Indonesian Communist Party Research Articles

Representation of Indonesian women politicians (Media analysis to G30S PKI incident coverage from 1965 to 2015)

Background: The G30S/PKI incident that occurred in 1965 is known for the murder of six generals by the PKI (Indonesian Communist Party). The “New Order” (Orba) regime under Suharto carried out the extermination of hundreds of PKI members and supporters, imprisoning thousands of people, including members of Gerwani and those who were neither PKI nor Gerwani members, due to biases and assumptions. Since the Reformation era of 1998, many historical facts about G30S/PKI have been questioned by the public. Over the past 50 years, issues related to G30S/PKI have fluctuated in media coverage. Today, the representation of female politicians cannot be separated from the negative memories of the tragedy and the militant image of Gerwani. Methods: The research questions are: How consistent is media reporting when covering the same issue in different political contexts? How does the media, as a means of value socialization, influence the collective memory of society regarding women's activities in politics?. The research is conducted using content analysis of a national newspaper from 1965 to 2015 to examine the visibility of Gerwani-related issues over time. Discourse analysis is also used to explore the role and position of Gerwani. Findings: The results indicate that the media tends to side with the dominant group, namely the rulers, and does not voice the interests of weaker groups. Women's interests are framed and represented through the perspective of men. Conclusion: In this context, female politicians receive more appreciation from society when they do not emphasize militant methods in advocating their ideas but instead focus on a caring approach. Novelty/Originality of this Study: The originality of this study lies in its focus on the evolving portrayal of Gerwani over different political eras and its examination of the media's role in shaping collective memory and gender biases. It uniquely integrates the political economy of communication, collective memory, and feminist perspectives to explore how media representation impacts societal views on women in politics.

The making and taming of the veteran in 1950s Indonesia

Between 1950 and 1956, after a struggle for liberation from Dutch colonial rule, roughly half a million former freedom fighters returned to Indonesian society. Some of the freedom fighters turned into insurgents or joined politico-criminal bands; others sought recognition as veterans of the National Revolution collectively claiming material and immaterial benefits from the state. Given the militancy and political potency of former freedom fighters, the Indonesian state attempted to accommodate them through employment schemes and veteran legislation. In this co-option strategy, that was only partial successful, the central army command played a crucial political role. While the army leaders accommodated the major veteran associations, they also significantly reduced the room for formal political activity. This process of the making and taming of the veteran moved Indonesia into the direction of an authoritarian state with the army counterbalancing the President and a newly arrived political rival: the Indonesian Communist Party.

Pahlawan, Pengkhianat, Atau Penjahat (Hero, Traitor, or Villain): A Personal Journey Through Indonesian History

This article concerns Indonesian heroes, traitors, and villains from different regions and eras. The factors influencing the categorisation of individuals as heroes or villains are examined. Examples include regional leaders who opposed the Dutch East India Company or collaborated with it. Similar cases are examined from the period of the Netherlands Indies colonial state. Also discussed are nationalists who were members of the Indonesian Communist Party, and people now deemed heroes who collaborated with the Japanese during the Second World War. Next for consideration are individuals involved in Confrontation with Malaysia and the occupation of East Timor. The last cases come from the world of popular music and show how performers idolised by fans can be considered villains by others.

An Appeal for International Solidarity in a Time of the Cold War: Retracing Indonesia’s Participation in the 1966 Tricontinental Conference

Abstract In January 1966, Cuban President Fidel Castro announced at the Tricontinental Conference the killing of more than 100,000 people in Indonesia and the destruction of the left movement in that country. The 1965–66 massacre of members and sympathisers of the Indonesian Communist Party (Partai Komunis Indonesia, pki) in Indonesia ushered in the authoritarian New Order regime under General Suharto, marking a realignment in Cold War politics. This article examines the battle to represent Indonesia by two competing delegations at the Tricontinental Conference and the materials left behind as traces of Cold War era social movements and tricontinentalism. The aim of the article is twofold. Drawing on archival research, oral history interviews, ego-documents, and ethnographic observations, the article consists of a partial reconstruction of the Indonesian intervention at the Tricontinental Conference, arguably the last public, international intervention by Indonesian leftists. The second part of the article examines the archives, broadly defined, used in the reconstruction and the research process itself, given the contested nature of these memories. In so doing, the article illustrates how the end of the Cold War, the rise of new media and technologies, and democratisation in Indonesia have contributed to the transmission of memories of this past to audiences in and outside of Indonesia.

