Industrial Democracy Research Articles

Where is democracy nestled? Reflections on organizational degeneration based on an artists’ cooperative

PurposeThis article presents a compelling case study of a workers’ cooperative in the cultural sector. It offers a unique opportunity to delve into the tensions between managerial and democratic control, particularly in the context of heightened artistic claims. The pivotal role of an accountant in management for nearly two decades sparks a thought-provoking question about the potential for cooperative degeneration.Design/methodology/approachOur research employs a rigorous qualitative method, utilizing semi-structured interviews of six key members and a comprehensive analysis of legal, accounting and other media documents.FindingsOur findings offer a significant perspective, refuting any indications of organizational degeneration. The decision-making processes continue to uphold democratic principles. While the manager and his administrative staff wield substantial authority, this is justified by their duty to preserve the collective. This duty is executed under democratic control, facilitated by information transparency. The low level of democratic participation poses a challenge, but the manager’s initiatives are aimed at addressing this. The effectiveness of this control, however, relies on the active participation of the members, which acts as a strong deterrent against organizational degeneration.Originality/valueThe originality of our contribution lies in our reference to Chester Barnard whose reflections on industrial democracy have been forgotten, reflections linked to his conception of managerial authority. We also highlight the importance of empowering individual members, which leads them to consider the consequences of their actions. As a result, the manager is not placed in a situation where he has to decide alone, as the scope of his unilateral powers is de facto delimited.

Defending and expanding industrial democracy and worker cooperatives in an age of neoliberal globalisation

ABSTRACT Neoliberalism has reinforced inequality, environmental collapse, famine, refugee crises, supply chain vulnerabilities and more. We agree with Gibson-Graham (2006) that the core of the issue for a post-capitalist politics is to overcome the sense of the inevitability of the dominant system of political economy. With this argument in mind, we analyse the diversity, innovativeness, and resilience of two specific manufacturing alternatives to neoliberal capitalism: the Norwegian industrial democracy and the Mondragon Cooperative Experience. The cases show that each example arises from a unique history, environment, and has unique structures. This diversity shows that there are many paths to workplace democracy, such systems are capable of innovation, and they are internationally competitive. Our comparison also reveals that no successful equilibrium is ever static. Scaling (up or out) to secure market share presents a challenge potentially existential for both models. Reviewing their efforts for meeting these challenges conclude our analysis.

Partisan bias in public perception of elections polls: experimental evidence from Mexico

ABSTRACT While most of the literature on public opinion has explored how motivated reasoning makes some individuals discredit survey results in advanced industrial democracies like the U.S., few studies have considered how voters perceive electoral polling in young democracies like Mexico. This study included a survey experiment that found that voters perceived polls that matched their partisan preferences as more credible. Moreover, voters were requested to provide an estimate of candidates’ vote intention. The results highlight that voters’ partisan bias – not lack of information, prior expectations or low levels of interest – makes them overestimate their co-partisan candidate’s vote intention. The findings of this study contribute to our understanding of the conditions that make some voters interpret political events through a partisan lens. Voters choose interpretations that rationalize their partisan predispositions even in young democracies, where partisanship is commonly perceived to be weak.

Industrial relations management practice and performance of tertiary institutions in Enugu State Nigeria

The study examined effect of industrial relations management practices on the performance of tertiary institutions in Enugu State. Survey research design was adopted. The population of the study was 11802. Taro Yamani statistical sampling formula was employed to determine the sample size of 387 for the study. The hypotheses were tested using t-test analysis. The findings revealed that expressive participatory management practices had a significant positive effect on the efficiency of tertiary institutions in Enugu State (where t-calculated = 7.39 is higher than the t-table value = 2.776, that employment practices had a significant positive effect on quality of service of tertiary institutions in Enugu State (t-calculated= 6.93 is higher than the t-table = 2.776) and that disengagement practices had a significant positive effect on the efficiency of tertiary institutions in Enugu State ( where the t-value =11.20, whereas the t-table value = 2.77). The study concluded that expressive participatory management, employment practices and disengagement practices influenced the performance of tertiary institutions in Enugu State. The study recommended among others that since industrial democracy effect the performance of tertiary institutions, management should give more room for unions in the organisation to air their views and try as much as possible to align the needs of the employees to that of the institutions so to improve on service delivery

Who Believes in Fraud in the 2006 Mexican Presidential Election? Election Denialism, Partisan Motivated Reasoning, and Affective Polarization

