date, most research on this topic has focused on the effect of non-partisan electoral observers. However, in many countries, two other interest groups also monitor the vote-counting process: political party agents and government election officials. Does the presence of these actors also affect voter perceptions of election integrity? To answer this question, I conducted a conjoint experiment in Malawi and Kenya in which voters evaluate the reliability of vote counts from hypothetical polling stations where the presence of party agents, non-partisan observers, and election officials is varied. I find that the presence of each of these groups does indeed shape voter perceptions: voters are more likely to view vote counts as reliable when they are co-signed by a party agent, election official, or non-partisan observer. Further, these preferences persist regardless of the voters’ own party affiliation or trust in electoral institutions.

Institutional Friction and Policy Responsiveness: The Puzzle of Coalitional Fragmentation and Executive-Legislative Balance

Research on policy responsiveness to public opinion highlights differences owing to political institutions—both electoral and governmental. Electoral institutions that produce coalition governments tend to reduce responsiveness in between elections. Government institutions that divide powers horizontally, by contrast, appear to increase that responsiveness. These findings point to the role of institutional “friction” in shaping what governments do, though the two sources appear to produce different effects—one harmful and the other helpful. This paper explores this apparent contradiction. We revisit and clarify theoretical assumptions and outline alternative models of the effects of friction. Extending previous tests, now in 18 countries, we find clearer evidence supporting that earlier research and more firmly establish friction as the mechanism, particularly as regards the influence of electoral systems. The two institutional sources of friction appear to influence responsiveness in different ways, which has implications for politics and policy that we consider in the concluding section.

Understanding Voting Behavior Models: A Critical Review

<p class="TableParagraph"><em>This research aims to explore the impact of money politics on voting behavior, compliance and voter loyalty in Indonesia using literature study and desk research methods. Money politics, which involves providing material incentives to voters, has become a widespread and influential phenomenon in the electoral system in Indonesia. This study analyzes various literature and secondary data to understand how money politics influences voters' preferences, their level of compliance with candidates who provide incentives, and their loyalty to political parties or candidates.</em></p><p class="TableParagraph"><em>The research results show that money politics has a significant influence on voting behavior, where voters who receive incentives tend to choose candidates or parties that provide these incentives. However, this influence is often temporary and does not guarantee long-term loyalty. Voter loyalty to candidates who provide incentives is also influenced by economic motivations, and voter loyalty tends to weaken due to the practice of money politics, causing them to more easily change their support in the next election if there is a more profitable offer.</em></p><p class="TableParagraph"><em>To reduce the negative impact of money politics, this research recommends increasing political education, stricter law enforcement, and strengthening electoral institutions. A holistic approach involving the government, electoral institutions, civil society organizations and the wider community is needed to overcome this problem and strengthen democracy in Indonesia. This research provides in-depth insight into the phenomenon of money politics and offers recommendations for improving the quality of elections in Indonesia.</em></p><p class="TableParagraph"><strong><em>Keywords:</em></strong></p><p class="TableParagraph"><em>money politics, voting behavior, voter compliance, voter loyalty,</em></p>

The Nexus between Poverty and Elections in Africa: A Case Study of Somaliland and the Gambia

This article explores the states of democracy and the conduct of elections in Somaliland and the Gambia. The article examines the democratic and electoral institutions responsible for the conduct of elections in the two countries and assesses their level of effectiveness for a free and transparent election. The article uses multiple case studies as the research design to generate data on elections in Somaliland and the Gambia. Triangulation was also adopted as a method of obtaining multiple data to test their validity and relevance for this study. The study adopted content analysis as the technique for data analysis. The study found that the conduct of elections in both Somaliland and the Gambia has been influenced by vote buying which is the consequence of poverty. The study found that limited economic opportunities in both countries make citizen trade off their votes for favors during elections. The study recommends widening economic opportunities and strengthening the media and civil society organizations for civic education and capacity building of political parties and government officials.

Цифровой электоральный суверенитет в современной России

The article presents thoughts on the subject of popular sovereignty in Russia that is manifested in expression of the will of the people at elections with the use of contemporary information technology. The author characterizes the institution of elections within the framework of the reviewed topic.

Identity Politics Violations in Indonesian Elections

Identity politics violations are a frequent phenomenon in elections in Indonesia, where ethnic, religious, ethnic, gender, or other social group identities are manipulated or exploited for political gain. The purpose of this study is to identify, analyze, and understand more deeply about identity politics violations in elections, as well as their implications for democracy and Indonesian society as a whole. The analysis will be based on the theory of identity politics, multiculturalism, and political participation. The results of the analysis show that political elites and candidates for regional heads tend to use or maintain identity politics for political interests and strengthen power hegemony. As a result, the use of religious issues as political tools in the 2019 Presidential Election is a source of tension and a potential threat to the country's social and political stability. With a deeper understanding of this phenomenon, this research is expected to provide valuable insights for political stakeholders, electoral institutions, and society at large to develop prevention and countermeasures against identity politics violation and strengthen the foundation of an inclusive and equitable democracy in Indonesia.

