Industrial School Research Articles

Narrating through Comics in Patrick McCabe's The Butcher Boy

Narrating through Comics in Patrick McCabe's The Butcher Boy Alison Fanous Cotti-Lowell Patrick McCabe's 1992 novel The Butcher Boy—narrated in the arresting first-person voice of Francie Brady—has attained near-canonical status among contemporary Irish novels. Francie, in his early teens in small-town Ireland in the 1960s, loses his mother to suicide and his father to alcoholism, and subsequently murders the mother of his childhood enemy. In the first sentence of his retrospective account of these events, Francie divulges that "When I was a young lad twenty or thirty or forty years ago I lived in a small town where they were all after me on account of what I done on Mrs. Nugent."1 In the course of the story, we watch as he kills her with the gun that he uses to kill pigs at the local abattoir, cuts her up, and then pushes her remains around for an entire day in his meat cart. Mrs. Nugent's crimes against Francie include her smug Englishness (the Nugents have just returned from living in England) and her air of superiority toward Francie's broken family. Moreover, Francie believes that she causes his only friend, Joe, to turn against him. The drama of social ills and violence unfolds exclusively through Francie's voice; thus, we find in The Butcher Boy the personal narrative of a murderer. The relentless narration of McCabe's novel creates an opening into the mind of a young killer that is both compelling and shocking. The first-person narrative, according to one recent persuasive reading, functions as a commentary on twentieth-century Irish society; Francie may be best understood as a survivor of the flawed institutional system for dealing with those who do not fit the national mold of de Valéra's Ireland. He is a victim of an "array of interdependent institutions . . . that obscured the less desirable elements attached to a number of interrelated social phenomena, including poverty, illegitimacy" and more.2 Francie is indeed admitted, or committed, three times to institutions: first to an industrial school where he is abused and molested; second to a mental hospital; and finally, he is locked away in a prison for the [End Page 93] criminally insane. Reading The Butcher Boy as survivor testimony thus "exposes Irish society's deployment of an architecture of containment to police and maintain the nation's nativist imaginary."3 In this context, Francie Brady emerges as a monster created by society—a product of isolation, misunderstanding, and psychopathologies engendered by the abuses and failures of institutions in Ireland and the shortcomings of the community as a whole. Discussions of McCabe's novel within this general framework range in approach from cultural critique to psychoanalysis. Of the latter strain, John Scaggs argues that Francie, "like any language user," finds language "insufficient to deal with both the self and the world" beyond.4 Francie counters this linguistic inadequacy by refusing to enter Lacan's mirror stage, thus returning to a "pre-linguistic space, to refuse the burden of subjectivity, and to remain in isolation from the world."5 Scaggs identifies the process of linguistic fracture as a direct result of Francie's lack of family coherence, and his recourse to repetitive role-playing then occurs in lieu of performing his own "self." Scaggs's reading, therefore, still allows us to place at least some of the burden of blame upon Francie's non-nurturing familial environment and society's failure to provide successful mechanisms for support and intervention. In contrast, some remain skeptical of the idea that Francie Brady's narrative provides any coherent social commentary at all, preferring resolutely psychiatric diagnoses for Francie's problems.6 Francie Brady might be a paranoid schizophrenic or simply a misanthropic liar. Yet this unreliable narration—Francie's idiosyncratic voice—is not the simple symptom of his psychosis, but rather, the key to The Butcher Boy. His narrative is not the grid of containment to look beyond but the necessary object of analysis, for Francie's narration can be reconceived by revealing McCabe's debt to the representational strategies of the modern comic book. In turn, the language of Francie...

La Escuela Industrial y de Artes y Oficios de Logroño

La historia de la formación profesional en la provincia de Logroño está aún por hacer. El presente estudio supone una primera aproximación en la que se centra la atención en el período comprendido entre 1910 y 1924, esto es, en los años en que inicia su actividad la nueva Escuela Industrial, implantándose las enseñanzas de peritaje industrial y mecánico.