An Argumentative Discourse Analysis of the Newspaper Editorial “The 9/30 Tragedy”

Academic studies on newspaper discourse have focused primarily on the structure of news items. Research on an argumentative discourse of newspaper editorials is understudied. By using the sociocognitive theory of knowledge and opinion as the theoretical basis, this article aims to analyze the argumentative discourse constructed in “The 9/30 Tragedy” editorial published in The Jakarta Post and to discuss whether the arguments in the text constitute knowledge or solely opinions of the editorial team on the defunct Indonesian Communist Party (PKI). The eclectic research method used the pragma-dialectical model of argumentation supported by intertextuality and vocabulary analysis. The findings reveal that the editorial has a standpoint that the tragedy of September 30, 1965, has led the course of Indonesia’s history for the worst tragedy and that the argumentation is manifested in three stages: confrontational stage, argumentation stage, and concluding stage. Acting as the protagonist, the editorial team maneuvers strategically by quoting other voices and using an evaluative lexical repertoire to support their arguments criticizing Soeharto’s leadership legacy. Overall, the editorial seems to reconstruct mental models for the readers by questioning the reliability of the military-dictated textbooks about the 9/30 Tragedy, thereby reshaping the historical knowledge about the calamity, which is justifiable.

Cues that Matter: The Potential for black campaigns in the 2024 general election

Black campaigns that occurred in 2014 and 2019 also have the potential to emerge in the 2024 general elections in Indonesia. Not only does black campaigning have the potential to create public distrust of a fair electoral process, but it also has the potential to polarize society. This phenomenon has not been scientifically considered in previous studies. This study focuses on the question, "What is the potential for black campaigns that occurred in 2014 and 2019 to emerge in the 2024 general election in Indonesia?" This qualitative study investigates the forms and patterns of black campaign narratives disseminated through online media coverage. The findings of this study show that the black campaign that occurred in 2014 has the same pattern and narrative in 2019. Issues such as the involvement of the Indonesian Communist Party, Race, Human Rights, Radicalism, and Religion became issues that did not appear in the black campaign in the 2014 and 2019 general elections. The patterns and narratives of black campaigns that occurred in 2014 and 2019 can be used as references and preferences in looking at black campaign issues that have the potential to appear in the 2024 general elections. This study also recommends the importance of analyzing the factors that influence the emergence of black campaigns with the same patterns and narratives in 2014 and 2019 that have the potential to appear in the 2024 general elections in Indonesia.

Perancangan Visual Novel Berbasis Sejarah G30S Melalui Pendekatan Multiple Choice Untuk Remaja dan Dewasa

Controversies surrounding the 30th September Movement (G30S) in Indonesia have become sensitive issues, especially concerning the Indonesian Communist Party's (PKI) resurgence. Even after the Era Reformasi, fear and paranoia toward the PKI still exist in society and become politicization subject, which stems from the background of the Orde Baru regime, where the history of G30S were only presented in single version. This limits diverse perspectives and objective information, despite the existence of seven dif erent theories behind G30S. Essentially, this issue arises because of the limited historical references available to the public. So, a media platform is needed that can present multiple perspectives on the G30S events in a coherent narrative. The chosen media for this project is a Visual Novel with multiple-choice approach. This media and method are selected because they provide readers to explore multiple possiblity storyline, covering four dif erent G30S theories. The research method used will involve qualitative data, including literature studies from books, notes, and historical documentation. This data will be corroborated through interviews with experts to confirm its accuracy. Once the data is gathered, the design process will be executed in several stages, analyzed it with experts, and resulting the prototype. The prototype will be tested with user testing sample and refined to reach the final design. This design aims to enhance the historical reference materials to the younger generation, specifically the G30S events, and provide an understanding that multiple historical possibilities can exist. As a result, people will be wiser in responding current phenomena.