Abstract Why do some voters believe that there is electoral fraud when this belief contradicts the best available evidence? While the literature on public opinion has explored misperceptions’ pervasiveness and the factors that contribute to them in advanced industrial democracies, the present study analyzes motivated reasoning among voters in a young democracy, Mexico. This study highlights the important role that partisanship plays in voters’ likelihood to believe the allegations of electoral fraud in the 2006 presidential election in Mexico, which continues polarizing both political elites and the electorate even today. To understand the mechanisms at work, this research finds that it is not voters lacking information but rather voters with high levels of affective polarization and conspiratorial thinking who are more likely to believe that there was electoral fraud. The study also includes a survey experiment that fact-checked the belief in the alleged electoral fraud. Consistent with motivated reasoning theory, MORENA partisans resisted efforts to reduce their misperception. The findings of this study contribute to our understanding of the conditions that make some voters hold misperceptions in young democracies.

The struggle for industrial democracy in Sweden: A sociological macro-meso analysis 1960–2020

Sweden has the reputation of being one of the most progressive countries in the world concerning work-life development and industrial democracy. In this article, an analytical overview of the development in these areas is provided, which includes the antecedents, major events, actor positioning and also the broad-term outcomes. Two major reform movements are described: one aiming to create a radically different work-life where workers control their own work with a power balance between labour and capital, and one a reformist movement aiming to create a degree of co-determination and a more engaging work-life without any major changes in power relations. The case shows that the radical movement was not able to generate radical change and that the reformistic movement achieved only partial success. The outcome over time has been a decreased interest in work-life development where co-determination practices are heavily institutionalized but perhaps do not provide better conditions for workers than in many other advanced industrial countries with a lesser degree of formal co-determination.

A Critical Review of Collective Bargaining Indices of Industrial Relations in Nigeria

Collective Bargaining is a process in labour relations whereby negotiation between employers and employees center on terms and conditions of service in an employment. This paper employs the use of an hybrid method of study to examines how Collective Bargaining has helped in no small measures in absence of industrial democracy structure being the only form and indices which exist in our labour law structure. Further examine the concept of collective bargaining, it practice in Nigeria, its benefits and how it has created an indices for democratic governance in our labour relation as in most legal research, the paper adopted both doctrinal and non-doctrinal (203 questionnaire were distributed) method of legal research, it was contended that the paper concluded that collective bargaining should be an indices of industrial democracy in Nigeria labour relations, the paper concludes that the practice of industrial democracy will strengthened in the work place and its recommended that a separate legal frame work should be put in place amongst other things to ensure the practice of industrial democracy in Nigeria. Keywords: Collective Bargaining, Industrial Relations, Indices of Industrial Relations, Industrial Democracy, Labour Relations

A working-class road to radical industrial democracy. Workplace industrial relations and workers mobilisation in the ex-GKN factory in Florence

Can workplace industrial democracy be a tool of transformative working-class empowerment in the contemporary context of liberalised industrial relations? We argue that in the presence of specific historical legacies and organisational circumstances, radical forms of workplace industrial democracy can contribute to the strengthening of workers' structural, associational, societal and ideational power resources, even under hostile conditions of labour-capital balance of power. After providing a conceptual definition of radical industrial democracy, we develop our argument by showing its workings in practice in a salient case of industrial restructuring, that of the former GKN plant in Florence, Italy. Since summer 2021, GKN workers have undertaken a long-lasting mobilisation against the plant closure and for its reindustrialisation, in the perspective of a productive reconversion compatible with the concept of just transition. We show how the practices of radical industrial democracy embedded in the GKN plant played a key role in shoring up workers' power resources, supporting the long-lasting mobilisation and the convergence with other social movements. Our findings underscore that radical industrial democracy can be a key asset to cultivate autonomous working-class power. It needs, however, to be backed up by broader institutional and political infrastructures to lead to transformative outcomes.