Campur Tangan Presiden Dalam Pemilihan Umum Presiden 2024 Dalam Editorial Tempo

The 2024 Indonesian presidential election becomes a contest to choose new presidential and vice-presidential candidates for the 2024-2029 period. Various methods are employed by each candidate pair to occupy the presidential seat in Indonesia. As known, media coverage of this presidential election has given rise to a discourse with multiple interpretations. The aim of this research is to analyze a discourse within critical discourse analysis to examine the construction built by Tempo media in depicting the president's image according to Norman Fairlough's critical discourse. This research employs a qualitative approach with content analysis method. The research findings indicate that Description: The news title reflects the President's role as a supporter of Prabowo Subianto. Interpretation: The President's actions indicate significant interference in the electoral process. Explanation: This discourse reproduces power structures and influences public perception of democracy. In conclusion, the importance of understanding discourse construction in news and its impact on public perception of the political process becomes evident, with emphasis on the need for the independence and neutrality of electoral institutions becoming more prominent.

Electoral institutions and repression in dictatorships

We argue that the relationship between authoritarian elections and repression depends on the electoral system in use. Proportional representation (PR) systems co-opt more heterogeneous political groups to contest and receive seats in the legislature and thus, dictators are less likely to use broad-based repression. Under plurality rules, by contrast, the regime has more incentives to mobilize turnout and deter collective action. Examining electoral systems from 1990 to 2010, we find that elections only reduce broad-based repression under PR systems, which are less commonly used in non-democracies. Our results highlight the importance of formal institutions in shaping political outcomes even in dictatorships.

Are Women Commissioners More Compassionate Spenders? Evidence From Florida County Governments

While the number of women in government has increased, prior research on whether enhancing women's political representation alters policy choices has produced inconclusive findings. This study asks if higher women's participation in electoral institutions at the local level is associated with a different spending profile. Using Peterson’s typology of developmental, redistributive, and allocational government programs, we argue that legislative bodies with more female members will spend more on redistributive programs than on developmental or allocational. Using data from Florida's 67 counties between 2005 and 2015, our analysis supports this theoretical expectation. In line with critical mass theory, women's representation in county commissions must reach a threshold of about 33% to sway budgetary decision-making toward more extensive redistribution. We also find that the traditional commission form of government intensifies the redistributive effect of women commissioners on county spending while having a home rule charter has no significant effect.

Issues of Improving the Legal Regulation of Elections in the Russian Federation: The Opinion of the Scientist and the Practitioner

Among the many areas of scientific research, there are those where there are very few scientists who are substantively engaged in the study of relevant problems. These areas include the institution of elections within the framework of the science of electoral law. One of the few scientists in Russia who has been studying this issue substantively and consistently for more than 25 years is the Honored Lawyer of the Russian Federation, Doctor of Law, Professor Victor Vasilyevich Ignatenko, who celebrated his 65th birthday on February 26, 2024. And even while working in the legislative and executive authorities of the Irkutsk region, as well as being the head of the Election Commission of the Irkutsk region and the Commissioner for Human Rights in the Irkutsk region, Victor Vasilyevich did not leave science and teaching for a minute, as evidenced by his publication activity and the number of students. His enormous managerial experience, reverent attitude to the issues of legal regulation of the spheres of his professional activity allows him to highlight certain issues of law enforcement practice on topical issues of electoral law at a high level.

Green New Deals in comparative perspective

AbstractIn February 2019, Representative Alexandria Ocasio‐Cortez and Senator Ed Markey introduced into the US Congress a non‐binding resolution for a Green New Deal, with the aim to catalyze policies and programs to rapidly decarbonize the US economy while achieving wider progressive economic, social and environmental goals. This motion sparked widespread interest, in and beyond the US, in the potential for more ambitious and solidaristic climate policy under the banner of a Green New Deal (GND). This Overview, after introducing the history of the GND concept and exploring its dimensions in theory, provides a snapshot of GNDs proposed (or adopted/enacted) by politicians, candidates for political office, political parties and governments around the world in the period 2019–2022. Drawing on theories of comparative politics and comparative political economy, the Overview illuminates key patterns in the prevalence and content of this set of GND proposals, as well as their ideological underpinnings and implicit “theories of change.” Specifically, it ventures that: GND policies are more commonly proposed in high‐income, industrialized democracies; variation in GNDs' prevalence and content are associated with varieties of capitalism and electoral institutions; GND policies are more commonly proposed by left‐of‐center parties and candidates; and GNDs are being proposed at all levels of government, but their content is shaped by constraints on government powers. On the basis of this analysis, the concluding section proposes a detailed research agenda on GNDs, with an emphasis on comparative research.This article is categorized under: The Carbon Economy and Climate Mitigation > Benefits of Mitigation Policy and Governance > National Climate Change Policy Policy and Governance > Multilevel and Transnational Climate Change Governance

