Voter Information Research Articles

Selective exposure: Voter information preferences and the Watergate affair.

Selective exposure: Voter information preferences and the Watergate affair.

Voting Cues in Nonpartisan Trial Court Elections: A Multivariate Assessment

Despite a number of valuable scholarly contributions made in recent years, we still lack a precise understanding of the determinants of voter choice in low salience nonpartisan judicial elections. Utilizing a multivariate technique that controls for the varying numbers of candidates frequently found in judicial elections, this analysis examines the contributions of incumbency, occupational ballot labels, campaign spending, newspaper and bar association endorsements, voter information pamphlets, and the ethnic and sexual voting cues provided by candidate surnames to the outcomes of the 123 contested primary and run-off elections held for California's major trial court from 1976 to 1980.The results suggest that the determinants of voter choice are quite different in the relatively well-publicized run-off elections than they are in the low visibility primary races. Additionally, judicial voters in the less populated California counties were found to rely upon different guides to voting than voters in California's metropolitan counties. The reasons for and implications of these differences are explored.

Selective exposure: Voter information preferences and the Watergate affair.

Selective exposure: Voter information preferences and the Watergate affair.

Evaluating Economic Policy: A Contextual Model of the Opinion Formation Process

Previous research on economic voting has focused on the link between economic policy attitudes and candidate choice, taking the existence and formation of policy evaluations for granted. Arguments about the appropriateness of electoral control over economic policymaking, however, implicate directly the sources and the quality of those issue opinions. This research investigates the way in which policy evaluations on macroeconomic management are formed. The paper formulates a model of voter information processing and inferential reasoning that accounts for the connection between objective conditions and policy judgments. A notable feature of the model is its hypothesis of complementary roles for personal financial condition and "contextual" information about economic activity in the local area as sources of subjective economic grievances and economic policy evaluations. The model is estimated with national sample survey data collected in 1978.

The American Voter in Congressional Elections

The article analyzes congressional elections research following from the 1978 National Election Study. In a field where basic information was lacking, the study constitutes a major data collection effort. Results should be taken as tentative, with serious work on measurement and conceptualization remaining. Nevertheless, a number of important preliminary findings can be identified. Voters' evaluations of the congressional candidates, House and Senate, have a major influence on the vote, separate from incumbency and party and more important than presidential evaluations or other evaluations. While House incumbents receive the strongest positive support on a number of measures, there is little negative perception of any candidate in congressional contests. Finally, there are major differences found for Senate and House challengers, in voter recognition and information, but no major differences for Senate and House incumbents. House challengers stand apart from all other candidates in their degree of visibility and contact with voters. The article discusses the implications of these findings and indicates priorities for future research.

Voter Information Sources in a Nonpartisan Local Election

behavior or political participation of any type is in part a function of political stimuli available to citizen. Those who receive a greater number of stimuli are more likely to participate and to participate actively.' The reception of stimuli is a function of individual's perceptual screen. A number of studies have found that persons who have high exposure to one media generally have high exposure to several different kinds, and this continues throughout a political campaign.2 Those who are high in consumption of non-political stimuli tend to be high in consumption of political stimuli,3 and persons who are interested in politics are more attentive to political stimuli than those who are less interested.4 Individuals who are more exposed to communications media are more likely to be interested in politics, to vote, to have a party preference, to discuss politics, to have opinions on issues congruent with party stands, and to support candidate of their party. Exposure to media and interest in politics are mutually reinforcing, with interest leading to more exposure and increased exposure leading to greater political interest. The mass media perform function in a partisan election of assisting voters in cognitive process of associating party affiliation with candidate name, and also serve preliminary function of alerting voters to mere existence of an impending election.7 The absence of party as an active organization to provide a clue to alternatives available may cause voters in nonpartisan elections to seek other voting cues. Among voting cues are those provided by mass media or by organizations with a base in local community. Banfield and Wilson have stated that the readers of newspapers and members of civic associations, labor unions, women's clubs, and like often rely heavily upon an 'approved slate' in choosing among party-less and for most voters, meaningless, names on ballot.s

Voter Information Sources in a Nonpartisan Local Election

Voter Information Sources in a Nonpartisan Local Election