Industrial democracy between neocapitalism and postfordism. The political and intellectual trajectory of Bruno Trentin (1926-2007)

During his long political trajectory Bruno Trentin (1926-2007) never ceased to question the relationship between work and democracy. The Italian intellectual and trade union leader denounced the domination of the «productivist ideology» of scientific management over the entire social and political Left. According to this ideology, trade union action was reduced to the animation of distributive conflict, while the political struggle was played out outside the economic sphere, through the conquest of the state. Contrary to this vision, the 1960s were the source of a new self-management political culture, born of the encounter between the Marxist, Christian and libertarian traditions of the labour movement, which aimed to make workers and their unions «political subjects» in their own right by gaining real decision-making power over the organisation of work. The decline of Fordism offers an opportunity for a new "contract" in which work can achieve its political recognition and autonomy within the workplace and not from outside. It is from this history that Trentin draws to defend the actuality of a project of liberation from subordinate «work». In this article I reinscribe Trentin's reflections in the long history of his career as an intellectual, trade unionist and political activist, as well as in the controversies and the impasses that have shaped his life and the history whole Italian and European labour movement during the twentieth century.

Impact of Illegal Lockouts on Indian Economy

This research mainly investigates about the evolving landscape and the profound impact of illegal lock-outs. It mainly aims to provide a comprehensive understanding to the readers regarding the procedures involved under the Industrial Disputes Act 1947, in declaring a valid and legal lock-out by examining the social, economic, and psychological dimensions which play a major role. It also discusses the impact of illegal lockouts on wages, as well as the dispute resolution mechanism for an amicable resolution of issues between the employer and industry workers. It delves upon the legal implications surrounding unlawful lock-outs by shedding light on the subtle factors contributing to such occurrences. Through a conscientious examination of relevant statutes, case law, and real-life scenarios, this research paper provides a comprehensive understanding of how lock-outs are used as a coercive weapon by the employer of an industry against the workmen and also the legal challenges associated with the unlawful lock-outs. This study also draws a comparison between several nations across the globe to provide a clear and crystal understanding regarding distinct instances of lock-outs. As Indian economy is largely based upon industries, there are multiple instances of lock-outs which are enforced by the employer of an industry against the workmen. The findings of this research paper contribute to a subtle understanding of the current situations regarding the illegal lock-outs, informing the legal professionals, policy makers and stake holders regarding the proactive measures and appropriate steps which had to be taken by them to address the evolving challenges of unlawful lock-outs to seek a better recourse against those unjust practices. Examining the legal frameworks, socio-economic impact and potential solutions it is crucial for fostering fair industrial practices and also to maintain a balanced and productive working environment. It also informs that the dispute resolution mechanism and the concerned authorities involved in settlement of disputes regarding unjust industrial practices, must work with an aim to provide a speedy justice which helps in promoting industrial democracy especially in India.

The Harwood Manufacturing Corporation and the International Ladies’ Garment Workers Union: A Case of Role Reversal

In the 1940s, Alfred Marrow and the Harwood Manufacturing Corporation played a key role in laying the foundations of participative management. Concurrently, they were also accused of being antitrade union. These accusations resurfaced in the 1960s with the publication of five articles in Trans-Action, which were initiated by William Gomberg, a former International Ladies’ Garment Workers Union (ILGWU) official. This paper examines those articles and Gomberg's relationship with Harwood. It draws particular attention to the “a role reversal in the running of factories” whereby Harwood sought to democratize many of its practices by giving some control to workers, whilst the ILGWU sought to act more like an employer by taking on the industrial engineering role of managers in determining methods and times for jobs. The paper concludes that there is little evidence of antitrade unionism, there was a clash between Harwood's worker-centered approach to industrial democracy and ILGWU's industrial engineering-centered approach.

Introducing the comparative study of electoral systems in Tunisia: populist attitudes, political preferences, and voting behavior

ABSTRACT Although public opinion research has gained prominence in the Middle East and North Africa region since 2011, data on electoral behaviour and political attitudes are scarce and rarely have a comparative focus. This research note introduces a new post-election survey conducted after the 2019 Tunisian elections. The project contributes to the Comparative Study of Electoral Systems (CSES) database. In its 26-year history no country other than Israel was ever part of the CSES from the Middle East and North Africa region. Tunisia is the first Arab country to be covered in the CSES. We introduce this new research resource, its methodology, and its themes. We also provide some preliminary results from the main topic of the CSES between 2016 and 2021: populist attitudes. Using a three-dimensional model, we find that people who score high on the populist attitudes measures do not necessarily have a higher preference for populist parties or candidates. Contrary to consistent results from advanced industrial democracies, we also find that people who endorse nativism are more likely to support left-wing parties. This research note illustrates the importance of such datasets and how they contribute to a specific topic: understanding populism across multiple contexts.