Subordination of the Dalang Wayang Krucil in the National Political Constellation

Dalang Wayang Krucil is an important figure in practical political culture in Indonesia. In several areas in Java, especially in East Java, puppeteers are part of political forces that have very significant influence at the grassroot level. Dalang Wayang Kayu is affiliated with several political organizations that influence the ideology of this performance. In the Old Order era, there were two cultural organizations that became the shelter for puppeteers, namely Lekra and LKN. Lekra (People’s Cultural Institute) is a cultural organization under the PKI (Indonesian Communist Party), while LKN (National Cultural Institute) is under the auspices of the PNI (Indonesian National Party). The ideological confrontation between the two mass organizations affected the style of the dalang’s performances. The puppeteers under Lekra perform more populist plays, while the dalangs in LKN perform more within the context of national culture. In its development, the puppeteers, who are members of Lekra, try to close themselves off from the outside world until the end of their lives. Meanwhile, the puppeteers in the LKN continued to work until the New Order era. The subordination of puppeteers to wooden puppets is one of the factors causing the art of wooden puppets to not develop in several areas in Java.
 Keywords: Wayang Krucil, political constellation

Ethnic politics, the Cold War and sub-national dynamics: the Indonesian Communist Party, the ethnic Chinese minority and anti-Chinese activities in West Java, 1949–67

AbstractA growing body of scholarship has examined the intertwining of ideological polarization and inter-ethnic tensions during the Cold War. In this context, increasing attention has been paid to the experiences of the ethnic Chinese in Southeast Asia, and how they were affected by international and national-level developments. Less scrutiny has been given to the role of sub-national forces, despite the fact that patterns of ethnic conflict sometimes varied markedly between different parts of a single country. This article addresses this lacuna via the case study of West Java, Indonesia. The article analyses the relationship between the Indonesian Communist Party (Partai Komunis Indonesia, PKI), Indonesia’s ethnic Chinese population and anti-Chinese agitation in the 1950s and 1960s. International and national forces encouraged closer relations between the PKI and some ethnic Chinese Indonesians through the 1950s. From the late 1950s to the mid-1960s there were also recurrent episodes of anti-Chinese harassment, driven primarily by anti-communist groups. The strength of the anti-communist coalition within West Java helped make the province the epicentre of anti-Chinese agitation during crises in 1959–60 and 1963. Yet shifts in the configuration of military and political forces in the region meant anti-Chinese actions in West Java during the contentious period 1965–67 were less severe than in some other provinces. Overall the article highlights the need to consider the interaction of not only international and national processes but also sub-national regional dynamics when analysing the relationship between Cold War polarization and inter-ethnic conflict.

The Portrayal of Women in the Works of Sugiarti Siswadi as the Manifestation of Lekra and Gerwani Ideology

Sugiarti Siswadi was regarded as one of the most influential writers in Indonesia during the 1950s and 1960s. She was also known as an activist in the Lembaga Kebudayaan Rakyat (People’s Cultural Institute-Lekra) and Gerakan Wanita Indonesia (Indonesian Women’s Movement-Gerwani), both of which were closely associated with the now-defunct Indonesian Communist Party (PKI). This study analyzes three of Sugiarti’s short stories: “Jang Kesepian” (The Lonely One; 1960), “Anak2 Muda” (Young People; 1961), and “Si Udin Ketua Klas” (Udin, Class Captain; 1961). The three stories, published in Api Kartini magazine, address issues about the family as a social institution. Through the plot and characterization of these stories, Sugiarti dismantles and reverses gender roles to express her views as an activist and a woman. This study shows that these stories do not put male and female characters into binary opposition. We argue that the three stories reflect Sugiarti’s agency in extending her feminist ideas seen through the perspective of a Lekra/Gerwani activist. As such, she enriched gender discourse in Indonesia during the 1950s and 1960s, a recurring theme in her works.