Reflections on Technology Transfer between University's Schools of Engineering and Sciences and Industry in Nigeria

University-Industry linkage is a major source by which local technology can be transferred in a country. In order for technology transfer to be effective, the recipient industry must have the right infrastructure and qualified human resources to implement the technology. Recently, issues concerning the low level of technological development and economic advancement in Nigeria have been receiving attention. A survey was recently conducted in order to examine the issues of technology transfer between Schools of Engineering and Sciences in Universities and Industry in Nigeria. The survey was conducted by asking appropriate persons to respond to a set of questions and having interviews with them. The survey revealed that there is a very low level of technology transfer between most industries and universities in Nigeria. In this paper, the reasons for this state of affairs are highlighted and suggestions are made to effectively increase the level of technology transfer and innovation in Nigeria.

Indigenizing the Safety Zone: Contesting Ideologies in Foodways at the Chilocco Indian Industrial School, 1902–1918

Indigenizing the Safety Zone:Contesting Ideologies in Foodways at the Chilocco Indian Industrial School, 1902–1918 Jennifer Bess (bio) “Before the Pale Face there was no poison in the Indian’s corn.” “There will be hungry Pale Faces so long as there is Indian land to swallow.” —Charles Dagenett, Indian School Journal, 1909 Introduction By 1884, the year of Chilocco Indian Industrial School’s founding in Chilocco, Oklahoma, the prairie that had sustained Great Plains peoples and that, by the reservation era, was home to eastern peoples as well, was suffering a greater ecological devastation than any other ecosystem in North America (Samson and Knopf 1994; Flores 2001). As Charles Dagenett, Peoria Indian and alumnus of Carlisle Indian Industrial School, encapsulates in “Indian Proverbs” above, the Great Plow-up of the American prairie and the agrarian capitalism that inspired it brought cereals and forage crops to the increasingly global market during World War I and, simultaneously, a virtual food desert to the peoples indigenous to the Plains (Fite 1977; Worster 1992; Isenberg 1992; P. Carlson 1992; Knobloch 1996; Lynn-Sherow 2004). From the 1830s onward, oceans of cereal crops replaced bluestem, grama, and buffalo grasses, along with native food plants including the prairie turnip or Indian breadroot, Jerusalem artichoke, and varieties of berries, wild plums, grapes, persimmon, and chokecherries that nomadic, semi-nomadic, and sedentary peoples used to supplement their diets alongside crops such as corn, squash, beans, and sunflowers, which were cultivated and traded (Wilson [1917] 1987; Heiser 1976; McBeth 1983; Hurt 1987; Wedel and Frison 2001; [End Page 193] Berzok 2005; Adair 2006).1 By the end of the nineteenth century, even the carefully managed fields of agricultural peoples including the Hidatsa, Mandan, Arikara, and Wichita had deteriorated as competition for dwindling game, conflicts among indigenous peoples and with settlers, and increasing dependence on a market economy demanded more mobility and time away from the fields (Holder 1970; Wilson [1917] 1987; P. Carlson 1992; Wedel and Frison 2001; Fowler 2001). As these changes were unfolding, the Department of the Interior (DOI) expressed concern that farming was “foreign to [the] nature” of the indigenous American, basing such conclusions on Anglo views of equestrian cultures and ignoring agricultural traditions as well as the plastic and complex networks of trade these traditions upheld (DOI 1902, 717; Albers 1993). At the same time, in a feat of ideological contradiction, agriculture and agricultural education were perceived as the best means of assimilating indigenous peoples into the Anglo culture and economy. Between 1880 and 1902, the federal government opened twenty-four federal Indian boarding schools based on the model provided by Dagenett’s alma mater in Carlisle, Pennsylvania, each with its own agricultural program (Adams 1995, 57). By 1901 Chilocco School was seeking to place the farm at “the center of interest for the boys” (Chilocco Indian School 1938, 6). According to Chilocco’s own Indian School Journal, “This is known as the best equipped institution in the Indian Service for imparting a practical knowledge of the agricultural industries so much needed by the majority of Indian boys” (“Chilocco History and Description” 1905). Thus, as the implementation of the 1887 General Allotment Act, or the Dawes Act, opened up lands to Anglo settlers and sought to transform Plains hunters into farmers, the implementation of an agricultural vocational program—despite concern about its efficacy—became a central mechanism of forcing a specific lifeway on indigenous peoples through the turn of the twentieth century (Adams 1988; A. Littlefield 1993). While Chilocco was built upon contradictions regarding Anglo views of indigenous peoples and their affinity for farming, the ideology of Anglo supremacy eclipsed these contradictions and ambivalences, belittling and erasing indigenous histories and epistemologies; simultaneously, boarding school students and alumni expressed clear visions of their collective past, their future, and the role of foodways—both agricultural and dietary—as mechanisms of what Duane Champagne calls “cultural continuity” (2007a, 371). Long before contemporary anthropologists began examining the “symbolic load” accompanying [End Page 194] foodways, the Office of Indian Affairs (OIA) was using food as a weapon in its assault on indigenous cultures, and students faced that assault with a wide variety of strategies rooted in their traditions and...