The Institute of Gubernatorial Elections as a Marker of Regional Features of the Political Culture of Russians (based on the results of Russian single voting day-2023)

The author examines the institution of elections of heads of subjects of the Russian Federation as a product of political and cultural orientations of both state and political figures of the federal and regional levels of government, and the ordinary citizens. Using comparative and statistical analysis, the relationship between political attitudes and expectations of Russians and the transformation of gubernatorial elections in the period from 1991 to 2022 is explored. The significance of the ethnonational and socio-economic specifics of the political culture of Russians in legitimizing such changes is described. During the analysis of direct gubernatorial elections in 2023, current features of political culture in the context of regions are noted, which may be important in the transformation of the institution of gubernatorial elections. The author compares the results of the gubernatorial campaigns of 2018 and 2023 from the point of view of the landscape of political involvement of Russians and the dynamics of support for federal parties in the regions. The phenomenon of distant electronic voting is analyzed, and the weakness of its perception by residents of Russian regions to ensure accessibility of elections and fair political competition.

Moving the electoral goalposts: State and local strategies of electoral intervention in the U.S.

Central to the partisan divide in American politics is disagreement over the fundamental legitimacy of American elections. Due to the decentralized nature of election administration in the US, these disagreements have led to a complex web of heterogeneous electoral institutions. Scholars have made impressive progress on untangling the effects of these different institutions — unfortunately, less is known about the sources of adoption of such proposals. Using time-series cross-sectional data on the adoption of various electoral policies by state governments from 2001–2018, I examine the role of politics and identity in shaping the types of electoral interventions adopted by state legislatures during an important period of increasing politicization of such interventions. Applying dynamic panel models and constructing a novel measure of the concentration of Black population within competitive congressional districts, I find that the effects of race, competition, and ideology on electoral interventions differ across both partisan lines and issue areas.

Conditional Effects of the Spotlight: Electoral Institutions and the Enforcement of Global Corporate Norms

Abstract Under what conditions do governments discipline powerful multinational companies for breaching global corporate norms? Existing international relations theories have shown that peer monitoring and transnational advocacy are crucial strategies that shine a spotlight on norm violations. Despite the importance of those strategies, governments in the Global North have not consistently condemned their home-grown multinational companies for breaking norms related to climate or human rights in the Global South. This paper argues that the effect of such spotlighting is crucially moderated by electoral institutions, and legislators in proportional representation systems are more likely than those in majoritarian systems to push multinational companies to comply with global norms when such issues are in the spotlight. I find supporting evidence from the OECD Guidelines’ Specific Instance process and case studies. This article shows that traditional strategies to promote norm compliance, such as transnational advocacy and peer pressure, work differently in different countries, and electoral systems in the Global North can have unintended distributional consequences for norm beneficiaries.

Citizens as a democratic safeguard? The sequence of sanctioning elite attacks on democracy

AbstractIn many elections worldwide, citizens support politicians who have undermined democracy while in office. Why? For citizens to safeguard democratic institutions, they must not only disapprove of a politician's undemocratic conduct but also be willing to retract support from her at the next election. This article examines under which conditions citizen evaluations of undemocratic elite conduct become consequential for behavioral actions and whether specific segments of the electorate, such as politically educated, liberal, antimajoritarian, and moderate partisans, react more forcefully to such elite violations. Evidence from a survey experiment in Poland, closely following the sequence of presidential elections, reveals that citizens firmly dislike attacks on core electoral institutions, irrespective of whether they are committed by incumbent or oppositional copartisans. However, neither the electorate's nor any segment's dissent translates into revised vote choices. The study has implications for why undemocratic elite behavior often remains unpunished and citizens rarely avert democratic backsliding.

Political contributions by American inventors: evidence from 30,000 cases

AbstractPolitical scientists know surprisingly little about the political behavior of inventors, or those who produce new technologies. I therefore merged US patent and campaign contribution (DIME) data to reveal the donation behavior of 30,603 American inventors from 1980 through 2014. Analysis of the data produces three major findings. First, the Democratic Party has made significant inroads among American inventors, but these gains increasingly come from only a few regions and flow to a relatively small number of candidates. Second, deeper geographic trends explain most of the change in aggregate donation patterns. Third, inventors do not strategically donate to candidates outside their own district and, since 2006, inventors increasingly contribute to relatively centrist employer PACs with weak ties to the Democratic Party. These findings suggest that the interaction between market-oriented policy and American electoral institutions may inhibit the formation of broad cross-regional coalitions to support the knowledge economy.