The G30S/PKI in modern Indonesian novels by post-reformation women authors

Politics (facts) and literature (fiction) are two things that both exist and are needed by society. The two are also often linked together. The specific relationship between politics understood as a way of doing things and literature understood as a practical form of writing. This study uses a qualitative descriptive design to trace the re-interpretation of political facts in modern Indonesian novels written during the post-reform era. The research data sources are post-reform novels published in modern Indonesian literature that reinterpret political facts. These political facts can be found through the thematic aspects, the mindset and actions of the characters, the arrangement of the plot (conflict), and descriptions of the story setting which are integral to the whole fictional story. The determination of novels to be used as data sources is based on the following considerations: (a) novels that re-interpret political facts related to the historical events of the 30 September 1965 Movement, (b) novels published during the post-reform era (2000s and above), and (c) novels written by female authors are of a generation that did not directly experience the events of the 30 September 1965 Movement. The results of the study are as follows. First, the political facts expressed in the novel, namely (a) the kidnapping and murder of seven generals, (b) the Cakrabirawa elite troops, (c) the kidnapping and murder of people who were considered to be part of the Indonesian Communist Party, (d) detention on the island Buru, (e) granting status as a descendant of the PKI, and (f) abolishing citizenship status for students studying in certain countries deemed to be affiliated with the communist party. Second, the reinterpretation of historical facts in the novel, namely (a) related to the journey of the past, (b) part of the journey of Indonesian history, (c) understanding from the human side, and (d) choices and awareness of the journey of life in the future. It is hoped that the results of the research can be implemented in teaching literature in schools and the wider community through scientific forums in an effort to socialize the possibility of using modern literary works as a source of historical information to support efforts to understand Indonesian history. If used critically and combined with other sources, novels that actualize and reinterpret political facts can be used as a source of knowledge and understanding of the nation's history. Keywords: political facts, reinterpretation, G30S/PKI movement, modern Indonesian novels

The Conflict Between the Soekarnoism Support Agency and the Indonesian Communist Party in 1964

This study aims to find out how the dynamics of the old order press, especially the conflict between the Soekarnoism Support Agency and the Indonesian Communist Party in 1964. The method used in this study is the historical method by applying the following steps: (1) Heuristics, (2) Criticism, (3) Interpretation, and (4) Historiography. The use of historical sources in this study in the form of documents, archives, newspapers, books and journals can be accounted for for their validity. The result of this research is the dominance of the Indonesian Communist Party (PKI) in the national political constellation during the Guided Democracy period. It was feared that President Soekarno's closeness to the PKI could influence Indonesian politics. Therefore, several journalists, including Sayuti Melik, established a journalistic organization called the Soekarnoism Support Agency with the aim of stemming the PKI in the national political arena. Through a series of articles written by Sayuti Melik entitled Learning to Understand Soekarnoism, BPS fought back against the PKI by publishing articles in all press offices of BPS members.

Propaganda and Political Memes on Social Media in the 2019 Indonesian Presidential Election

Political memes colored the 2019 Indonesian presidential election campaign on social media. Political memes have become one of the propaganda strategies to influence public opinion to gain political support from the public before the presidential election. This study aims to analyze and understand political memes as a medium of political propaganda in the 2019 Indonesian presidential election. This study uses critical discourse analysis to uncover the meaning behind the text. The data collection technique uses documentation in the form of political memes of the two presidential candidates, both in images and political symbols scattered on social media in the January – March 2019 period. Furthermore, the data will be analyzed using Fairclough's critical discourse analysis model to find out the meaning of the text. This study indicates that social media plays an essential role in political communication in the 2019 presidential election campaign. Social media is a cheap and fast means of spreading political memes that reach potential voters widely and massively. Through political memes, Joko Widodo often talks about having links with the Indonesian Communist Party. Meanwhile, Prabowo Subianto is often spoken of by his political opponents as a supporter of the caliphate in Indonesia. These political memes are used as political propaganda to construct or deconstruct political presidential candidates' discourse and build or damage the reputation of presidential candidates to influence public opinion.