George Bain and Memories of the Bullock Committee on Industrial Democracy

George Bain was interviewed on 26 January 2023, using the format of a life-course interview to frame his memories of the Committee of Inquiry on Industrial Democracy, 1975–77, chaired by Alan Bullock, which explored how industrial democracy could be advanced through proposals made by the Trades Union Congress in 1972–73 for board-level workers’ representation, which it saw as a means to locate workers’ interests more centrally within corporate strategy. Two issues emerged in the workings of the committee: the macro division of class and ideology, chiefly between union and unionsympathizing advocates of worker directors on the one hand, and business and business-sympathizing opponents on the other hand; and the micro division within the trade-union movement over worker directors. Two reports were published. The Majority Report recommended that one-third of company directors be elected by trade-union members employed in the company. This was not supported by the Labour government, which proposed a diluted version of the Minority Report. The government made no attempt to legislate.

Reflections on the Committee of Inquiry on Industrial Democracy, 1975–1977, Chaired by Alan Bullock

The Committee of Inquiry on Industrial Democracy, 1975–77 (chair: Alan Bullock) was established to explore the Trades Union Congress’s proposals for board-level workers’ representation, which it saw as a means to locate workers’ interests within corporate strategy. Two issues emerged in the committee’s work: the macro division of class and ideology chiefly between union and union-sympathizing advocates of worker directors on the one hand, and business and business-sympathizing opponents on the other hand; and the micro division within the trade-union movement over worker directors. Two reports were published: the Majority Report recommended that one-third of company directors be elected, on a statutory basis, by union members employed in the company, whereas the Minority Report proposed the establishment, on a voluntary basis, of below-board committees elected by all workers. The Labour government did not accept the Majority Report and its White Paper proposed a diluted version of the Minority Report. There was no attempt to legislate. Comparing the Bullock Committee with the Low Pay Commission (of which he was the first chair) reinforced a central tenet of Bain’s experience of industrial relations, which is that meaningful redistribution of authority from employers to workers has only ever been achieved in the UK with a level of government support that is sufficient to override business opposition.

A Sociological Imagination at Work: An Appreciation of the Contribution of John Eldridge

The early experience of John Eldridge (17 May 1936 to 24 December 2022) in teaching adult classes and research in industry led him to appreciate the understandings and expertise of shop-floor informants, and to think critically about the unequal relations of authority and power that conditioned people’s working lives. His radical Weberian orientation to dispassionate research fused with his Methodist background to underpin a strong linkage between his scholarship and a commitment to social justice and peace. Fully conversant with sociological research and theory, John explored the complexity and the variety of forms of conflict and accommodation in a distinctive sociological contribution to the debate on the character of workplace industrial conflict in the 1960s and 1970s, and the centrality of analyses of contested cultures, power relations and control strategies in the organization and evolution of industrial enterprises. Later, this formed the basis for a systematic investigation of media bias in industrial relations reportage. He also explored the contested issue of ‘industrial democracy’. John’s essays for Historical Studies in Industrial Relations revisited key researchers and texts in the sociology of work and industrial relations, and highlighted their continuing relevance for understanding our world.

Policy mood and thermostatic representation in developing democracies: taking the temperature in Uruguay

ABSTRACT The dynamics of aggregate public opinion – particularly James Stimson’s measure of policy mood – have long been used to explain electoral outcomes and government responsiveness in the United States. However, we still know little about policy mood outside the US and a few Western European countries. Understanding the relationship between policy and preferences outside the pool of advanced democracies is crucial as voters outside that context are often depicted as outcome oriented; that is, they are depicted as voting based on valence issues, where there is shared agreement on the preferred outcome, instead of on a set of coherent policy preferences. We argue that this depiction of voters is attributable to the absence of data in these countries and not to the absence of coherent policy preferences. We test our argument by analyzing nearly three decades of Uruguayan public opinion data including 78 different questions administered 295 times. Our analysis shows that policy preferences across related issues in Uruguay largely move in tandem, suggesting that a coherent policy mood indeed exists. Further, we provide evidence that this policy mood is distinct from symbolic political ideology and that it responds thermostatically to changes in government. This thermostatic responsiveness suggests that Uruguayans do not merely focus on whether the economy is good or bad but, rather, update their policy preferences in response to the direction of government policy. Together, these results offer a much more nuanced depiction of public opinion outside advanced industrial democracies than previous research suggests, with important implications for democratic accountability in Latin America and other developing economies.