The Role of Industrial Schools and Control over Child Welfare in Ireland in the Twentieth Century

This article explores the growth and development of Industrial Schools following independence in Ireland with a particular focus on children within the family setting and how these institutions influenced child welfare policy in Ireland. Twenty-five unstructured interviews were conducted with male and female former Industrial School ‘inmates’. This article focuses on the research gathered from these, with a particular emphasis placed on the data that emerged relating to their background and this is further supplemented by that collected in the Commission to Inquire into Child Abuse (CICA) Report (2009). This article draws on a Foucauldian perspective in order to understand how institutions regulated the lives of Irish people (in this case children and their families), through the definition of what is ‘normal’ and identifying who is seen to deviate from this.

Spotlight on Special Libraries: Examine Life at the Saul Building Archives Museum

In 1888 Saint Paul Normal and Industrial School was founded by the former slave James Solomon Russell in Lawrenceville, Virginia. At that time, this member of the Protestant Episcopal Church started the institution with no more than twelve students. While the curriculum explored the basics, the students were enthusiastic. In 1941 Saint Paul Normal and Industrial School was changed to Saint Paul’s Polytechnic Institute. This was done when the Commonwealth of Virginia granted the institution authority to offer a four-year curriculum. The first bachelor’s degree was awarded four years later.

A Sound Legacy: The Making of Jamaican Music at the Alpha Boys' School and Home

IntroductionON 1 MAY 1880, A WOMAN BY THE name of Justina Ripoll (Sister Mary Claver) opened the Alpha Cottage in Kingston, Jamaica.1 Today, the Alpha Cottage - now known as the Alpha Boys' School and Home (Alpha) - serves as an industrial school, music academy, and children's home to approximately 150 boys between the ages of six and eighteen. Although Alpha has played a pivotal role in Jamaican society, social researchers dedicate very little attention to this small charity school founded by the Roman Catholic Order of the Sisters of Mercy. The few existing accounts of Alpha focus almost exclusively on the school's music programme. This emphasis comes as no surprise since the school has been a key player in Jamaica's popular music tradition. Yet, no studies to date have explored how and why music became a central feature at Alpha, given the school's early focus as an industrial school for orphaned, abandoned, and wayward boys.The purpose of this essay is to explore the school's emergence as a primary force behind Jamaica's musical legacy. Fifteen interviews with Alpha graduates were conducted to provide primary oral source material (see Appendix). In addition to oral interviews, this study utilises primary and secondary literature to fashion a nascent story of the development of music at Alpha. In the tradition of Africana critical theory, which seeks to simultaneously locate sites of domination and affirm the agency of diasporan Africans, this paper traces the story in two parallel veins, observing both the ways in which students and staff used music as a liberatory space and the ways in which music served to buttress prevailing colonial arrangements in society. Combined, these explorations offer a more holistic framework for understanding Alpha both as a relic of Britain's imperial legacy and as an influential force in Jamaica's cultural history.A short history of Jamaican popular musicAt its very heart, Jamaican music is the story of its people - its majority working-class poor, unemployed, and peasant populations.2 Its worldwide appeal, while found in the iconography of Rastafari and fame of Bob Marley, is more deeply entrenched in its message of protest, racial awareness and social justice. Indisputably, Jamaica's music has set the backdrop to social and political movements throughout the world, and locally has been used to convey the discontent of a nation's populace who, at the dawn of Jamaica's independence, witnessed the waning of promises for economic renewal, educational advancement, political power and racial justice.3As one of the world's few living folk music forms, reggae music - and its precursor ska - has provided a medium through which Jamaicans have asserted an African identity and claimed a psychic and cultural space of liberation. It is Jamaica's Rastafarians who introduced African rhythmic elements into reggae music, incorporating elements of drumming and chanting that go back to pre-slavery days.4 With an emphasis on African roots and traditions, reggae musicians turned to Rastafari for a musical identity that separated them from trivial pop imagery, to develop one that was more spiritual and socio-politically conscious than the popularly oriented rhythm and blues and jazz music imported from America.5The influence of American music was strongly felt in Jamaica during much of the 1950s. At that time, a new technology in Jamaica known as the sound system became the primary venue through which rhythm and blues music reached Jamaica's populace. These were large music systems or 'mobile discotheques' transported on trucks into the neighbourhoods of Kingston, where outdoor dances and all-night sessions would be operated by popular sound system owners such as Duke Reid and Sir Coxsone.6 The sound system was one of the few opportunities for the average Jamaican to hear American rhythm and blues, since most did not own radios or record players.7 Consequently, the sound system became instrumental in Jamaica's modern music scene and burgeoning recording industry. …

