In early July 1914, Cuban president Mario Menocal and his wife toured the recently inaugurated Colonia de Defensa Sanitaria Infantil, or Colony for Children's Sanitary Defense. As they made their way through a dense crowd of children and parents, photographers and reporters, the president and his wife inspected the dining rooms, grounds, and dormitories where almost four hundred poor children would spend their summer months away from the insalubrious environment of the Cuban capital. Later that day, the president and his wife handed out toys and watched as children performed calisthenic exercises and participated in road races.1 Envisioned as a temporary summer health resort during the scorching summer months of July and August, the Colony for Children's Sanitary Defense was meant to provide a cool and healthy environment for Havana's poor and sickly children. 2 In sharp contrast to the overcrowded and run-down solares where many of the city's poor lived, the colony would offer all the elements necessary for [the children's] physical development, and . . . accustom them to advantageous sanitary practices.3The event marked a new step in the Cuban government's campaign to reduce infant and child mortality rates in the capital, which began the previous summer with the creation of the Ministry of Health's Servicio de Higiene Infantil, which one American observer would describe as nothing less than a complete state department of child welfare.4 Responding to years of alarming infant mortality statistics and accusations of government indifference, the new Children's Hygiene Service represented an aggressive new campaign for the protection of infants, children, and pregnant women. But like many other Cuban public health campaigns, the campaign against infant mortality was inaugurated only after years of outcry from medical reformers, welfare activists, and health officials who decried a lack of government action in the face of the crisis of infant mortality.In the years after independence, reformers and physicians routinely decried Havana's exorbitant annual infant mortality statistics, which represented thousands of preventable deaths of the city's youngest residents. In the Cuban capital alone, more than twelve thousand children under the age of one died between 1904 and 1913, an average of over one hundred infants dying per month in a city of less than three hundred thousand people. Of these, the majority of the deaths were the result of infantile enteritis.5 As Cuban physicians regularly noted, enteritis was could be extremely dangerous, but it should have been easy to control. Enteritis and gastroenteritis are gastrointestinal ailments often caused by bacteria-laden water, milk, and food, and they can be particularly deadly for young children with still-developing immune and digestive systems.6 Afflicted children can develop acute diarrhea, and without the antibiotics and intravenous fluids that are today the common therapeutic response, many died quickly of dehydration. In a grimly regular cycle, the city's death rate for young children would spike every summer as a result of the sharp increase in gastrointestinal disorders during the hot summer months.7 Years after the island's successful battle against yellow fever, when overall health statistics on the island were improving and Cuban public health officials boasted of the island's newfound salubrity, the persistence of these high infant and child mortality rates was galling.8 As physician Domingo F. Ramos wrote, There is no reason why Cuba, which is at present such a healthy country for inhabitants over five years of age, both native and foreign, should prove so unfavorable to children under this age.9This article explores the expansion in infant and child health work in early twentieth-century Havana, tracing the local, national, and transnational webs of influence that shaped the development of health institutions in the streets of the capital. …