The Body Politics of Gendered Subjects in Indonesian Post-Reform Films

The phenomenon of power, exercised through the issue of gender and sexuality, is represented in Indonesia along with different regimes. However, the gendered body becomes the target of experienced body politics. Thus, this article aims at investigating the body politics of the gendered subjects as revealed in Indonesian Post-Reform films entitled The Dancer (Sang Penari) and Memories of My Body (Kucumbu Tubuh Indahku). This study used the narrative method by applying Yuval-Davis’ theory. Through these two films, this paper argues that the intersection of gender and sexuality leads to the othering process of the gendered body through the notion of the Indonesian Communist Party (PKI). Further, the ambivalence construction of motherhood, which essentially deals with femininity, is practised toward the gendered bodies. However, the power relation positions the gendered subjects paradoxically by mystifying their body and also demystifying their existence. This shifting is operated under altered discourse in different regimes. Further, biopower is exercised not only by regulating the body but also by subjugating them through sexual slander. Indeed, it leads them to be demonized as PKI regarding the regime’s agenda in maintaining the Indonesian collective trauma of the 1965 Genocide. However, the gendered subjects define themselves as a subject through their agency by submitting to the master narrative.

SUARA PEREMPUAN DALAM LAGU PADUAN SUARA DIALITA

<p>The women, who survived the 1965 tragedy and had been political prisoners because they were thought to have ties to the Indonesian Communist Party, had been silenced for a long time. Those female survivors then spoke through songs in the Dialita Choir. What they do is a form of women’s writing which is an attempt to include women in historical narratives. This study aims to analyze their act as a form of feminine writing that can be seen through the lyrics of a song sung by the Dialita Choir. The lyrics from the Dialita Choir are treated as text. The analysis in this study uses a feminist perspective with a critical discourse analysis approach. This study found that written songs became a coping mechanism for them while being arrested.</p>

Bilateral Relations Between Indonesia and China in The Era of President SBY's Administration

This study discusses the effect of China's economic revival on Indonesia's foreign policy orientation. Historically, the relationship between China and Indonesia, which had been severed in 1965 due to ideological conflicts and Indonesia's suspicion of China's support for the Indonesian communist party (PKI), has now been re-establish since the 1990s, which began with China's economic growth. Foreign policy is often caused by a combination of unexpected external forces with unfavorable structural factors. The continued stalemate in China-Indonesia bilateral relations has equally serious consequences for China. China's diplomatic failure against Indonesia has cost China, and that loss cannot be offset by the diplomatic gains generated by the opening of new relations with other ASEAN countries. This study tries to discuss this situation in depth using several approaches to find two variables that become the topic of this thesis: the rise of the Chinese economy and its influence on Indonesia's foreign policy. This research found that Indonesia's bilateral relations with China under the leadership of President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono ran normatively and without significant fluctuations.

Power Consolidation of Jokowi's Administration: The Role of the Social Media and Political Issues in Indonesian Democracy

Joko Widodo (Jokowi) is the first Indonesian Democratic President elected by the peripheral people and not the elite. Jokowi is the only Indonesian President that is not the leader of any political party. Therefore, the President was faced with the issues of power consolidation in the initial administrative years. Some professional elites failed the President because they assumed a possible overthrown. During the presidential election in 2019 with Prabowo Subianto, Jokowi took K. H. Ma'ruf Amien as a vice presidential candidate and was attacked by China and the Indonesian Communist Party (ICP/PKI). However, Jokowi was re-elected for the second period (2019-2024) due to his close relationship with Indonesians, which is different from other presidents.
 