Affective disruption: Walter Benjamin and the ‘history’ of Ireland's industrial schools

What role do organizations play in writing history? In this paper, I address the part played by organizations in the enactment of large-scale violence, and focus on the ways in which the resulting histories come to be written. Drawing on the case of Ireland's industrial schools, I demonstrate how such accounts can act to serve the interests of those in power, effectively silencing and marginalizing weaker people. A theoretical lens that draws on ideas from Walter Benjamin and Judith Butler is helpful in understanding this; the concept of ‘affective disruption’ enables an exploration of how people's experiences of organizational violence can be reclaimed from the past, and protected in a continuous remembrance. Overall, this paper contributes a new perspective on the writing of organizational histories, particularly in relation to the enactment of violence.

Becoming Babe Ruth by Matt Tavares (review)

Reviewed by: Becoming Babe Ruth by Matt Tavares Elizabeth Bush Tavares, Matt. Becoming Babe Ruth; written and illus. by Matt Tavares. Candlewick, 2013. 40p. ISBN 978-0-7636-5646-1 $16.99 R 6–9 yrs. How can an author make the umpteenth picture book about Babe Ruth justify its shelf space? By finding the right angle on the legend and trimming the larger-than-life figure down to a guy a kid might want to shake hands with. Tavares rightly assumes that his audience is already convinced of Ruth’s baseball stature, and he focuses his attention narrowly and successfully on the slugger’s youth at Saint Mary’s Industrial School for Boys, and his ongoing relationship with the school even after [End Page 312] he had achieved celebrity in his career. An incorrigible troublemaker, young George was brought to school by his exasperated father in hope of the boy’s reform. George doesn’t exactly embrace the routine or the discipline, but he does learn everything power-hitter Brother Matthias can teach him about baseball. The rest is history—recruitment to the Orioles minor league team, off to the Red Sox, and on to the Yankees and a life of glamour and excess. Those years are largely sidebar to Tavares’ main story, which returns to Ruth’s generous fund-raising after a major fire at St. Mary’s, and his visits to the school and his mentor. Though subtle in color, Tavares’ illustrations are often big and brash in composition, with plenty of close-ups of a beaming Babe holding forth on the field, in parades, or as the avuncular center of adoring boys’ attention. Viewers who look closely, however, will notice that Brother Matthias makes a significant number of appearances too—a reminder that Ruth didn’t achieve his success all by himself. An author’s note comments further on Ruth’s career, and a table of stats and a bibliography are also included. Copyright © 2013 The Board of Trustees of the University of Illinois