Employee reactions to planned organizational culture change: A configurational perspective

Can organizational culture be intentionally changed? And if so, what are the pathways to success versus failure? We address these questions by employing a configurational perspective, which allows us to examine the impact of multiple combinations of employee perceptions and traits on planned organizational culture change. Although employees have long been the focus of culture change research, the complex interactions of factors affecting their reactions have been largely ignored. With such a focus, the study empirically identifies pathways to successful versus failed organizational culture change, drawing rare empirical evidence from 59 interviews and secondary data from one of the longest surviving examples of industrial democracy, John Lewis Partnership, which underwent change geared away from a ‘civil-service’ towards a high-performance culture. Applying a fuzzy-set qualitative comparative analysis (fsQCA), we identify multiple equifinal combinations of employee perceptions and traits (e.g., perceived organizational support, empowerment, and tenure) associated with successful or failed organizational culture change. Interestingly, we find more pathways leading to positive (i.e., ‘comparing’, ‘acquitting’, and ‘tolerating’) versus negative (i.e., ‘disillusioning’ and ‘dissociating’) reactions to culture change. We leverage these findings to show that employee reactions are more complex than currently considered, illustrating the value of a configurational perspective in such efforts.

Book Review: Stitching Governance for Labour Rights: Towards Transnational Industrial Democracy? By Juliane Reinecke and Jimmy Donaghey

Book Review: <i>Stitching Governance for Labour Rights: Towards Transnational Industrial Democracy?</i> By Juliane Reinecke and Jimmy Donaghey

Wildcat Strike and Collective Bargaining Outcome of Petroleum Marketing Companies in Rivers State, Nigeria

Union strike strategy and collective bargaining outcome are integral parts of industrial democracy. The purpose of this study was to investigate the relationship between wildcat strike and measures of collective bargaining outcome (Terms/conditions of employment, Workplace rules and grievance procedures) as elements of industrial democracy of petroleum marketing companies in Rivers State, Nigeria. The population of the study consists of all the 10 petroleum marketing companies under the petroleum downstream sector in Rivers State, Nigeria, while the sample size is the same as the population because it qualified as small. The correlation survey approach was adopted. The structured questionnaire was developed and 102 copies distributed to managers and union leaders of the 10 petroleum marketing companies in Rivers State, Nigeria. 93 copies were retrieved representing 91.18 percent but 88 copies were usable and represent 94.62 percent. Instruments for the study were tested using the convergence validity test and Cronbach alpha tool for validity and reliability respectively. Analysis included four stages. Bivariate hypotheses were tested using Spearman’s rank order correlation coefficient and the multivariate; using the bootstrapping tool. Results from the study show that there exist strong positive and significant relationship amongst wildcat strike and measures of collective bargaining outcome. The results also show that the environment is the parent organism and wildcat strike is the signal that alerts it to intervene and forestall or correct intolerable practices in industry. The study concludes that wildcat strike is the way of influencing or coercing management to the bargaining table when it does not want to; and an action to ensure timely and proper implementation of collective agreement. The study recommends that better and regular workers-management meetings should be enshrined, the study also recommends co-authorship of workplace rules between unions and managements, and that companies should resort to internal and external laid down procedures for settling disputes.

PRODUCTIVE PRAGMATISM: Industrial democracy under neoliberal capitalist conditions

This essay presents two case examples of the context and practices of industrial democracy: Norwegian industrial democracy exemplified with the Aker case and the Mondragon Cooperative Experience (a term Mondragon often uses to describe its whole structure and history). The comparison illustrates the necessity of combining general systems theory, the distinction between political and socio-technical participation, and the role of ethos, worldview, and heedfulness in understanding how these enterprises operate and manage ongoing challenges. Our central motive is to promote the expansion of organizational democracy within the global industrial system as a superior and more humane alternative to global neoliberal capitalism. These are not simple comparisons because these systems have different histories, contexts, and dynamics. In making the comparison, we show that the constant process of balancing and rebalancing political and socio-technical participation is a key dynamic in keeping such democratic systems viable. We also show that enterprise ethos and worldview, far from being an add-on or a “soft” dimension, is the bedrock on which such systems rely. After making this general presentation, we put these systems in motion to show how they address the challenges of downsizing and strategic planning. Downsizing and strategic planning show both systems’ ability to face unexpected events and effectively cope with their potential consequences. We conclude that the differences between the cases show there is no one right way to create democratic organizations, but that paths exist and remain open for many different versions of these more humane and successful industrial organizations so necessary for creating sustainable societies.