 Received: 23 August 2021 / Accepted: 24 November 2021 / Published: 3 January 2022

Keepers of the Grave: Ritual Guides, Ghosts, and Hidden Narratives in Indonesian History

The 1965 killings in Indonesia brought about the incarceration, disappearances, and deaths of 500,000 to one million alleged members of the Indonesian Communist Party. This article concentrates on several suspected mass graves in Central Java reputed to have supernatural energy emanating from the violent deaths of the individuals buried there. These sites also have gatekeepers or juru kunci bridging the living and the spirits inhabiting these spaces. This research asks, How do these sites, through their juru kunci, elucidate a past which continues to be silenced? I posit that through contact with the souls of the executed, these gatekeepers utilize an ethereal connection to subvert the state’s enforced silence. These sites also provide a ritual space transforming these ghosts into ancestors worthy of remembrance. By reclaiming the identities of those murdered, the living and the dead can achieve a kind of localized spiritual reconciliation.

Anti-Communism Politics

This research tried to raise the issue of communism regarding anti-communist politics in the perception of the Indonesian Anti-Communist Front of Yogyakarta City and its strategy to understand and the movement of communism. This field research with a qualitative approach in this research is outlined using qualitative descriptive methods. The research findings showed that the Indonesian Anti-Communist Front of Yogyakarta City has a strategy of resistance to communism by organizing rallies and even rallies always collaborating with other nationalist community organizations. FAKI Yogyakarta also always holds an annual event that commemorates Pancasila day by watching G30S/PKI films together to grow the nation's knowledge, especially the younger generation of strategy. The next is to oversee discussions that smell communist and views on politics and religion, The Discourse of the Indonesian Anti-Communist Front Yogyakarta city given the political movement of communism is In the power struggle my words about the Indonesian Communist Party is the goal of justifying various ways to achieve the desire for power (Politics), the goal of justifying all means. The discourse of the Indonesian Anti-Communist Front of Yogyakarta city views communist social viewpoints and beliefs consistent with its historical methods. Communists view religion as a result of the history of human development. Based on historical materialism, the beginning of religion was designed by man as an institution containing all aspects of goodness, beauty, justice, and the realm of Communists viewing religion as a human creation. Religion is an imaginary world. Communism, which has a very heinous problem with theology, causes distrust of God and even causes them to be anti-God, anti-Religion, and even aggressive towards religious groups. But part of the Indonesian Communist Party cadre is Islamic, so what the Indonesian Anti-Communist Front says does not represent a diverse reality about PKI and communism.

SANTRI AND ABANGAN AFTER A HALF CENTURY OF CLIFFORD GEERTZ

This research paper analyzes the religious phenomenon of culture in Modjokuto or Pare, where Geertz carried out his thesis on the "Religion of Java." Although there are many pesantrens in Modjokuto, there is still a religious tradition associated with Kejawen as a local belief, particularly among rural Muslim farmers. Javanese mysticism, however, plays an important part in muslim abangan. Some rural villages in Modjokuto, both NU and Muhammadiyah, are not very distinct in religious tradition. They have performed slametan, tahlilan, and ziarah as religious rituals. Kejawen's teachings are more observed by traditionalist Moslems in Modjokuto, who commonly refer to abangan as the categorization of Islam in Java. Some claim that abangan refers to the proletarian class and former followers or founders of the Indonesian Communist Party (PKI). Some also said that Islam abangan means adherents of the teachings of Sunan Kalijaga, Syech Siti Jenar, and all the descendants of Sufi masters. In addition, we cannot argue that since the reformation of Indonesia, Islam in Java has changed and has gone forward in a number of ways. As a result, this research paper is trying to explore Islam abangan and its resurgence in detail. I recognize that the resurgence of Islam abangan in Java is somehow intended to address the increasing radicalism and Islamic sectarian. Using an anthropological approach, this research paper attempts to explore what Geertz examined in the "Religion of Java" after a half-century, which needs to be re-examined in the context of contemporary Indonesia.