Bokanmeldelse: Den kvinnelige industriskole sett innenfra

Boka 'Fra skyggetanter til yrkeskvinner', skrevet av førstelektor Kirsten Røvig Håberg, kom ut i 2012. Den handler om Den kvinnelige industriskole, forløperen til Institutt for estetiske fag ved Høgskolen i Oslo og Akershus, i perioden 1875 til 1950. Her fikk kvinner utdannelse i håndarbeid og tekstilfag, og de typiske kvinnelige fagene gjorde det mulig for kvinner å gå ut i et ellers mannsdominert yrkesliv. I tillegg til å fortelle historier om elever og ansatte ved skolen, gir også boka en mer generell kulturhistorisk fremstilling fra denne perioden med vekt på mote og tekstilhistorie. Bokanmeldelsen tar for seg forbindelsene mellom tekstilfag og kvinnehistorie i tillegg til å reflektere rundt betydningen av bokas grafiske form.

Comparative Analysis between Training Tools in Spatial Skills for Engineering Graphics Students based in Virtual Reality, Augmented Reality and PDF3D Technologies

One of the skills that all engineering professional must develop very extensively during their formation is the mental management of the three dimensional reality in which they develop their professional actions. This competence is called spatial skill, a cognitive skill which can be improved with proper training. We have developed a series of learning activities for students in order to acquire, develop and improve their levels of spatial skill and, for this purpose; we have structured training with Virtual Reality (VR), Augmented Reality (AR) and PDF3D technologies. In this paper we collect the experience carried out to compare these three technologies together with the intention of finding out which one(s) of them provides best results as a training tool and improved the academic performance of students in the Engineering Graphics subjects. The experience was carried out at the School of Industrial and Civil Engineering of the Las Palmas de Gran Canaria University, during the academic course 2012/2013 on the Graphic Design subject during the first year of these degrees: Industrial Technologies Engineering, Industrial Design and Product Development Engineering, Naval Technology Engineering, Chemical Engineering and Industrial Management Engineering.

THE EMERGENCE OF THE WORK SCHOOL IN TURKEY

The 18th century Europe was struggling for equality with the impact of the Age of Enlightenment. The mottos liberty, equality, and fraternity, which were realized in France in 1789, had their effects around Europe in a short time. The most significant of these rights was the right to receive education. Being a country with similar political and economic inconsistencies, in Turkey these problems had their most severe effects on the public. The education ideology of the country which struggled for life-or-death at the start of the 20th century developed as public education and social education during its construction. In this sense, one of the educators to support the ideas of Pestalozzi and Kerschensteiner on public education and industrial school and

THE APPROACHES OF STUDENTS WHO SERVICED EDUCATION AT HIGH SCHOOL AND COLLEGE LEVELS IN ELAZIG IN THE FIELD OF COMPUTER SCIENCE, TO CYBER CRIMES

The purpose of this study is to determine and compare student opinions on computer crimes who are currently attending at Vocational High Schools or at the university in Elazig region. Research was conducted on 300 students who serviced education the Central Industrial Vocational High School, 100th Anniversary of Industrial Vocational High School, Gazi Technical and Industrial Vocational High School and the Faculty of Technical Education and Technology of Firat University. Questionnaires administered face to face by pollsters. The questionnaires consist of 17 items. Statistical packet program was used to conduct analysis of quantitative data obtained from the study. Frequency, percentage and chi-square values were obtained.According to the findings, the percentage of high school-level students` knowledge about computer crimes is 45.3%, while this number increases to 59.3% in the university level. 74% of the high school student participants claim the lack of laws for cyber crimes, while this number is 84% in university level. As a result, level of awareness about the crimes computer forensics of university students who studying in the field, is higher than that of high school students studying in the same field have been revealed.

An Effective Approach to Integrated Learning in Capstone Design

The H. Milton Stewart School of Industrial and Systems Engineering (ISyE) at Georgia Tech has developed an integrated approach to its capstone Senior Design course in which students form teams and identify, scope, and execute projects for real-world clients. Historically, the course has focused mainly on the engineering challenges of industry projects, but the skill set required of new industrial engineering and operations research practitioners is much broader. The new course structure creatively integrates internal and external resources for teaching business skills, soft skills, professionalism, and legal issues in an interdisciplinary, on-demand team-teaching format. Assessments show that student preparation has increased, especially in nontechnical areas. In addition, project quality has dramatically improved and is much more consistent. Both an external review board and the most recent ABET review cited the new Senior Design course as one of ISyE's strengths.

Moving Pictures

Reviewed by: South Side Girls: Growing Up in The Great Migration by Marcia Chatelain LaShawn Harris SOUTH SIDE GIRLS: Growing Up in The Great Migration. By Marcia Chatelain. Durham, NC: Duke University Press. 2015. Historians studying the African American experience have written extensively on the complexities of the First and Second Great Migrations. Studies by Darlene Clark Hine, Joe Trotter, James Grossman, Luther Adams, and others demonstrate the various socioeconomic and political and personal factors drawing millions of black southerners to urban northern, southern, and midwestern communities. Much of what scholars already know about African Americans’ migratory journeys and adjustment to urban terrains is indeed well documented and primarily centered on the experiences of adults. Filling a much-needed historical gap within the subfields of African American, urban, and women and childhood studies, scholar Marcia Chatelain’s South Side Girls provides a nuanced interpretation of black migration. South Side Girls situates African American girls at the center of the Great Migration, unmasking their less familiar accounts of settlement to one of the nation’s most fascinating cities. Focusing on Chicago between 1910 and 1940, Chatelain maintains that the city’s shifting socioeconomic and political landscapes, as well as black city dwellers’ real and imagined anxieties about city living, impacted African American parents, community leaders, and social scientists’ perceptions of black girlhood. Constructing vulnerable images of urban black girls, “Chicago community leaders scrutinized black girls’ behavior, evaluated their choices, and assessed their possibilities as part of a larger conversation about what urbanization ultimately meant for black citizens” (2). For middle-class leaders black girlhood, often discussed within the context of racial uplift and respectable politics, symbolized both promise and problems. In turn, adults’ concerns about adolescent females shaped reform campaigns and programs aimed at employing, educating, and protecting girls. Chatelain makes several important interventions. She offers a thorough examination of Chicago’s less familiar African American political reformers. Profoundly committed to the socioeconomic advancement of black girls, social workers and activists—such as industrial school founder Amanda Smith, black sorority members, Black Camp Fire Advocates, and National Youth Administration Resident School for Girls employees—launched educational, vocational, and recreational programs. These reform movements situated black girls’ socioeconomic needs at the center of broader African American political agendas focusing on the construction of respectable families and communities. Reform-minded individuals asserted that a solid education, decent employment, recreational activities, and displays of outward respectability would transform less privileged and sophisticated girls into poised race women and mothers. Connecting girls to race motherhood, leaders grounded black girls’ usefulness to the African American community and the era’s materialist politics. At the same time, for urban leaders the “strategy of focusing on future race mothers denied girls of their child status, did not address the sexual stereotyping of girls in integrated spaces, and failed to create a concrete vision of black girlhood” (169). Another significant intervention that Chatelain makes lies in her discussion of how black girls, particularly those entering the urban labor force, interpreted and participated in Chicago’s burgeoning commercial and religious markets. Earning a living wage granted girls the opportunity to financially contribute to their households and become urban consumers. Chatelain writes that: “migration transformed [girls] into shoppers, and more importantly, choosers, and provided the experience of choice, pleasure, and rebellion” (169). Intrigued by city life and dismissing parents’ and reformers’ warnings about mass culture, girls adorned their bodies in fashionable attire, cosmetics, and hairstyles, [End Page 169] they purchased records and magazines, and they frequented popular nightclubs. Those not enthralled with popular culture became members of Chicago’s New Negro inspired storefront churches and non-Christian institutions, including the Moorish Science Temple. Their involvement in both commercial and religious marketplaces demonstrated urban girls’ capacaties to choose their own social and religious activities, and it illuminated how they intended to map out their lives as urban citizens. South Side Girls renders a fascinating interpretation of the African American migration. Marcia Chatelain has produced an engaging study that challenges historians to re-conceptualize ideas about urban migration, African American reform, and black girls’ thoughts about family and community, consumer culture, and religion. She offers provocative insights on the diverse ways African American...

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Divinely guided: the California work of the Women's National Indian Association

Founded in Philadelphia in 1879, the WNIA devoted seventy years to working among Native women. Bucking society s narrow sense of women s appropriate sphere, WNIA members across the U.S. built homes, missionary cottages, schools, and chapels, and sponsored teachers and physicians all with a strong dose of Christianity. Though goals of forced assimilation were as unrealistic as they were unsuccessful, WNIA s contributions to the welfare of Native women were hardly insignificant, especially in California. In the north, they worked at the Round Valley and Hoopa Reservations and realized their most unusual undertaking the funding of the Greenville Indian Industrial School. In the south they worked with the Native mission populations, where cultural similarities and greater proximity fostered unprecedented cooperation among WNIA workers. Amelia Stone Quinton, longtime WNIA president and editor of The Indian s Friend, provides a consistent narrative thread, as does Helen Hunt Jackson in the chapters on Southern California. Even after Jackson s death, her spiritual presence and the impact of her novel Ramona guided WNIA membership. Mathes s recovery of WNIA history, supported by a wealth of documentation, reveals much about an era s sense of sphere, service, and sisterhood.

'De dageraad der natuurwetenschappen, ook in de volksschool'. Wetenschap, vormingsidealen en vrijdenken in het lager onderwijs (1855-1870)

'The dawn of science, in the primary school too'. Science, pedagogical ideals and freethinking in primary education (1855-1870) Historical research has been done into science education in primary schools in the Netherlands. This is remarkable, because the introduction of science in the curriculum marked an important shift in the history of the primary school. This article focuses on the pedagogical meaning of science education in the period after 1857, the year when several scientific subjects, like natural science and the ‘study of forms’, became obligatory to all pupils. Some teachers feared that this change would turn primary schools into industrial schools. This, however, was not the case. On the contrary, as became clear by studying cultural and pedagogical journals, teachers appreciated the benefits of science education because it supported the development of pupils in all the aspects of life: cognitive, moral and religious. Freethinkers are included in this research because their liberal theological thought and interest in the moral meaning of science was both exemplary and limiting for the identity of science education.The outcome of this article challenges the idea in historiography that the function of Dutch primary schools in the mid-nineteenth century was either socialisation or qualification. Instead, it intended to educate pupils towards ‘full humanity’, science education having an important role in this.

Marathoner Louis Tewanima and the Continuity of Hopi Running, 1908–1912

In January 1907, Louis Tewanima, from the Hopi Reservation in northeastern Arizona, enrolled at the Carlisle Indian Industrial School in Pennsylvania. While at Carlisle, Tewanima joined the school's cross-country team. He won numerous races and earned the opportunity to compete in the 1908 and 1912Summer Olympic Games. Tewanima's story represents his ability to redefine Hopi running in the twentieth century and shows how he maneuvered within American and European perceptions of Natives and sports. His participation in running events recalls a time when white Americans situated indigenous people on the fringes of U.S. society but embraced them when they brought honors to the country by representing the nation in athletic competitions at home and abroad. Furthermore, Tewanima's involvement in marathons and Olympic races demonstrates the ways Americans used his success to further the ideals of U.S. nationalism, as he simultaneously continued the long tradition of running among his people.

The Penn School’s Educational Curriculum: Its Effects on the St. Helena Songs

The Negro spiritual was the central medium by which slaves expressed the suffering of an inhuman existence. Since Reconstruction, the Sea Islands region, comprised of the North Carolina, South Carolina, and Georgia coastal areas, offered a geographical isolation that fostered songs with a cultural distinctiveness as part of the Gullah tradition. Saint Helena Island, one of the largest of the Sea Islands, provided the earliest written sources of Negro spirituals that were transcribed by white missionaries intrigued by the strange songs emanating from the newly freed slaves. In 1862, two of these missionaries, Laura Towne and Ellen Murray, founded the Penn Normal, Industrial, and Agricultural School, one of the first schools for freed slaves in the South, and for 40 years these committed women endeavored to educate the Negro inhabitants through a Northern curriculum that effectively improved the literacy of students. Yet the school’s cultural bias was equally effective in destroying much of the language and music of its students. Specifically, I will discuss Penn School’s educational and music curricula and the unfortunate linguistic, textual, and melodic losses that resulted from the school’s practices.